This dissertation explores the memories and motivations of women who helped mold Pan-African cultural nationalism through challenging, refining, and reshaping organizations influenced by Kawaida, the black liberation philosophy that gave rise to Kwanzaa. This study focuses on female advocates in the Us Organization, Committee for a Unified Newark and the Congress of African People, the East, and Ahidiana. Emphasizing the years 1965 through the mid-to-late 1980s, the work delves into the women’s developing sense of racial and gender consciousness against the backdrop of the Black Power Movement. The study contextualizes recollections of women within the groups’ growth and development, ultimately tracing the organizations’ weakening, demise, and influence on subsequent generations. It examines female advocates within the larger milieu of the Civil Rights Movement’s retrenchment and the rise of Black Power. The dissertation also considers the impact of resurgent African-American nationalism, global independence movements, concomitant Black Campus, Black Arts, and Black Studies Movements, and the groups’ struggles amidst state repression and rising conservatism. Employing oral history, womanist approaches, and primary documents, this work seeks to increase what is known about female Pan-African cultural nationalists. Scholarly literature and archival sources reflect a dearth of cultural-nationalist women’s voices in the historical record. Several organizational histories have included the women’s contributions, but do not substantially engage their backgrounds, motives, and reasoning. Although women were initially restricted to “complementary” roles as helpmates, they were important in shaping and sustaining Pan-African cultural-nationalist organizations by serving as key actors in food cooperatives, educational programs, mass communications pursuits, community enterprises, and political organizing. As female advocates grappled with sexism in Kawaida-influenced groups, they also developed literature, programs, and organizations that broadened the cultural-nationalist vision for ending oppression. Women particularly helped reformulate and modernize Pan-African cultural nationalism over time and space by resisting and redefining restrictive gender roles. As such, they left a legacy of “kazi leadership” focused on collectivity, a commitment to performing the sustained work of bringing about black freedom, and centering African and African-descended people’s ideas and experiences.

<p>We Are the Ones We Have Been Waiting for: Pan-African Consciousness Raising and Organizing in the United States and Venezuela, draws on fifteen months of field research accompanying organizers, participating in protests, planning/strategy meetings, state-run programs, academic conferences and everyday life in these two countries. Through comparative examination of the processes by which African Diaspora youth become radically politicized, this work deconstructs tendencies to deify political s/heroes of eras past by historicizing their ascent to political acclaim and centering the narratives of present youth leading movements for Black/African liberation across the Diaspora. I employ Manuel Callahan’s description of “encuentros”, “the disruption of despotic democracy and related white middle-class hegemony through the reconstruction of the collective subject”; “dialogue, insurgent learning, and convivial research that allows for a collective analysis and vision to emerge while affirming local struggles” to theorize the moments of encounter, specifically, the moments (in which) Black/African youth find themselves becoming politically radicalized and by what. I examine the ways in which Black/African youth organizing differs when responding to their perpetual victimization by neoliberal, genocidal state-politics in the US, and a Venezuelan state that has charged itself with the responsibility of radically improving the quality of life of all its citizens. Through comparative analysis, I suggest the vertical structures of “representative democracy” dominating the U.S. political climate remain unyielding to critical analyses of social stratification based on race, gender, and class as articulated by Black youth. Conversely, I contend that present Venezuelan attempts to construct and fortify more horizontal structures of “popular democracy” under what Hugo Chavez termed 21st Century Socialism, have resulted in social fissures, allowing for a more dynamic and hopeful negation between Afro-Venezuelan youth and the state.</p> / Dissertation

La période suivant la fin de la Seconde Guerre Mondiale connut à la fois le démantèlement des Empires coloniaux et la montée de la guerre froide. La place de l’Afrique constitua un enjeu crucial dans ce contexte de reconfiguration de l’ordre mondial. Après avoir déterminé les protagonistes politiques et culturels des processus de décolonisation, nous nous proposons d’étudier ses enjeux tels qu’ils s’incarnaient dans les différentes définitions que chaque acteur donnait à sa société, toujours associée à l’« Afrique ». En suivant ainsi l’évolution de la référence « africaine », cette étude veut mettre en lumière la transformation des valeurs dans les sociétés coloniales et postcoloniales de l’Afrique de l’Ouest, afin d’y trouver la genèse des nationalismes. Tout en puisant les exemples dans trois pays ouest-africains, il s’agit de s’intéresser à l’aspect constitutif de chaque entité. Celle-ci fut pensée en interaction avec d’autres entités coloniales, régionales et impériales, souvent au-delà des frontières. À travers l’analyse de l’ensemble du processus de la décolonisation, cette thèse permet de comprendre l’articulation qui s’est opérée entre les deux dynamiques qui le composent : le panafricanisme et le nationalisme. / The post-Second World War period saw both the dismantlement of the colonial empires and the beginnings of the Cold War. The place of Africa became a key issue in the configuration of the new world order. This thesis examines the processes of decolonisation through the examples of certain political and cultural protagonists, and the different ways in which they tried to shape their respective societies in relation to their visions of “Africa”. By following the evolution of the notion of “Africa”, this study aims to shed light on the changing values of the colonial and postcolonial societies of West Africa, linking these to the emergence of their nationalist movements. While drawing its examples from three West African countries, this work also seeks to highlight the constitutive aspects of each of these entities, which were conceived through interactions with other colonial, regional and imperial units, often across borders. By examining the process of decolonisation as a whole, this thesis offers an understanding of the complex dynamics between its two constituent forces: pan-Africanism and nationalism.

The concern of this study is "locating the African Renaissance in development discourse: a critical study" and aims to investigate how the South African President Thabo Mbeki has conceptualized the African Renaissance. Through this the author has discovered the meaning of Mbeki's African Renaissance discourse with regard to its context in African development and how it is located in historical conceptions of development in Africa. Through this what innovation to development in Africa is presented by the discourse of the African Renaissance has been identified. Therefore this study is based primarily on an extensive literature research on conception of development and the African Renaissance. In comparison with other discourses on development, the study finds that Mbeki's African Renaissance discourse has been inspired by Pan-Africanist discourses such as self-reliance and African regeneration combined with dominant political and economic discourses such as globalization, good governance, structural adjustment and democracy. The study finds that the great contribution of Mbeki's African Renaissance is to call again on the Africans to realize their self-rediscovery and to restore the African's self esteem without which Africans will never become equipped for African development. However Mbeki stops short of attempting to suggest practical strategies to do so. The study finds that Mbeki' s Arican Renaissance discourse is moralistic and can no longer challenge global economic inequalities. / Thesis (M.A.)- University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2001.

No description available.

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento CientÃfico e TecnolÃgico / A pesquisa transcrita nesta dissertaÃÃo està inserida na linha de Movimentos Sociais, EducaÃÃo Popular e Escola, e no Eixo SociopoÃtica, Cultura e RelaÃÃes Ãtnico-raciais do Programa de PÃs GraduaÃÃo da Faculdade de EducaÃÃo da Universidade Federal do CearÃ. A problemÃtica da investigaÃÃo à confronto entre propostas teÃricas e conceituais da HistÃria Geral da Ãfrica (UNESCO), e a localizaÃÃo das civilizaÃÃes africanas da Antiguidade em programas e livros didÃticos de HistÃria no Ensino MÃdio (Brasil) e no Ensino SecundÃrio (Cabo Verde). O objetivo geral à investigar a relaÃÃo entre metodologia e antiguidade africana propostas pelos Livros 1 e 2 da HistÃria Geral da Ãfrica (UNESCO) e o que se à ensinado nas salas de aula sobre a Ãfrica na HistÃria Antiga da Humanidade. Os objetivos especÃficos sÃo: 1) construir uma abordagem histÃrica e social sobre a HistÃria Geral da Ãfrica a partir do Pan-africanismo e de seus referenciais intelectuais, polÃticos e institucionais das dÃcadas de 1950 e 1970; 2) Identificar a localizaÃÃo de civilizaÃÃes da antiguidade africana em programas e livros didÃticos de histÃria utilizados em escolas pÃblicas da cidade de Fortaleza (Brasil) e da Ilha de Santiago (Cabo Verde); 3) Propor elementos para superaÃÃo de problemas e valorizaÃÃo das potencialidades comuns ao Brasil e Cabo Verde. Nossa base teÃrica concentra-se em autores como ZERBO (1972-2010), DIOP (1954-2010), RODNEY (1975-1980), CABRAL (1978), CUNHA (2006), MONIZ (2009), ASANTE (1989), ANJOS (2002), NASCIMENTO (2001), UNESCO (2009-2011) entre outros pesquisadores que possuem como principais campos de estudo a HistÃria da Ãfrica, metodologia, movimentos sociais, Pan-africanismo, antiguidade africana e educaÃÃo. Trata-se de um estudo de caso efetivado atravÃs de uma abordagem qualitativa, tendo como anÃlise livros didÃticos, programas de histÃria e o diÃlogo com professores. Os instrumentos utilizados para a coleta de dados resumem-se a pesquisa bibliogrÃfica, anÃlise documental e entrevista semiestruturada com professores. Para registrar dados da pesquisa utilizamos caderno de campo e gravaÃÃo em Ãudio. Neste momento apresentamos conclusÃes preliminares da pesquisa, uma vez que o achado durante o trabalho de campo encontra-se em processo de sistematizaÃÃo. Entretanto, à possÃvel asseverar que: 1) atualmente a localizaÃÃo geogrÃfica, o povoamento e o legado das civilizaÃÃes africanas na Antiguidade estÃo sob os mesmos princÃpios eurocÃntricos em materiais didÃticos e programas de histÃria no Ensino MÃdio (Brasil) e Ensino SecundÃrio (Cabo Verde); 2) hà falta de materiais nos acervos das instituiÃÃes visitadas, a HistÃria Geral da Ãfrica (UNESCO) e 3) o Uso PedagÃgico da HistÃria Geral da Ãfrica (UNESCO) sÃo pouco conhecidos e utilizados em programas e livros didÃticos em Cabo Verde e no Brasil; Este conjunto de fatores aponta para: o desconhecimento, a falta de interesse e o conflito de estudantes com a histÃria da Ãfrica, sua cultura e identidade; o ensino de histÃria da Ãfrica e a elaboraÃÃo de livros didÃticos devem ter como bases mÃnimas a conscientizaÃÃo, a educaÃÃo patrimonial e a integraÃÃo regional entre paÃses africanos e da diÃspora. / This research intends to confront the theoretical and the conceptual proposals of the textbook General History of Africa, published by UNESCO, as well as the locations of the ancient Classic African civilizations in the syllabi of the textbooks adopted in History classes of mediumschools in Brazil and secondary schools in Cape Verde. The general objective is to investigate the relationship between the methodology and African antiquity in the textbooks General History of Africa I and II, published by UNESCO It also analyses what is taught about Africa in Ancient Human History. The specific objectives are 1) to build a historical and social approach to teach about Ãfrica General History based on Pan-Africanism and Historical Knowledge; 2) to identify the location of Ancient Africa in History in the curriculums and textbooks adopted in public schools in Fortaleza (Brazil) and in Santiago Island (Cape Verde); The theoretical background of this research is based on authors such as ZERBO (1972-2010), DIOP (1954-2010), RODNEY (1975-1980), CABRAL (1978), CUNHA (2006), MONIZ (2009), ASANTE (1989), ANJOS (2002), NASCIMENTO (2001), UNESCO (2009-2011), among other scholars devoted to the study of Ancient Africa and its methodology, social movements, Pan-Africanism, Ancient Africa and Education. The methodology adopted is a case study conducted through quantitative analysis of textbooks and syllabi, as well as interviews with teachers. The instruments employed for data collection are a bibliographical research, analysis of documents, and semi-structured interviews with teachers. In order to record the research data, a field journal and audio recordings have been used. After that, preliminary conclusions of the research are presented, even though the findings during the field work are still being systematized. However, by then it is already possible to affirm that the geographical locations, the settlements, and the legacy of the ancient classic African civilizations are dealt with under the same Eurocentric principles present in other textbooks and syllabi adopted in fundamental schools in Brazil and in secondary schools in Cape Verde. The political and ideological apology of the mixture of races exerts influence in the formation of identity, educational background and professional attitude of History teachers in Brazil and in Cape Verde. There is also a shortage of materials in the libraries of the institutions visited. Moreover, the textbooks General History of Africa I and II and The Pedagogical Use of General History of Ãfrica (both published by UNESCO) are neither well-known nor widely adopted in Cape Verde or in Brazil. These factors point at 1) the lack of knowledge and interest, as well as at the conflict of students with African History, its culture and identity; 2) the need to teach and to write textbooks which are minimally based on the awareness, on the heritage and on the African regional integration

There is a common assertion and consensus among scholars that Malcolm X was the voice of Black Americans during the 1960s and a key leader of the Civil Rights Movement. Not as much scholarly attention has been paid to other components of his World view such as: 1) his goal of uniting all people of African descent using Pan Africanism as the guiding tool; 2) the shared political identity of Black Americans and Africans; and 3) the political, economic, and social potential for Black Nationalism in both the United States and Africa. In particular, very little research has been conducted on the significance of Malcolm X's perspectives in these three areas for present-day college students. The purpose of this research is therefore to examine the magnitude of Malcolm X's impact on present-day college students' political awareness about, and related perceptions of: Pan-Africanism; shared Black and African political identities; and Black Nationalism. It can be argued that surely a man playing such a key leadership role has affected subsequent generations - either directly or indirectly. For this investigation, focus groups based on a convenience sample of college students, age 18 to 27, were conducted. Using a pre-test/post-test experimental and control group design, students were exposed to the speeches and beliefs of Malcolm X. Changes in students' knowledge and perceptions about the three topics listed above were assessed. From these analyses, the actual and potential influence of Malcolm X on today's college students can American society and attempting to place his contributions in context, this research on the effects of his ideas on college students can be instrumental and informative. be better understood. For scholars continuing to examine the impact of Malcolm X on American society and attempting to place his contributions in context, this research on the effects of his ideas on college students can be instrumental and informative.

No description available.

This study is about four interrelated key issues, namely, critique of Thomas Sankara as a political figure and erstwhile president of Burkina Faso; examination of Pan-Africanism as a movement, theory, ideology and uniting force for Africans and people of African descent globally; evaluation of leadership and governance lessons drawn from Burkina Faso’s August 1983 revolution, its successes, challenges, and shortcomings, and lastly; it draws socioeconomic and developmental lessons from the Burkina Faso experience under Sankara’s administration during the brief period from 1983 until his untimely assassination on 15 October 1987. The ousting of Blaise Compaore in October 2014 brought to the fore Sankara’s long buried and suppressed legacy, and this is what, in part, led to me deciding to do a systematic and thorough study of Sankara and the Burkina Faso Revolution. Two theories were used in the study – Pan Africanism and Afrocentricity - because they together centre and privilege the African people’s plight and agency and the urgent need for Africans to find solutions to their own problems in the same way Sankara emphasised the need for an independent endogenous development approach in Burkina Faso. Methodologically, a Mixed Methods Research (MMR) approach was employed so as to exploit and leverage the strengths of each individual approach and due to the complex nature of the phenomena studied. The study argues that the nerve centre of developmental efforts in Burkina Faso was a self-propelled, self-centred, and endogenous development model which placed the agency and responsibility, first and foremost, in the hands of Burkinabe people themselves using their own internal resources to improve their lives. Secondly, agrarian reforms were designed in such a way that they formed the bedrock of economic self-reliance and industrial development in Burkina Faso. Lastly, overall findings of the study indicate that the revolutionary cause and intervention in all critical sectors such as education, health, and the economy were prioritised and the pace at which these sectors were overhauled was crucial. Implication of these findings for development in Africa is that development cannot be externally imported either through foreign direct investments or through a straight-jacket policy transfer where African countries often borrow European economic policies and try to implement them in drastically different contexts and historical epochs. / Political Sciences / Ph. D. (Philosophy)

The main objective of this thesis is to critically investigate and analyse the institutional role of the OAU in conflict resolution in Africa. In order to achieve that goal, among other things, it is argued that the philosophy, ideology and history of the Pan-African Movement influenced and shaped the institutionalisation process of the Pan-African Movement and the eventual establishment of the OAU, the formulation of its goals and objectives, as well as the OAU's potential in the resolution of conflicts on the continent. It is also argued on the one hand, that the tension between the preservation of sovereignty of the OAU member states, as well as their national interests and the promotion of continental interests on the other hand, directly affected the work of the OAU in conflict situations in Africa. Furthermore, it is emphasised in the thesis that the colonial legacy and the dynamics of the Cold War era did indeed affect the relations between the OAU member states and as a result, impacted on the African regional cooperation and the role of the OAU in conflict resolution processes in Africa. Another important aspect highlighted in the study was the evolution of the structures of the OAU involved in conflict management and resolution and their effect on the resolution of conflicts on the continent. A critical assessment was made of the various organs, mechanisms and methods adopted by the OAU and an attempt was made to ascertain whether they were suitable for the types of conflicts they were meant to resolve. Indeed, it is argued in the thesis that the principal organs of the OAU either lacked adequate powers to resolve inter-state conflicts, or they were inappropriately structured and thus they could not resolve these conflicts because their structures were not appropriate to intervene in most of these conflicts. Therefore, it can be stated that the mechanisms that were adopted by the OAU mediators to resolve these conflicts were not appropriate for the types of conflicts in which they were involved. It is important to mention that the conflict resolution mechanisms, which were provided for by the OAU Charter, were mainly aimed at resolving inter-state conflicts, and did not cater for various types of intra-state conflicts. An attempt was made in the study to ascertain to what extent this omission affected the role of the organisation in dealing with intra-state and other forms of conflicts, which emerged on the continent. Moreover, it is argued that the structural set up of the OAU's conflict resolution organs has produced complex legal and political problems for member states as well as to the parties to the conflicts. That situation in turn produced complex impediments in the operationalisation and the work of these organs in conflict resolution situations in Africa. This was because their functions were not distributed to minimise jurisdictual disputes such as boundary conflicts, hence resulting in the ineffectiveness of the work of the organisation. The study further analysed the extent to which the role and position of the UN as an international institution affected the role of the OAU in conflict management and resolution in Africa. The thesis also tried to ascertain to what extent the structural weaknesses and inherent challenges regarding the role of the UN in peace making in Africa hampered the work of the OAU in conflict situations where its cooperation with the UN was essential. Moreover, it is argued that the role and position of other regional organisations on the continent did in fact affect the role of the OAU in conflict management and resolution and that the inherent challenges and legal omissions of some vital provisions in the OAU charter regarding the role of the sub-regional organisations in peace-making in Africa did constrain the work of the OAU in conflict situations where its cooperation with sub-regional organisations was required. It was further argued that, although the American-European initiatives in conflict prevention, management and resolution in Africa was meant to facilitate and enhance the activities of the OAU in conflict situations in Africa, some of these initiatives did affect in different ways the role of the OAU. Finally, several arguments were presented to explain why the OAU was not able to successfully resolve the Ethiopian-Somali boundary dispute, a conflict seen as a typical inter-state dispute. Indeed, it is argued in the thesis that the Ethiopian-Somali boundary dispute exemplifies the challenges faced by and inherent weaknesses of the various mechanisms the OAU mediators had adopted to deal with conflict situations in Africa. / Political Science / D. Litt. et Phil. (International Politics)