O presente trabalho pretende discutir o tema da democracia a partir do pensamento de Axel Honneth, localizado no interior da tradição de pensamento que se convencionou chamar de Teoria Crítica da Escola de Frankfurt. Para tanto, realizará uma investigação cronológica dos principais antecessores de Honneth, com ênfase em Theodor W. Adorno e Max Horkheimer, como representantes da primeira geração, e em Jürgen Habermas, representante da segunda geração e orientador de doutorado de Honneth. Nesse percurso, o tema da democracia será examinado a partir das contribuições teóricas de tais autores. Objetiva-se, com isso, verificar, em primeiro lugar, a evolução desse conceito até sua consolidação na ideia de uma democracia participativa, concebida por Habermas e situada num contexto de crítica aos modelos tradicionais calcados na representação política. A partir daí, serão apresentadas as reflexões de Axel Honneth sobre o tema, a partir da categoria da Luta por Reconhecimento, que Honneth atualiza do pensamento do Hegel de Jena, em cotejo com autores da psicologia, com o fim de verificar se tais ideias correspondem a um modelo teórico novo de democracia ou se atendem, em específico, a preencher as lacunas da teoria habermasiana. Espera-se como resultado verificar tal indagação e, transversalmente, explorar as contribuições de uma abordagem calcada na Luta por Reconhecimento como uma maneira de lançar um novo olhar para os problemas da democracia contemporânea. / This paper will discuss the theme of democracy from the thought of Axel Honneth, locatead within the tradition of Critical Theory of the Frankfurt Eschool. To do so, carry out an investigation of the major chronological predecessors Honneth, with emphasis on Theodor W. Adorno and Max Horkheimer, as representatives of the first generation, and Jürgen Habermas, a representative of the second generation of doctoral supervisor and Honneth. Along the way, the theme of democracy will be examined from the theoretical contributions of such authors. The objective is, therefore, verify, first, the evolution of this concept to its consolidation in the idea of participatory democracy, conceived by Habermas and set in a context of criticism of the traditional models rooted in political representation. Thereafter, the reflections will be presented by Axel Honneth on the topic from the category of the Struggle for Recognition, Honneth updates of thought that Hegel\'s Jena, in comparison with authors of psychology, in order to ascertain whether such ideas are a new theoretical model of democracy or to serve, in particular, to fill gaps in the theory of Habermas. The expected results verify this question, and across, explore the contributions of an approach grounded in the Struggle for Recognition as a way to launch a new look at the problems of contemporary democracy.

O presente trabalho se insere no campo sobre Democracia Digital e procura compreender o funcionamento das iniciativas de participação digitais que visam incidir na decisão política. Será argumentado que, na ausência de ferramentas de agregação e de níveis de representação, é através de um processo de tradução que o Estado é capaz de lidar com os grandes volumes de informação difusa provenientes dessas iniciativas. Ao longo do trabalho, serão explorados os aspectos que compõem o processo de tradução e será utilizado como exemplo empírico o estudo de caso sobre o Marco Civil da Internet. / This work falls within the field of Digital Democracy and intents to understand the functioning of digital participation initiatives seeking to produce effects on political decision. I argue that in the absence of aggregation- and representation-level tools, it is through a translation process that the state is able to handle the large volumes of scattered information from these initiatives. Throughout the work, the aspects that constitute the translation process and the empirical example will be a case study on the Brazilian Civil Rights Framework for the Internet

O presente trabalho pretende discutir o tema da democracia a partir do pensamento de Axel Honneth, localizado no interior da tradição de pensamento que se convencionou chamar de Teoria Crítica da Escola de Frankfurt. Para tanto, realizará uma investigação cronológica dos principais antecessores de Honneth, com ênfase em Theodor W. Adorno e Max Horkheimer, como representantes da primeira geração, e em Jürgen Habermas, representante da segunda geração e orientador de doutorado de Honneth. Nesse percurso, o tema da democracia será examinado a partir das contribuições teóricas de tais autores. Objetiva-se, com isso, verificar, em primeiro lugar, a evolução desse conceito até sua consolidação na ideia de uma democracia participativa, concebida por Habermas e situada num contexto de crítica aos modelos tradicionais calcados na representação política. A partir daí, serão apresentadas as reflexões de Axel Honneth sobre o tema, a partir da categoria da Luta por Reconhecimento, que Honneth atualiza do pensamento do Hegel de Jena, em cotejo com autores da psicologia, com o fim de verificar se tais ideias correspondem a um modelo teórico novo de democracia ou se atendem, em específico, a preencher as lacunas da teoria habermasiana. Espera-se como resultado verificar tal indagação e, transversalmente, explorar as contribuições de uma abordagem calcada na Luta por Reconhecimento como uma maneira de lançar um novo olhar para os problemas da democracia contemporânea. / This paper will discuss the theme of democracy from the thought of Axel Honneth, locatead within the tradition of Critical Theory of the Frankfurt Eschool. To do so, carry out an investigation of the major chronological predecessors Honneth, with emphasis on Theodor W. Adorno and Max Horkheimer, as representatives of the first generation, and Jürgen Habermas, a representative of the second generation of doctoral supervisor and Honneth. Along the way, the theme of democracy will be examined from the theoretical contributions of such authors. The objective is, therefore, verify, first, the evolution of this concept to its consolidation in the idea of participatory democracy, conceived by Habermas and set in a context of criticism of the traditional models rooted in political representation. Thereafter, the reflections will be presented by Axel Honneth on the topic from the category of the Struggle for Recognition, Honneth updates of thought that Hegel\'s Jena, in comparison with authors of psychology, in order to ascertain whether such ideas are a new theoretical model of democracy or to serve, in particular, to fill gaps in the theory of Habermas. The expected results verify this question, and across, explore the contributions of an approach grounded in the Struggle for Recognition as a way to launch a new look at the problems of contemporary democracy.

This study examines the practical application of Oxford Idealism to education reform and the adult education movement. According to Idealist philosophy, enlightened and active citizenship was the cornerstone of a participatory democracy. This thesis thus explores how Oxford Idealists used the Workers' Educational Association (WEA) to pursue the aim of cultivating good citizenship and forming a common purpose for the future society they wished to see emerging. The WEA, founded in 1903, embodied the Idealist vision by promoting its two-fold practices: first, it organised university tutorial classes to foster mutual learning and fellowship between intellectuals and workers; second, it campaigned for a state-funded 'educational highway', from nursery to university, so that every citizen would have the opportunity to receive the kind of liberal education which had hitherto been limited to upper and middle classes. By exploring the development of the dual initiative, this thesis examines the achievement and limitations of the Idealist project. In particular, it investigates whether and how this pursuit, in the long run, contributed to the rise of professionalism, a trend which has been ascribed to the efforts of Idealists but which in many ways contradicted the ideal of participatory democracy. In so doing, this thesis explains why the influence of Oxford Idealism-this highly moralistic philosophy which inspired a generation of intellectuals and politicians and lent a distinctive flavour to British public policy at the beginning of the twentieth century-gradually ebbed in the public domain.

Les projets d’aménagement urbain provoquent de plus en plus d’inquiétudes et de mobilisations spontanées, qui créent des tensions sur les conditions de prise de décision. L’action publique se heurte à des résistances tant dans sa conception que sa réalisation. Et dans un contexte où la participation citoyenne à l’élaboration des projets tend à devenir un nouveau mode de gouvernance, les riverains ne veulent plus que leurs rôles se limitent aux simples « pourvoyeurs » des avis. S’appropriant l’espace public et les dispositifs participatifs, ils aspirent non seulement à l’expression de leurs opinions, mais aussi à une confrontation des expertises. C’est dans ce cadre-là que s’inscrit le projet de la ligne B du métro dans la métropole rennaise. Ayant appris l’hypothèse d’une insertion aérienne du métro entre les deux étangs dans leur quartier – les Longs Champs -, les riverains se sont mobilisés pour exprimer leur désaccord. Compte tenu de l’ampleur de cette mobilisation, le maître d’ouvrage décida d’organiser une « concertation spécifique » à l’issue de laquelle le projet métropolitain a été retenu aux dépens des projets « habitants » et « urbaniste ». Notre thèse a pour objectifs d’examiner les collectifs d’ habitants des Longs Champs pour essayer d’appréhender la rationalisation organisationnelle dans une action collective orientée vers un objectif commun; explorer les enjeux sociopolitiques et infocommunicationnels des dispositifs participatifs ; interroger les modes de production des savoirs profanes dans une perspective de confrontation des légitimités concernant l’élaboration et la mise en oeuvre d’un projet d’intérêt général. / Urban planning projects lead to more and more waves of public concern and spontaneous mobilization, which lead to tensions surrounding the way decisions are made. Public action sees its conception and implementation be faced with obstacles. And in a context where citizens’ participation in the development of projects seems to be new mode of governance, residents no longer want their role to be limited to that of a simple “opinions provider”. Using the public space and participatory tools, they expect to be able to express their opinion, and also for different surveys to be confronted. It is whiting this framework that Rennes’s B line is being examined. Having learnt of the possibility of there being an overground portion of the line between two ponds in the Longs Champs district, the residents gathered to voice their disagreement.Because of the scale of the mobilization, the project owner decided to organize a “specific consultation” after which the metropolitan project was adopted at the expense of “residential” and “urbanist” projects. The objectives of our thesis are to examine the residents’ groups, to try and grasp the organizational rationalization of collective action aiming towards a common goal; to explore the sociopolitical and communicational issues of participatory tools; to question the production methods of knowledges in the perspective of confroncting legitimate opinions regarding the elaboration and implementation of a project of general interest.

性別主流化的概念，從1995年在北京被提出，經過了15年，性別議題逐漸在國際組織中獲得重視，各國對於性別主流化的推動與實施不遺餘力。台灣從2003年推動性別主流化至今，約七年的時間，對照起聯合國在2010年三月在紐約所召開的北京+15會議，台灣僅僅用了一半時間，發展出屬於台灣本土性別主流化經驗。 由於行政院婦權會具有「參與式民主」「公私合作」的特質，尤其來自民間的婦權委員，試圖在我國推動性別主流化的發展過程中，建立各種不同的參與機制與平台，將不同的個人與團體串連起來。換言之是一種參與式政府的體現，性別主流化過程中強調授與員工權力（性別聯絡人設置）與能力（性別培訓制度），試將政府組織內的個人納入決策過程，亦即是以體制內的「公務人員」作為參與式民主的主體，運用性別聯絡人制度、性別平等工作小組，以及性別培訓制度等擴大參與的制度，試圖將個別公務人員納入性別主流化推動過程中。此種體制內擴大參與的模式，改變了以社會中公民為主體的參與民主模式，進行體制內參與式民主發展的可能。 同時，婦權基金會所建立的婦女團體溝通平台亦是參與式民主機制的建立，婦女溝通平台不僅有助於政府部門與民間團體的溝通與對話，能夠使民間團體瞭解政府部門的各項施政與發展，也助於行政部門傾聽婦女團體對於個別議題的想法，以及婦女團體間對於議題的溝通與交流。在國際參與機制，婦權基金會透過每年補助民間團體與專家學者的機制，讓許多團體與個人，透過參加聯合國與各國際組織會議，將國際社會中關注的性別議題帶回台灣社會。 / Gender mainstreaming had been formally raised in the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing in 1995. It has become one of the main strategies for fulfilling gender equality in international community. Gender mainstream is not only regarding female separately. Furthermore, it isn't only making some policies or allocating budgets for female affairs, but also putting gender views in all of the legislations, policies, schemes and budgets so that governments can evaluate and make concrete schemes and priority. Currently, some problems have been generated when countries are putting efforts on gender mainstreaming. For instance, public servants have vague cognitive concepts and poor knowledge in this field. This situation also makes the gender concerns can’t deeply influence policies, schemes and legislations. It only appears occasionally in some processes of policies, but it can’t have comprehensive outlooks. However, it might have a window of opportunity for developing gender mainstreaming if we facilitate participatory democracy in domestic societ. In terms of domestic development, governments, experts and general public can get the opportunities of participation and dialogue via participatory democracy. It will also make the gender concerns get involved with the discussion and planning of policies.

This study deals with the issue of democratization in Latin America during the 20th century, and in particular the role of the left in this process. The purpose of this study is to empirically analyze the role of the left as a political actor in the process of democratization toward the deepening of the democratic rule in Latin America. The research questions are: what role did the left have in the transitions to electoral democracies during the 20th century in Latin America? Why did the left have the role it had in the transitions? How does the left’s view of democracy affect the transition to electoral democracy, and the further democratization to deepen democratic rule? What structural constraints affect the left’s ability to deepen democratic rule? A comparative qualitative method and different theoretical concepts of democracy, democratization, elite perspective, mobilization and organizations have been used, and examples from different Latin American cases are given. One empirical conclusion is that the role of the left in the transitions to electoral democracies varies from participation with active left leaders, collective left actions, to not have any significant role at all. A second empirical conclusion is that in cases where left wing governments have tried to enforce a model of participatory democracy, the result has been “ coup d’état” or rebellions conducted by military forces and supported by the economic elite and the United States of America. In other cases when left parties in government instead have remained within the framework of an elite democracy, the result has rather been stabilization of the liberal democratic rule. The main theoretical conclusions are as follows: the theoretical discussion about democratic consolidation and the deepening of democracy have to consider that different actors’ (in this study the left) preferences for various models of democracy differ; the actors’ view of democracy matter in the game of democratic development and democratic consolidation; and the relations between the elite actors’ preferences for different models of democracy determine the outcome of a specific form of democratic model (in this study electoral democracy, liberal democracy or participatory democracy).

An ongoing debate surrounds the question of whether digital media can promote participatory democracy. A qualitative case study was conducted on Barack Obama’s campaign social networking site, my.barackobama.com, in order to investigate the ways in which the website promotes or discourages participatory democracy. For a rich analysis, the case study drew on various relevant theoretical perspectives, including the concepts of participatory democracy and digital democracy. The case study included a content analysis of the website and interviews with members of groups on the site. The study found that my.barackobama.com promoted political knowledge and non-electoral participation, but failed to promote political discussion and community. Consequently, the recommendations highlighted the importance of an online public sphere. The findings of this case study add to the research literature about the political use of digital media, and they also add new information about Barack Obama’s digital media strategies.

Syftet för uppsatsen var att undersöka om klienter med tidigare narkotikaberoende upplever att de har möjlighet till inflytande inom vården som de tar del av. Syftet var även att ta reda på hur socialarbetare inom samma vårdprogram arbetar för att möjliggöra brukarinflytandet för klienterna. Vi utförde semistrukturerade intervjuer med fem klienter och två socialarbetare från samma behandlingshem. De teoretiska perspektiv som stod till grund för analysen av empirin var brukarinflytande och demokrati. Resultatet visar att klienterna upplevde stor delaktighet inom vårdprogrammet samt i kontakten med socialarbetarna på behandlingshemmet. Vidare visar resultatet att socialarbetarna arbetar utifrån deltagardemokrati då klienterna ständigt uppmuntras till att tänka självständigt, planera, fatta egna beslut och sätta upp mål för både behandlingen och inför framtiden. De begränsande faktorerna för brukarinflytande ansågs bland annat vara ekonomi, oengagerade socialarbetare samt skilda arbetssätt mellan kommunerna. Brukarinflytande inom missbruksvården kan gynna behandlingsresultaten och förebygga återfall då klienten får vara delaktig och påverka vårdens innehåll. Brukarinflytande kan leda till goda klient- och socialarbetarrelationer och detta kan även bidra till att allt fler individer med beroendeproblematik frivilligt söker hjälp. / The purpose of this study was to examine whether clients with former drug addiction feel that they are able to influence the care that they receive. The aim was also to find out how social workers operate to enable user influence amongst clients. We conducted semi-structured interviews with five clients and two social workers within one treatment home. The theoretical perspectives that were used to analyze the empirical data were user influence and democracy. The results show that clients experience significant involvement in their care-program and in relation to social workers at the treatment home. The results also show that the social workers apply democracy to their work since they constantly encourage clients to think independently, make their own decisions and set goals for the future. The limiting factors of user influence were considered to be financial questions, unengaged social workers, and different work procedures among municipalities. Since clients become involved and are able to influence the content of the care, user influence within addiction care is believed to benefit patient outcomes and prevent relapse. User influence can lead to positive social worker-client relationships and encourage individuals with addiction to voluntarily seek care.

Brazil is a nation that has professed to be a `racial democracy' such that race categories are not recognized. This implies that every citizen experiences equal access from a political, social and economic point of view, irrespective of skin color. Nevertheless, palpable racial inequalities exist in Brazil such that there is a primarily white elite class while Brazilians of African descent are typically poor. Male dominance is a worldwide phenomenon. When racial inequities are coupled with male dominance, Brazilian women of African origins suffer as they occupy the lowest socio-economic strata, which often remand them to work as domestics. Some scholars have hypothesized that a participatory democracy model can bring about a shift in these women's lives. Using the participatory budgeting model that was implemented in Porto Alegre, Brazil in 1989 as a point of reference, this paper analyzes the official socio-economic indicator census data for years 2001, 2005 and 2009 in the region. The analysis contends that a participatory democracy model has not brought about any significant change in the position of nonwhite Brazilian female domestic workers in Porto Alegre. The assumption can be made that a participatory democracy model implemented nationwide will not ameliorate the conditions of nonwhite Brazilian women working as domestics. Therefore, other strategies should be identified by the Brazilian Government to address the disparate conditions of these women who have been showcased as neo-slaves in the international community.