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The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers
to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is
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Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
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Showing 211 to 218 of 218 (0.012 seconds)| 211 |
Odštěpené subjekty od KSČ(M) / Break away parties of KSČ(M)Zítek, Michal January 2011 (has links)
Annotation: Michal Zítek: Break aways parties of KSČ(M) The aim was to provide a comprehensive view of the political entities that arose by splitting from the KSČ(M). Labour will introduce the development of individual and maternal conditions that give rise to the emergence of new parties. Work presents the development of individual parties, their basic program points, and leading figures.
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Participation politique et légitimité de l'Etat: de l'instrumentalisation de l'ethnicité par les partis sous la transition politique congolaise / Political participation and state legitimacy: about the ethnicity instrumentalisation by the political parties under congolese transitionAundu Matsanza, Guy 04 December 2009 (has links)
L'Etat en Afrique tire ses origines de l'extérieur. Il a longtemps tourné ses préoccupations vers la défense des intérets étrangers et sous la colonisation, les communautés ethniques locales sur lesquelles il exerçait son autorité n'ont jamais été véritablement représentées dans ses structures fondées sur la contrainte. Cet Etat apparait comme artificiel à cause de sa source de légitimité et de son modèle d'autorité.<p>Mais, le processus d'indépendance a enclenché une ère où il est observé un consentement à son existence et une nouvelle légitimité est accordée à ses structures.<p>L'étude analyse l'un de ces instruments par lesquels cet Etat, incarné et conservé par le "sommet" sans lien direct avec la base (notamment les communautés ethniques), parvient à nouer des relations avec celle-ci de manière à s'octroyer une nouvelle légitimité.<p>Cette étude porte donc sur les facteurs utilisés dans le système politique, le régime, le mode ou la procédure d'exercice du pouvoir afin d'améliorer la relation de l'Etat avec sa société. Elle s'intéresse au role de l'ethnicité dans la participation politique qu'animent les partis pour comprendre la légitimité de l'Etat issu de la colonisation auprès des citoyens (autochtones) qui le rejetaient autrefois./<p>The state in Africa draws its origins from outside. It turned a long time its concerns towards the foreign interests defenses and under colonization, the local ethnic communities on which it exerted its authority never were truly represented in its structures founded on the constraint. This State appears artificial because of its source of legitimacy and its model of authority.<p>But, the independence process engaged one era where it is observed an assent with its existence and a new legitimacy is granted to its structures.<p>The study analyzes one of these instruments by which this State, incarnated and preserved by the "top" without direct link with the base (in particular ethnic communities), manages to tie relations with this one so as to grant a new legitimacy.<p>This study ralates to the factors used in the political system, the mode or the procedure of power exercise in order to improve the relation of the State with its society. It is interested in the ethnicity role in the political participation which the parties animate in order to understand the (African)State legitimacy near the citizens (autochtones) who rejected it formely (colonization period). / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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La représentation politique de la minorité hongroise de Roumanie: l'Alliance Démocrate Hongroise de RoumanieHorvãth, Réka 14 November 2006 (has links)
Dans ma thèse j’analyse l’Alliance Démocrate Hongroise de Roumanie (RMDSZ, UDMR, DAHR), l’organisation qui a représenté la minorité hongroise de Roumanie dans le Parlement de la Roumanie entre 1990-2004. La troisième partie de la thèse qui contient l’analyse de l’Alliance Démocrate Hongroise de Roumanie se structure autour des sujets suivants :l’émergence de l’UDMR ;les résultats électoraux de l’UDMR; les relations qui se sont établies entre l’UDMR et les partis politiques roumaines, les partis politiques de Hongrie, les organisations internationales; les changements des programmes de l’UDMR; l’autonomie; la structure de l’UDMR; les initiatives législatives de l’UDMR; la vie interne de l’UDMR. <p>La thèse contient aussi une mis en perspective historique, le recensement et la brève analyse des organisations et des partis qui entre 1920-1989 ont voulu représenter la minorité hongroise de Roumanie. La thèse inclut également un chapitre qui analyse les revendications liées à l’enseignement en langue hongroise des partis/des organisations hongroise entre 1920-2004.<p><p>The thesis analyses UDMR (RMDSZ/DAHR), the organization that represented the Hungarian minority in the Romanian Parliament between 1990-2004. The third part consists of the analysis of the DAHR and it has as guidelines the following themes: the establishing of DAHR; the electoral results of DAHR; the relationship between DAHR and the Romanian political parties; the relationship between DAHR and the political parties from Hungary; DAHR and the international organizations; the changes of the DAHR’s program; autonomy; the structure of DAHR; the legislative drafts of DAHR; the internal life of DAHR. <p>The thesis speaks also about the organizations/parties that have been representing the Hungarians in the political life of Romania between 1920-1989. In the same time, the last chapter analyses the demands of the Hungarian organizations/parties regarding the education in the Hungarian language at all levels, demands from the period of 1920-2004. <p> / Doctorat en sciences politiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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The Implementation of a State Monitoring and Surveillance Program: What Factors Influence the State Policy?Lawrence-Jackson, Kywaii K 15 December 2012 (has links)
This study examines state variations in health care services for children with Autism and other developmental disabilities across the fifty states through the Autism and Developmental Disabilities Monitoring Network (ADDM). The ADDM network monitors and tracks the number of children with Autism and other developmental disabilities. The purpose of this study is, first, to understand the differences between the states in the implementation of the ADDM network and, second, to determine what state factors (political variable, i.e., party identification; structural administrative variables, i.e., Medicaid Home and Community Based Service Waiver, HCBS (Section1915C) and the number of pediatricians per 10,000 children; Autism prevalence variable, i.e., Autism among children in special education per 10,000 children; and state economic variables, i.e., spending per pupil for children with Autism in special education, children in poverty, and state financial health) influence the likelihood of a state applying for the ADDM network. Furthermore, the purpose of this study is to consider the potential impact of these various state characteristics in order to understand what state factors might contribute to such differences. The results reveal that structural administrative and economic factors influence a state’s decision to apply for the ADDM network. Furthermore, political factors (e.g., Democratic party control of governorship and legislature) did not influence a state’s decision to apply for the ADDM network. However, when controlling for Republican political party identification, the structural administrative, economic, and political (Republican-controlled legislature) state characteristics influence whether a state applying for the ADDM network. The results indicate that political party control does not play a significant role in determining whether a state will apply for the ADDM network. In expanding the research, to include another structural administrative factor (prior application), political party control (i.e., Republican-controlled legislature) was no longer significant. Thus, the bureaucratic environment is not influencing the actions of state administrators. Instead the individual characteristics of the state is influencing whether a state will apply for the ADDM network. Understanding the differences between the states in the implementation of the ADDM network provides a comprehensive model for establishing the ADDM network or similar programs in other states.
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Politický marketing hnutí ANO a strany TOP 09 ve volbách do Poslanecké sněmovny 2017, politický marketing hnutí ANO a koalice strany TOP 09 a hnutí STAN ve volbách do Evropského parlamentu 2019: komparativní studie / The political marketing of ANO and TOP 09 in the Elections to the Chamber of Deputies of the Czech Republic in 2017, the political marketing of ANO and the coalition of TOP 09 and STAN to the European Parliament elections in 2019: the comparative studyPosejpalová, Pavlína January 2022 (has links)
This diploma thesis deals with the political marketing of selected political entities on the czech political scene. Primary goal is to analyze and furthermore compare political marketing of ANO and TOP 09 in before of elections to the Chamber of deputies in year 2017 and ANO and the coalition of TOP 09 and STAN in before the elections to European parliament in year 2019. Partial goal of this thesis is to understand the difference between parliamentary elections and European elections, ie first and second order elections, but also to understand differences in financing campaings in before mentioned elections. From the point of view of metodologyis this diploma thesis is drafted as a comparative case study examining two different elections in the Czech Republic. Theoretical part will introduce the concept of political marketing, chosen model of political marketing, election campaings and the concept of first and second order elections. Analytical part will provide deeper analysis of election campaings of chosen subjects. Campaings will be compared at the end of this thesis.
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Strength in a weakened state : interpreting Hizb’allah's experiences as a social movement and governing coalition in Lebanon 1985-2013Bernhoff, Arthur January 2015 (has links)
This study investigates Hizb'allah's successful but competing dual development as an extra-institutional Shi'a social movement and an institutional political party. Hizb'allah has traditionally been studied from the perspective of one of its many natures, such as a social movement, Islamic movement, resistance, or political party, each perspective bringing with it limitations and differing interpretations of its identity, motivations, and success. The motivation behind this research was to seek an interpretation of the movement's development and success that would encompass these multiple natures. Through an interpretation of social movement ‘life-cycles', a social movement ‘development model' is proposed that accounts for contradicting theories on the ‘success' of social movements, interpreting success instead as an ability to exhibit simultaneous institutional and extra-institutional natures. The hypothesis provided in this work is that it is an ability to simultaneously exhibit institutional and extra-institutional natures that can be a source of strength and success for a movement, drawing capital from both while avoiding accountability that typically accompanies institutional politics. This challenges traditional theoretical approaches in terms of linear life-cycles with few paths for the social movement to choose from. In turn, questions arise regarding notions of social movement life-cycles being uni-directional, continuously progressing towards ‘institutionalization' or demise. Ideas of an ‘end-date' or ‘inevitable outcome' of social movements are also confronted. This interdisciplinary study is conducted by means of media, archival, and empirical research (participant observation, interviews, and surveys), focusing on changing constituent perceptions of the movement between 1985 and 2013. It is also argued that Hizb'allah's strength is its ability to draw from both extra-institutional and institutional resources while simultaneously avoiding accountability. However, it was also found that, by forming the 2011 governing coalition, the movement upset this balance by subjecting itself to accountability inherent in governance, in turn leading to ‘schizophrenic behaviour' as Hizb'allah sought to serve conflicting constituent and state interests. The significance of this research is that it not only provides an explanation for Hizb'allah's success, but also provides an interpretation of social movement development that accounts for multi-natured movements.
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Societal cleavages and institutional change in Canada : retention, reform and removal of nominee councilsHicks, Bruce M. 12 1900 (has links)
En concevant que toute société a deux clivages dominants, l’un social et l’autre partisan, cette thèse développe une théorie sur le changement institutionnel. L’hypothèse initiale, selon laquelle les groupes sociaux créés par le premier clivage agiront pour restreindre le changement institutionnel et que le changement aura lieu lors de l’émergence d’un groupe partisan capable de croiser le clivage social, fut testée par les processus traçant les changements qui furent proposés et qui ont eu lieu au sein des conseils nominés en Amérique du Nord britannique. Ces conseils furent modifiés un bon nombre de fois, devenant les chambres secondaires de législatures provinciales avant d’être éventuellement abolies. La preuve supporte l’hypothèse, bien qu’il ne soit pas suffisant d’avoir un groupe partisan qui puisse croiser le clivage qui mène le changement : un débat partisan sur le changement est nécessaire. Ceci remet aussi en cause la théorie prédominante selon laquelle les clivages sociaux mènent à la formation de partis politiques, suggérant qu’il est plus bénéfique d’utiliser ces deux clivages pour l’étude des institutions. / By conceiving of any society as having two dominant cleavages, one ‘social’ and one ‘partisan’, this dissertation develops a theory on institutional change. The initial hypothesis that social groups created by the former will act to restrain institutional change and that change will occur when a partisan group emerges that can cross the social cleavage was tested by processes tracing the changes which were proposed and which occurred to the appointed councils established in British North America. These councils were modified a number of times, becoming second chambers in the provincial legislatures, and were eventually each abolished. The evidence found supports the hypothesis, though it is not sufficient to have a partisan group that can cross the cleavage drive change, a partisan debate over the change was necessary. This also challenges the prevailing theory that social cleavages lead to political party formation, suggesting the benefit of using these two cleavages for the study of institutions.
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Societal cleavages and institutional change in Canada : retention, reform and removal of nominee councilsHicks, Bruce M. 12 1900 (has links)
En concevant que toute société a deux clivages dominants, l’un social et l’autre partisan, cette thèse développe une théorie sur le changement institutionnel. L’hypothèse initiale, selon laquelle les groupes sociaux créés par le premier clivage agiront pour restreindre le changement institutionnel et que le changement aura lieu lors de l’émergence d’un groupe partisan capable de croiser le clivage social, fut testée par les processus traçant les changements qui furent proposés et qui ont eu lieu au sein des conseils nominés en Amérique du Nord britannique. Ces conseils furent modifiés un bon nombre de fois, devenant les chambres secondaires de législatures provinciales avant d’être éventuellement abolies. La preuve supporte l’hypothèse, bien qu’il ne soit pas suffisant d’avoir un groupe partisan qui puisse croiser le clivage qui mène le changement : un débat partisan sur le changement est nécessaire. Ceci remet aussi en cause la théorie prédominante selon laquelle les clivages sociaux mènent à la formation de partis politiques, suggérant qu’il est plus bénéfique d’utiliser ces deux clivages pour l’étude des institutions. / By conceiving of any society as having two dominant cleavages, one ‘social’ and one ‘partisan’, this dissertation develops a theory on institutional change. The initial hypothesis that social groups created by the former will act to restrain institutional change and that change will occur when a partisan group emerges that can cross the social cleavage was tested by processes tracing the changes which were proposed and which occurred to the appointed councils established in British North America. These councils were modified a number of times, becoming second chambers in the provincial legislatures, and were eventually each abolished. The evidence found supports the hypothesis, though it is not sufficient to have a partisan group that can cross the cleavage drive change, a partisan debate over the change was necessary. This also challenges the prevailing theory that social cleavages lead to political party formation, suggesting the benefit of using these two cleavages for the study of institutions.
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