Submitted by admin tede (tede@pucgoias.edu.br) on 2017-10-09T13:29:39Z No. of bitstreams: 1 IRENI SOARES DA MOTA.pdf: 729682 bytes, checksum: 73b969195de7a082f336f3d3207a7b3b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-10-09T13:29:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 IRENI SOARES DA MOTA.pdf: 729682 bytes, checksum: 73b969195de7a082f336f3d3207a7b3b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-08-01 / The Catholic Party was one organization used to defend the Church against the threat of annihilation of the Institution brought by "sectarian atheism”. The slogan created for the guild was God, Fatherland and Freedom. This work presents a historical study of this party in Goias, Brazil. The approach emphasizes a interplay of representations that party built about Goias. The making of the party in Goiás pervades two clerics enthusiasts catholic cause in political sphere: D. Claudio José Gonçalves Ponce de Leão and D. Eduardo Duarte Silva. We try understand with this approach the force field of theo-political in early Republican Goiás. / O Partido Cathólico foi uma organização de defesa da Igreja diante da ameaça de aniquilamento da Instituição trazida pelos “sectários do ateísmo”. O lema criado para a agremiação era Deus, Pátria e Liberdade. Esta dissertação apresenta um estudo histórico deste grupo em Goiás. A abordagem privilegia o jogo das representações que o partido construía acerca da sociedade goiana e vice-versa. A formação do partido em Goiás perpassa os bispados de dois clérigos entusiastas da causa católica no âmbito político: D. Claudio José Gonçalves Ponce de Leão e D. Eduardo Duarte Silva. Tentamos compreender com esse enfoque o campo de força teo-político nos primórdios do Goiás republicano.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T16:17:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luiz_Carlos.pdf: 872574 bytes, checksum: 98ef9ad8b3b65a6e4c63e18d592a0259 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-03-13 / In this work we seek to present Gramsci s conceptions of education and party, as well as to revise his theory of revolution. The role of the political party as an educational agent that idealizes and implements an education towards the rupture and overcoming of the capitalist society was also highlighted in this study. We assume that the party, according to Gramsci, goes beyond the institutionality and sometimes it is almost confused with the class itself. The same is true with education: to Gramsci, this is a human phenomenon that goes beyond formality, covering the whole culture built by a society. Central Gramscian concepts such as hegemony, civil society, war of position and war of movement are also addressed, since they are closely linked each other. These concepts are revised with a focus on the party as an educational agent, in an attempt of understanding the educational action of the party in the construction of hegemony, in the activity of civil society, and in the tactics to be used in each historical moment. Finally, we present the discussion on the organic and the traditional intellectual, as well as the educational relationship between the intellectuals and the party, and we also offer some reflections on the revolutionary praxis. According to Gramsci, every class, in all societies, form their organic intellectuals, who are responsible for maintaining the ideology that allows the operation of the economic, political and social model of their time. The traditional intellectuals are disputed by the ruling class and the working class; in this perspective, then, it is the function of the party not only to develop its organic intellectuals but also to conquer these other intellectuals to defend its ideology. The formal school, from which come the traditional intellectuals, is also the scene of a struggle between classes with antagonist projects of society. Thus, the role of the political party, in the Gramscian conception, is to act as an educational agent in the various segments of the civil society, disputing the hegemony for the construction of a revolutionary education focused on the working class. / Ao longo de nosso trabalho buscamos apresentar a concepção de educação e de partido em Gramsci, bem como resgatar, no conjunto de seu pensamento, a questão da teoria da revolução. A atuação do partido político enquanto agente educativo que pensa e pratica uma educação que aponta para o rompimento e superação da sociedade capitalista, foi salientado por nós. Entendemos que o partido, para Gramsci, vai além da institucionalidade, chegando em alguns momentos a quase se confundir com a própria classe. O mesmo ocorre com a educação, sendo que, para ele, esta é um fenômeno humano que extrapola a formalidade, abrangendo toda a cultura construída por uma sociedade. Os conceitos centrais do pensamento Gramsciano tais como: hegemonia, sociedade civil, guerra de posição e guerra de movimento foram também por nós trabalhados. Tais conceitos estão interligados e por isso passamos por eles ressaltando a questão do partido como agente educativo, ou seja, buscando entender a ação educativa do partido na construção da hegemonia, na atuação na sociedade civil, e nas táticas a serem utilizadas por ele em cada momento histórico. Por fim apresentamos a questão do intelectual orgânico e tradicional e a relação educativa destes com o partido, além de refletirmos também sobre a questão da práxis revolucionária. Para Gramsci toda classe em todas as sociedades formam seus intelectuais orgânicos e são estes os responsáveis pela manutenção da ideologia que permite o funcionamento do modelo econômico, político e social de sua época. Os intelectuais tradicionais são disputados pela classe dominante e pela classe dominada, nesta perspectiva, então, é função do partido, além de produzir seus intelectuais orgânicos, conquistar estes outros intelectuais para defesa de sua ideologia. A Escola formal, de onde saem os intelectuais tradicionais, se torna também um palco de disputa entre as classes com projetos de sociedade antagônicos. Portanto, cabe ao partido político, na concepção gramsciana, atuar, como agente educativo, nos diversos espaços da sociedade civil, disputando a hegemonia para a construção de uma educação revolucionária voltada à classe trabalhadora.

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En nuestro caso, la exploración de la categoría militante en la UDI y la DC será la llave de acceso que utilizaremos para comprender cómo esas relaciones políticas que poseen los actores locales, determinan la interacción con lo que ambos partidos plantean como “modos de organización” a nivel nacional. Es decir, cómo moldean su forma de implantación territorial-local con respecto a los tipos de reclutamiento y militantismo de los que disponen las organizaciones, traduciéndolas en dos formas particulares de compromiso militante.

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The Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) in Mexico lost power in 2000 after controlling the governing structure for 71 years. With the old rules gone forever, the PRI needed to regroup in order to survive as a viable party. This thesis explores how the PRI went about transforming its candidate selection procedures from 2000 to 2006 in order to remain a viable political party. Since the president of Mexico made most candidate selection decisions previously, the party had no choice but to reform its procedures. What emerged was a battle for power and influence between and among the party leaders at the national level and party affiliated state governors. Those state governors sought to dominate party structures within their states as the President of the Republic once dominated the party nationally. To restore the legitimacy many in the party thought it lost, the PRI first experimented with open primaries. It eventually concluded that open primaries caused divisions, thus often hurting the party electorally. As time passed, the PRI moved away from selecting candidates through open primaries and sought to nominate unity candidates. / text

In this report, I analyze the worldwide decline of traditional clientelist political parties over the past century. To do this, I investigate the collapse of the Partido da Frente Liberal (PFL), a traditional clientelist party in Brazil who has experienced a rapid decline in support over the past decade. I argue that the PFL (renamed the Democratas in 2007) has entered a decline over the past decade because spending on social programs by the Brazilian federal government has reduced extreme poverty considerably over that same period. This reduction of poverty, in turn, has led many poor Brazilians to desert the PFL/D for parties such as the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT). I conduct multivariate statistical analysis on an original dataset to support my argument. / text

How are Centre parties distinct from Left and Right parties in term of their policy preferences? The scholarship on political parties either ignores Centre parties or treats them as a residual category. In this study, I attempt to rescue Centre parties from obscurity by looking at a quintessential Centre party: the Chilean Christian Democratic Party (PDC). Between 1990--2000, the PDC led two centre-left Concertacion coalition governments under Patricio Aylwin (1990--1994) and Eduardo Frei (1994--2000). It was the PDC's responsibility to negotiate the 'Chilean paradox': a country that had achieved economic success with neoliberalism and become a "model" for Latin America but where the "social debt" increased exponentially during 17 years of military rule under Augusto Pinochet (1973--1990). Health was one of the main concerns for Chileans through the decade but there was little headway made in the policy arena. My study seeks to explain why this was so. / I make a distinction between (1) the "defensive" Centre which aspires to be neither left nor right; and (2) the "encompassing" Centre parties that are both left and right. Christian Democratic parties are "encompassing" Centre parties par excellence since they incorporate elements of both left and right ideologies in a manner consistent with their social Catholic beliefs. They are known to combine a conservative position on social and moral issues with a pro-poor orientation on welfare issues. The main policy dilemmas of the PDC emerged from its status as an "encompassing" Centre Party as it sought to reconcile left and right. During the 1990s, the PDC shifted allegiance from state-led development policies to neoliberalism. As a result, the scope of the party's commitment to welfare issues was defined within the range of options available within the neoliberal model. However, while neoliberals dominated key policy positions, statists retained influence in the Congress and within the party organization. The uneven nature of adaptation to neoliberalism became one of the main obstacles in reaching a consensus for reform. My study also gives due emphasis to the constraints introduced by the country's institutional framework, notably the 1980 Constitution inherited from the military regime.

El largo viaje/The Long Journey deals with the cultural politics of the Communist Party of Spain from 1920, when Communism first emerged in the country, until 1939, when the Spanish Civil War ended. The aim of this dissertation is two-fold. On the one hand, by looking at the Party's cultural discourse, its attempts to provide the working class with a political education, and its relationship with communist intellectuals, it aims at explaining the Party's evolution from its original proletarian line in the early 1920s to its democratic line in the mid-1930s, after it joined the anti-fascist Popular Front alliance. On the other, it aims at investigating how, between the years of 1936 and 1938, the Communist Party ended up fulfilling the democratic revolutionary dream of the Spanish bourgeoisie. Through its work in the Ministry of Public Instruction, the Party brought back to life the cultural discourse and aspirations which the reformist and Republican bourgeoisie had been holding on to since the mid- and late nineteenth century. In doing that, Spanish Communists were using cultural practice to further advance the cause of the democratic revolution, and, perhaps more importantly, to make the Spanish people full participants in that revolution for the very first time.

Thesis (doctoral)--Uppsala universitet, 1986. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 384-396).