This dissertation investigates the representation of the image of the stone in poems by four modern Latin-American poets. To do this, I selected one key poem by Carlos Drummond de Andrade, João Cabral de Melo Neto, Pablo Neruda, and Octavio Paz. Based on pertinent principles of literary criticism and analysis, I perform close readings of each of these texts. Despite the use of the same image, the semantic results in each poem present significant variation. That is my starting point for discussions of related historical and theoretical issues such as critical reception, value, ("No meio do caminho" by Drummond), the representation of the lyrical speaker, imagery, metapoetry, ("A educação pela pedra" by João Cabral), the role of the history in poetry, the manipulation of literary sources, (Poema XVII by Pablo Neruda), the concept of "logos" and the relationship between poetry and myth ("Como las piedras del Principio" by Octavio Paz). The basic goal of this dissertation is to put into practice critical and theoretical approaches that optimize the reading of poetry. / text

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Erik Satie fut toujours considéré comme un personnage énigmatique dans le monde musical français au tournant du siècle dernier. Sa personnalité marginale et ses œuvres dépouillées aux titres étranges ont maintes fois suscité questionnements et polémique. En 1917, Erik Satie écrivit une œuvre qui ne ressembla aucunement au répertoire antérieur du compositeur. Socrate, qui fut représenté publiquement pour la première fois en janvier 1920 à la Société Nationale de Paris, laissa le public et la critique perplexe et mitigé. Qu’avait donc de si particulier cette œuvre qui, d’un côté, passa pour une blague mais qui, pour certains dont le compositeur lui-même, fut considérée comme une manifestation pure de sagesse et de sincérité ? Socrate fut conçu au même moment où Satie entretenait des liens étroits avec le monde cubiste. Pablo Picasso et Georges Braque furent désormais les maîtres d’un courant artistique qui allait révolutionner le monde artistique. De concert avec les valeurs avant-gardistes prônées par Erik Satie, les cubistes cherchèrent à bousculer les attentes du public en modifiant l’approche visuelle de manière à stimuler les différentes perceptions sensorielles. Avec le ballet Parade, représenté en mai 1917, le compositeur collabora avec Picasso et ceci eût grandement influencé son style musical puisqu’il employa des techniques se rapprochant grandement du cubisme. Comme le soutient Daniel Albright, Satie trouva dans le cubisme son analogue artistique. Selon moi, outre Parade, Erik Satie bénéficiera de l’esthétique cubiste pour développer son œuvre Socrate. Cette thèse se concentre sur la signification de l’œuvre Socrate, plus particulièrement comment celle-ci pourrait représenter un autoportrait d’Erik Satie. De surcroît, elle examine comment cette représentation est camouflée derrière des méthodes cubistes traduites musicalement. La thèse s’appuie sur une littérature variée portant sur divers sujets relatant Socrate, dont la biographie du compositeur et sa relation avec des réseaux artistiques, intellectuels et sociaux. Cette thèse est la première étude d’envergure à suggérer une possibilité d’autoportrait cubiste musical puisque peu d’auteurs se sont attardés à résoudre cette problématique. Cette thèse décrit comment Socrate est une manifestation personnelle de sincérité et d’humilité d’un compositeur qui, persécuté tout au long de sa vie, se dévoila aux yeux de tous par le recours à cette figure emblématique de l’histoire : Socrate.

Nas últimas décadas, a memória tornou-se um tema de preocupação política central em todo mundo. A produção da memória concretiza-se pelo entrecruzamento de distintas forças sociais que disputam a legitimidade de enunciar os discursos acerca dos acontecimentos do tempo passado. Desse modo, as discussões em torno da elaboração das narrativas de memória têm escapado dos limites da disciplina histórica. Cada vez mais, esse espaço vem sendo ocupado por investigações oriundas de diversas disciplinas e também por outros agentes culturais que se voltam para o passado e para a memória com interesses distintos aos dos historiadores. Um dos veículos produtores dessas narrativas alternativas sobre o passado com maior adesão popular são os meios audiovisuais, especialmente as obras cinematográficas. Na América Latina, após o fim das ditaduras instaladas das décadas de 1960, 1970, que deixaram um legado de violações de direitos humanos em vários países, a memória tornou-se um espaço de disputa e de reconstrução das identidades nacionais. Esta pesquisa busca investigar qual o potencial das obras cinematográficas para intervir na construção de um processo de memória suplementar aos processos de memória oficial. A investigação está concentrada nos contextos do Brasil e do Chile. Partindo das produções fílmicas dos cineastas Lúcia Murat e Pablo Larraín, este trabalho busca analisar como os filmes produzidos por eles, que recriam nas telas as ditaduras brasileira e chilena, atuam no processo de construção das narrativas sobre as experiências ditatoriais, contribuindo assim para os processos de reparação histórica em andamento na atualidade nesses países. / In recent decades, the memory has become a central policy concern all over the world. The production of memory takes place through different social forces that disput the legitimacy of stating the public discourses about the past time. Thus, the production of narratives about the past has escaped from the limits of the historical discipline and, increasingly, other disciplines and cultural agents who turn to the past with distinct interests than historians have occupied this space of investigation. One of producing vehicles of such alternative narratives about the past is the audiovisual with large popular accession, especially cinematographic works. In Latin America, after the end of the dictatorships installed in the 1960s, 1970s, which left a legacy of human rights violations in various countries, the memory became an area of dispute and reconstruction of national identities. This research investigates which are the film's potential to intervene in the construction of an additional memory to the process of construction of the official memory. This research is concentrated in the cases of Brazil and Chile. Starting from the filmic productions of filmmakers Lucia Murat and Pablo Larraín, this paper analyzes how the films produced by them, that recreate the Brazilian and Chilean dictatorships, act in the construction of narratives about the dictatorial experiences, thereby contributing to building the historical repair processes.

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¿Por qué puede sentir un director o una directora de cine la necesidad de protagonizar una película que narra su propia historia traumática? ¿Por qué esa historia, la experiencia de sobrevida de un familiar directo de un detenido desaparecido no puede contarse ni a través de la pura ficción, ni a través del puro documental, sino que requiere de una suerte de género “híbrido”? ¿Cuáles son los mecanismos discursivos que articulan el lenguaje de este género? ¿Y de qué necesidad expresiva da cuenta? ¿Podemos postular que esta forma corresponde a una estética de la memoria? Y, de ser así, ¿por qué dicha estética aparece vinculada a una práctica, a una suerte de performance autobiográfica? Estas son las preguntas que orientan el trabajo aquí propuesto; preguntas que surgen ante los largometrajes Imagen Latente (Chile, 1988), de Pablo Perelman, y Los Rubios (Argentina, 2003), de Albertina Carri.

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Nas últimas décadas, a memória tornou-se um tema de preocupação política central em todo mundo. A produção da memória concretiza-se pelo entrecruzamento de distintas forças sociais que disputam a legitimidade de enunciar os discursos acerca dos acontecimentos do tempo passado. Desse modo, as discussões em torno da elaboração das narrativas de memória têm escapado dos limites da disciplina histórica. Cada vez mais, esse espaço vem sendo ocupado por investigações oriundas de diversas disciplinas e também por outros agentes culturais que se voltam para o passado e para a memória com interesses distintos aos dos historiadores. Um dos veículos produtores dessas narrativas alternativas sobre o passado com maior adesão popular são os meios audiovisuais, especialmente as obras cinematográficas. Na América Latina, após o fim das ditaduras instaladas das décadas de 1960, 1970, que deixaram um legado de violações de direitos humanos em vários países, a memória tornou-se um espaço de disputa e de reconstrução das identidades nacionais. Esta pesquisa busca investigar qual o potencial das obras cinematográficas para intervir na construção de um processo de memória suplementar aos processos de memória oficial. A investigação está concentrada nos contextos do Brasil e do Chile. Partindo das produções fílmicas dos cineastas Lúcia Murat e Pablo Larraín, este trabalho busca analisar como os filmes produzidos por eles, que recriam nas telas as ditaduras brasileira e chilena, atuam no processo de construção das narrativas sobre as experiências ditatoriais, contribuindo assim para os processos de reparação histórica em andamento na atualidade nesses países. / In recent decades, the memory has become a central policy concern all over the world. The production of memory takes place through different social forces that disput the legitimacy of stating the public discourses about the past time. Thus, the production of narratives about the past has escaped from the limits of the historical discipline and, increasingly, other disciplines and cultural agents who turn to the past with distinct interests than historians have occupied this space of investigation. One of producing vehicles of such alternative narratives about the past is the audiovisual with large popular accession, especially cinematographic works. In Latin America, after the end of the dictatorships installed in the 1960s, 1970s, which left a legacy of human rights violations in various countries, the memory became an area of dispute and reconstruction of national identities. This research investigates which are the film's potential to intervene in the construction of an additional memory to the process of construction of the official memory. This research is concentrated in the cases of Brazil and Chile. Starting from the filmic productions of filmmakers Lucia Murat and Pablo Larraín, this paper analyzes how the films produced by them, that recreate the Brazilian and Chilean dictatorships, act in the construction of narratives about the dictatorial experiences, thereby contributing to building the historical repair processes.

Although drug trafficking organizations (DTOs) exist and have an effect on health, crime, economies, and politics, little research has explored these entities as political organizations. Legal interest groups and movements have been found to influence domestic and international politics because they operate within legal parameters. Illicit groups, such as DTOs, have rarely been accounted for—especially in the literature on interest groups—though they play a measurable role in affecting domestic and international politics in similar ways. Using an interest group model, this dissertation analyzed DTOs as illicit interest groups (IIGs) to explain their political influence. The analysis included a study of group formation, development, and demise that examined IIG motivation, organization, and policy impact. The data for the study drew from primary and secondary sources, which include interviews with former DTO members and government officials, government documents, journalistic accounts, memoirs, and academic research. To illustrate the interest group model, the study examined Medellin-based DTO leaders, popularly known as the “Medellin Cartel.” In particular, the study focused on the external factors that gave rise to DTOs in Colombia and how Medellin DTOs reacted to the implementation of counternarcotics efforts. The discussion was framed by the implementation of the 1979 Extradition Treaty negotiated between Colombia and the United States. The treaty was significant because as drug trafficking became the principal bilateral issue in the 1980s; extradition became a major method of combating the illicit drug business. The study’s findings suggested that Medellin DTO leaders had a one-issue agenda and used a variety of political strategies to influence public opinion and all three branches of government—the judicial, the legislative, and the executive—in an effort to invalidate the 1979 Extradition Treaty. The changes in the life cycle of the 1979 Extradition Treaty correlated with changes in the political power of Medellin-based DTOs vis-à-vis the Colombian government, and international forces such as the U.S. government’s push for tougher counternarcotics efforts.