The Parliament of Catalonia was restored in 1980 within the transition to democracy in Spain. From the beginning the coalition of Convergència i Unió was dominated in party system. This coalition was consisted by two parties and had absolute parliamentarian majority between years 1984 and 1995. Its dominance was disrupted by Partit dels Socialistes de Catalunya in elections in 1999 and also in 2003. Until then, there was a bipolar system where CiU won elections to the Parliament of Catalonia and PSC-PSOE elections to Congreso de Diputados in this autonomous region. CiU won every Catalan parliamentary elections till 2012. After the collapse of CiU in 2015, one of its parties, Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya, started to cooperate with Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya primarily because of Catalonia's independence. The number of relevant parties started to increase in 2015. The aim of the thesis is to answer following questions: what party system according to Sartori's theory occurred/occurs in the Parliament of Catalonia and whether there was a change of party system or not. If yes, then which circumstances affected this change. Furthermore, the results of the elections to the Parliament of Catalonia and to Congreso de Diputados in Catalonia are compared. This comparison seeks to answer the question of...

Czech party system can be described as relatively young compared to other, especially western European party systems. However in these days we can identify a number of regional parties inside it. This work answers the question how we can accurately identify which political entities belong to the group of regional parties in the context of the Czech Republic and which not. Likewise, it brings analysis of the position of these kinds of formations in the Czech political system. The theoretical part deals with the definition of "regional party". It brings several different theoretical approaches, which deal with the definition of that term, and then examines the application of the definition of regional parties to the case of the Czech Republic. In the analytical part, which is a case study, there is defined circuit of Czech regional parties. After that it is presented comprehensive analysis of these subjects on base of official documents of these parties, such as their articles of association, political program etc., as well as statistical data kept in the databases of central government authorities of the Czech Republic and interviews with members of selected regional formations. Particular attention is paid to these phenomena: the circumstances of creation of selected regional parties, as well as...

The party system of Iceland was always well-known for its strong stability and moderate nature typical for its whole modern development. But since the 1999 parliamentary election the Icelandic party system has been going through several changes and it is not appropriate to consider it nowadays as a traditionally stable party system with, in the long term, the dominant Independence Party. The party system is splitting off and the new parties are found out. Although after the 2013 election the system returned to the pre-2009 model, there is still an important question whether it reflects repeated stabilization of the Iceland political and party system, or it is only a reaction to the left-wing government in the years of 2009 to 2013. The aim of this thesis is to answer the following questions: is the Icelandic party system going through some changes of its structure or inter-party competition, and if so, is this transformation caused by the financial and bank crisis in 2008, or does it concern long- term transformations? Did the electoral shock in 2009 result from the reaction of the Icelandic voters to the financial crisis, or the election results were only another validation of the long- term Icelandic party system trend, namely by erosion of its traditional adjustment? In the analysis of the...

The aim of this diploma thesis is to discuss new political parties in the context of the Czech party system. Movement ANO 2011 and Dawn of Direct Democracy are the researched subjects which broke through elections to the Chamber of Deputies in the Czech Republic in 2013. This multiple case study proceeds from the basic and ambiguously gripped notion political party to diverse theoretical aspects of newness, trying to briefly define the Czech party system in the context of new political parties. It is done in terms of legislative rules for (not only new) political parties and also from a developmental view. Afterwards the empirical part works with particular characteristics of two chosen subjects - it gradually focuses on their emergence and development, programme, the leader and members, electoral campaign and their participation in elections. The task of the individual characteristics is to introduce both subjects accurately so their common and different traits are obvious. The gained findings are later assessed by the view of the chosen Sikk's theory of newness. There is examined if ANO and Dawn fall into some of the categories defined by this theory. The diploma thesis tries to shift the state of knowledge of new Czech political parties and refers to the positives and negatives of the chosen...

過去由於我國立法委員選舉所採用的「複數選區單記非讓渡投票制」，常造成選風敗壞、偏激取向、派系政治等諸多負面影響。有鑑於此，立法院於2004年8月23日通過「席次減半」及「單一選區兩票制」的修憲案，並於2005年6月7日經國民大會複決通過，自第七屆開始，立法委員任期改為4年，席次減半為113人。2008年1月12日第七屆立法委員選舉首次實施「單一選區兩票制」，而本文將檢視此次立委選舉結果相關資料，探討選制改變後對我國政黨體系之影響，並從過去的理論評析與實際運作層面相互驗證，探討理論與實務之間異同，及其可能之影響因素，然而，由於僅是一次實施的結果，因此相關後續發展仍須持續觀察。 / In the past, our national elections of members of Legislative Yuan adopted “multi-member-district, single non-transferable vote.” It usually caused negative influences such as deterioration of election, extreme trends, and faction politics. Therefore, Legislative Yuan passed constitution-amending bills “seats reduction in half” and “single-district two votes system” on August 23rd, 2004. These bills were passed by National Assembly on June 7th, 2005. The term of service for the seventh legislators was prolonged into four years and the seats were reduced in half to 113 seats. The seventh legislator election adopted “single-district two votes system” for the first time on January 12th, 2008. The essay will survey information related to the outcome of the legislator election, discussing the influence of changing election systems on the systems of political parties. Through the mutual demonstration between past theory criticism and practical operation, it discusses common and different points between theories and practices and finds out possible influential elements. However, it is just the outcome of single practice so it’s following development requires constant observations.

The diploma thesis deals with the analysis of British party system and its special features, with the focus on the main political parties in Great Britain, their history, their development and the current position within the system. The thesis employs methods of analysis of specialized sources in the English language mainly. The aim of the first part is to provide theoretical knowledge to establish background for better understanding the rest of the thesis. The following part of the thesis deals with the main political parties in Great Britain, their development, programs and their current position in the system. The most important part of the thesis is the last one, which focuses on Liberal Democratic Party, its beginnings, development and puts emphasis on the two last elections in 2010 and 2015. There is an attempt to provide an opinion on what were the reasons of the election results depending on election program, electorate and other specifications.

Landtagswahlergebnisse in der BRD werden von empirischen Wahlforschern häufig als aktuelle Stimmungsbarometer für die Bundespolitik interpretiert. Bei dieser Interpretation von Landtagswahlen als \"Bundestestwahlen\" wird jedoch häufig vernachlässigt, dass Landtagswahlen überwiegend auch Regionalwahlen sind und landestypischen Dynamiken folgen. Empirische Untersuchungen zu Bestimmungsfaktoren von Landtagswahlverhalten wurden in Deutschland bis dato entweder in Form von qualitativen Einzelfallanalysen oder als Aggregatdatenanalysen der amtlichen Wahlstatistiken durchgeführt. Eine direkte und vergleichende Quantifizierung der Effektstärken mit Survey-Daten wurde allerdings bislang nicht vorgenommen. Die vorliegende Studie wertet deshalb im Rahmen eines replikativen Surveys 17 Landtagswahlstudien aus. So können die Effektstärken der individuellen Bewertung der Bundes- versus der Landesparteien auf die Landtagswahlentscheidungen direkt verglichen werden. Als Fazit zeigt sich, dass in Westdeutschland die Beurteilung der Landesparteien einen stärkeren Einfluss auf die individuelle Landtagswahlentscheidung ausübt als die Beurteilung der Bundesparteien. In Ostdeutschland prägt dagegen bei Landtagswahlen die bundespolitische Dimension das Abstimmungsverhalten der Wähler stärker. Die Parteipolitikverflechtung zwischen Landes- und Bundesebene ist somit bei Landtagswahlen in Ostdeutschland erheblich stärker ausgeprägt als in den alten Bundesländern.:Einleitung; Theoretische Grundlagen der bundespolitischen Parteipolitikverflechtung bei Landtagswahlen; Empirischer Test der Parteipolitikverflechtung bei Landtagswahlen; Diskussion und Ausblick / Electoral studies often interpret German regional election results ("Landtagswahlen") as barometers of public opinion on federal governmental parties'' performance. However, while interpreting German regional elections as "test-elections" for the national parliament, it is often underemphasised that subnational elections often follow a unique regional dynamics. So far, empirical investigations on the determinants of German regional elections consist either in qualitative case studies or aggregate analyses of official statistics. A quantitative study of individual-level survey data, comparing directly the explanatory power of the federal versus the subnational level, is still lacking. Conducting a repeated survey design, we analyse data from 17 German regional election surveys. Thus, the effects of individual assessments of federal parties versus their subnational counterparts on subnational voting preferences can be directly compared. The conclusion of our analyses can be summarized as follows: In Western Germany, the valuation of subnational parties has a stronger impact on individual voting preferences in subnational elections than the valuation of the federal parties has. However, in Eastern Germany, the federal dimension has a comparatively stronger effect. Hence, the federal – regional ("Länder") party system linkage is clearly stronger in Eastern than in Western Germany.:Einleitung; Theoretische Grundlagen der bundespolitischen Parteipolitikverflechtung bei Landtagswahlen; Empirischer Test der Parteipolitikverflechtung bei Landtagswahlen; Diskussion und Ausblick

The thesis is about New Zealand House of Representatives electoral system. In introductory part is briefly presented the political system of New Zealand. Then is currently used electoral system, its genesis and impacts of transition from the first past the post to mixed member proportional system researched. Thesis is in its effort focusing on segments of electoral system and trying to identify its problematic points and to introduce alternative electoral system proposed to the electors in referenda. The thesis is using the electoral studies methods, especially quantitative measuring of attributes of electoral system and party structure within the House of Representatives.

v anglickém jazyce: This study focuses on the analysis of former Czech political project of "4-Coalition", which was established by four Czech oppositional parties (KDU-ČSL, US, ODA and DEU) in the years 1998 - 2002. This analysis is done through the case study, which focuses on the development of "4-Coalition" in its three developmental stages: from the cooperation of the sovereign parties, throw the formalized platform of party cooperation to the project of "4- Coalition" as a peculiar actor of the Czech politics. The analysis of ideological background, program and personnel questions shows the potential tensions, that arose inside of "4- Coalition", gives them in the appropriate historical context and analyses its causes. These tensions together with the external factors are viewed as a fundamental cause of the final failure of the project of "4-Coalition" and its disintegration. The aim of this study is to answer the question, whether it is possible in party system perspective to speak about "4-Coalition" as a potential third pole of the Czech party system, or whether it is anomaly, which the systemic tendency to the bipolar configuration doesn't infringe. With regard to the continuing relevance of only one left-right dimension of the party competition and the completion of the project of so...

This thesis deals with the development and position of the far-right Workers Party (DS) and the Workers Party of Social Justice (DSSS) in the political system of the Czech Republic. The work also includes a theoretical part, dealing with different views on extremism and radicalism. Also discussed is the position of the far-right parties in Central and Western Europe. The main goal is to capture the roots of the Workers 'Party, but also action and ideological bases its successor the Workers Party of Social Justice. Emphasis is placed on the presentation of the party and demonstrations. They are namely the main way to reach supporters. The thesis also analyzes the election results of DS (DSSS) and try to include the party in the Czech party system according to the theory of Giovanni Sartori. There is also a description of the organizational structure of the party and its affiliated organizations. The last chapter discusses the symbolism and iconography of the party.