The aim of the thesis is to reflect on selected modernization reforms of Reza Shah in the first period of the Pahlaví dynasty (1925-1941) from the point of view of women who studied, started families and tried to work in this period. The basic source is women's memoirs published in 2018 in Iran, by Noushin Ahmadi Khorasani. The thesis examines the reaction of women to the Shah's reforms, the consequences of social changes and, more generally, a role these women played in the process of modernization of Iran. The reforms that the work focuses on are related to the position of women in society and have had an immediate impact on their lives: for example, amendments to family laws, education, job opportunities, social activities and the type of clothing. The work is divided into two parts. The theoretical part examines the political and economic background of Iran in the second half of the 19th century and in the early 20th century until the 1940s. It also discusses Reza Shah's government and its plans and reforms for modernizing Iran, and finally the living conditions of Iranian women during this period. It describes the conditions in which they lived, what limitations they faced and what activities they engaged in. In the practical part, it examines in detail the reforms of Reza Shah in the field of...

This thesis examines the nature and dynamics of U.S.-Iran relations during the Cold War under the leadership of U.S. President Richard Nixon, his adviser Henry Kissinger, and Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi of Iran. This revisionist account critically examines the popular view of Mohammad Reza Shah as a mere instrument of American strategies of containment during the Cold War. Relying on recently declassified American documents, British government papers, and the diaries, memoirs and oral histories of Iranian actors, this thesis restores agency to the shah as an autonomous Cold War actor and suggests that Iran evolved from a client to a partner of the United States under the Nixon Doctrine. This partnership was forged during Nixon’s first term in office between 1969 and 1972, as the United States embraced a policy of Iranian primacy in the Persian Gulf region. Thanks to a long-standing friendship with the president, the shah was able to exercise extraordinary influence in the Nixon White House. This partnership reached its peak during Nixon’s second term as the United States supported Iran’s regional primacy against the challenge from Iraq. The shah drew Nixon and Kissinger into Iran’s secret war against Iraq in Kurdistan in 1972, by portraying Iran’s long-standing regional conflict with Iraq as a Cold War confrontation with the Soviet-backed Ba’th regime in Baghdad. When the shah unilaterally decided to abandon the Kurds in a deal with Iraq’s Saddam Hussein in 1975, Kissinger had little choice but to acquiesce, despite the personal embarrassment and domestic recriminations that followed. The U.S.-Iran partnership declined following Watergate and Nixon’s resignation in 1974. In spite of the best efforts of the shah and Kissinger, between 1974 and 1976 the United States and Iran were unable to reach an agreement on U.S. nuclear exports to Iran. President Gerald Ford tried to impose a discriminatory nuclear agreement on Iran that was rejected by the shah because it violated Iran’s national sovereignty. Under Ford, the United States reverted to treating Iran as a client rather a partner of the United States.

From angry torch-swinging Parisians attacking the Bastille and Russian workers rising up against the Tsar to outraged Chinese peasants exacting revenge on their landlords and Cuban guerrillas battling Batista’s army, revolutions without violence have in the past been near inconceivable. But when unarmed Iranians after an extended popular struggle forced Muhammad Reza Pahlavi, the last king of Iran, to flee Tehran on January 16, 1979, they had gifted the world a new and seemingly paradoxical phenomenon: a nonviolent revolution. Far from a historical oddity, such revolutions have since occurred on almost every continent. Over the past thirty years the function of guerrilla tactics, military coups, and civil war has increasingly been replaced by demonstrations, boycotts, and strikes. How can social scientists account for this “evolution of revolution” that have so altered the appearance of the phenomenon that by Arendt’s definition events in places like Iran, the Philippines, Chile, Poland, East Germany, Czechoslovakia, Serbia, Georgia, and Ukraine may not even qualify as revolutions? Yet, the popular overthrows of authoritarian regimes in each and every one of those countries were nothing less than revolutionary. The dissertation seeks to understand this recent development in the nature of revolutions by historically examining the phenomenon’s signal case, the Iranian Revolution. The core question asked is: what are the structural and historical forces that caused the Iranian Revolution to be the world’s first nonviolent revolution? The central argument is that both the emergence and success of the nonviolent Iranian Revolution can be explained by its internationalization. In other words, the Iranian Revolution turned out to be successfully nonviolent because, unlike previous revolutions, it was a global affair in which the revolutionaries intentionally and strategically sought to bring the world into their struggle against the state. Indirectly, the aim of this study is to generate the genesis of a theoretical framework that can explain more broadly the emergence and success of nonviolent revolutions in the late 1970s and beyond. / text

The thesis focuses on the Islamic Revolution of Iran by a comparative analysis of the monarchy regimes before and after the Islamic Revolution of 1979. Although there is little doubt that the transformation of Imperial Iran to the Islamic Republic has played a vital catalyst in redrawing the "greater" Middle Eastern geopolitics ever since this thesis aims to compare the historical development of Iran during the monarchy and the effect of the revolutionary institutions brought on the Iranian society. Despite the extensive amount of resources used in this thesis being both from Iran and abroad, the author has made every effort to reduce the effects of the influences whether from the overzealous defenders of monarchy or the die-hard revolutionaries to a bare minimum and allow the facts on their own to project the picture through an objective lens. The goal of the thesis is for the objective research and comparison to try and provide a factual answer to the million-dollar question, whether the revolution was for better or for worse.

This thesis examines the first collections of modern Persian literature written by Iranian female authors in the context of a process of gender modernization during the Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi’s reign (1941-1979). This thesis argues that women’s literature written during the period of transition from tradition to modernity is clearly influenced by the state’s gender policy and illustrates the changing position of women’s status in private and public life. Indeed, an examination of the collections of short stories and poems that were produced in this period demonstrates that female authors were concerned with the unveiling policy, arranged marriage and polygamy, women’s education, women’s social participation, women’s domestic obligations, women’s political awakening, and female sexuality. Furthermore, central themes covered by female authors changed significantly based on the transformations of gender politics the society experienced from the 1940s and 1950s to the 1960s and 1970s.

This study investigates the causes of the Iranian revolution of 1978-79. To this end, the different theories of revolution are reviewed in Chapter One. Chapter Two provides a discussion of the historical background of the country and the role the clergy played in shaping its political development. Socioeconomic and political factors which contributed to the outbreak of this revolution are examined in the following two chapters. Finally, an attempt is made to draw some conclusions on whether existing theories of revolution can fully explain the Iranian upheaval of 1978-79 or not. For the preparation of this study United States government documents and Iranian and English language scholarly works were consulted.

During the ongoing Islamic rule in Iran, the school system has changed several times since the Islamic Revolution that occurred in 1979. As the kingdom fell and political fundamentalists assumed power in Iran, religion has become a focal point of reference in Iranian textbooks. The aim of this study is to find out how the school system was affected and what the main changes were after the revolution. By doing a qualitative textual analysis, the author expects to answer the primary question related to Iran’s educational policy through various research questions such as: how and why did the school system in Iran change after 1979? To fulfill the purpose of the research, the theoretical aim of the study will be based on Michael Gibbon's perspective of knowledge production. Where I will discuss the role of knowledge production in relation to political interests. All Persian words and concepts that will be presented in the study will be written with a Swedish translation for the sake of the reader. This is because the written language differs. The author is responsible for all translations of this essay.

This study is a quantitative content analysis of the New York Times and Washington Post coverage of Iran during the period surrounding the Ayatollah Khomeini's ascension to power in 1979 as well as the period surrounding Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's election in 2005. The results showed that coverage of Iran in the elite American print media as it related to terror was higher in the period after Khomeini came to power and also in the period after Ahmadinejad's election than it was in the period immediately preceding their respective ascensions. The results also showed that there was more coverage of Iran as it related to terror in the year surrounding Ahmadinejad's election than there was during the year surrounding Ayatollah Khomeini's rise to power in Iran.

Doctorat en philosophie et lettres / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

L’étude de la place et du statut des femmes dans l’Iran sassanide est fondée sur des données textuelles (cinq livres en pehlevie) et sur des matériaux archéologiques et iconographiques. L’objectif est la confrontation entre les deux séries de sources.Le volume I (texte, illustrations) en trois chapitres étudie les représentations des femmes puis traite du statut des femmes d’après les textes. Le troisième chapitre est la confrontation des deux séries de données. Le deuxième volume est le catalogue donnant d’une part la transcription et la traduction de textes d’époque sassanide et post-sassanide décrivant la situation des femmes dans la société, accompagnées de commentaires ; d’autre part des documents iconographiques: personnages féminins sur les bas-reliefs, sceaux et cachets, argenterie, mosaïques, monnaies, tissus, stucs, figurines et quelques autres objets.Au cours des quatre siècles sassanides, on constate une évolution relativement positive du statut de la femme d’après les textes, et en parallèle une augmentation des représentations féminines sur des documents officiels comme les sceaux, les meilleurs indicateurs de la place et du rôle des femmes dans la société de l’Iran sassanide. / The study of the role and status of women in Sasanian Iran is based on the textual sources (five books in Pahlavi) and series of archaeological and iconographic objects. This dissertation aims at confronting these two series of data.Volume I (text and illustrations) including three chapters is a study of women representation on the iconographic objects and then deals with their status in the texts. In the third chapter these two categories will be confronted. Volume II contains the catalogues: on the one hand the transcription and translation of the texts surviving from Sasanian and Post-Sasanian periods, which describe women’s status in the society, enriched with some commentaries; on the other hand the catalogue of iconographic evidence depicting women, including rock-reliefs, seals and bullae, silverware, mosaics, coins, fabrics, stuccoes, figurines, textiles, and the other varied kinds of objects. Our investigations suggest a rather positive evolution of the women’s status during the four-century period of the Sasanian empire, according to the available texts. At the same time, one observes an increasing number of female representations on such official documents as the seals, which are the most precise evidence on the social situation and place of women in Sasanian Iran.