O sistema partidário-eleitoral brasileiro é tido como um dos mais fragmentados do mundo. As inferências para esse diagnóstico são extraídas do padrão de competição nas eleições proporcionais. O propósito da tese é estudar o sistema partidário brasileiro a partir das eleições majoritárias de 1989-2006. A tese tem como foco entender a dinâmica da competição política nessas disputas a partir da ação estratégica das elites partidárias. Do ponto de vista substantivo, o trabalho busca contribuir para o entendimento dos mecanismos que garantiram a dominância de PT e PSDB nas eleições presidenciais a partir de 1994. A tese busca demonstrar, ainda, a existência de estabilidade das clivagens políticas se tomarmos os Estados individualmente. O ponto de partida é que as eleições executivas são as mais importantes, tanto para as elites políticas como para os eleitores. Partidos políticos hierarquizam os diferentes pleitos. O argumento do trabalho é que o mecanismo central que garantiu a estabilidade da clivagem PT-PSDB foi a articulação nacional das candidaturas por meio das eleições para o governo do Estado. Esses dois partidos foram capazes de reproduzir essa clivagem nas diferentes disputas estaduais. A evidência empírica utilizada na análise é a frequência do lançamento de candidaturas dos nove maiores partidos nas eleições executivas. O custo de entrada das eleições majoritárias leva à criação de mercados eleitorais distintos no interior do sistema partidário brasileiro. O alto custo decorrente da baixa magnitude das eleições executivas torna esse mercado bastante concentrado. Assim, o padrão da competição política nas eleições majoritárias não apenas se encontra de acordo com a literatura institucionalista mas também apresenta uma estabilidade na identidade dos competidores tanto nas eleições presidenciais como, em menor medida, nas eleições para o governo estadual. / The brazilian electoral-party system is considered one of the most fragmented in the world. That diagnosis is based on the pattern of competition in proportional elections. The purpose of this thesis is to study the brazilian party system from the perspective of executive elections from 1989 to 2006. This thesis focuses on understanding the dynamics of political competition in these disputes from the strategic action of the party elites. Our central aim is to contribute to the understanding of the mechanisms that ensured the dominance of PT and PSDB in the presidential elections since 1994. This thesis seeks to demonstrate also the existence of stability of political divisions if the states are taken individually. The starting point of this work is that the executive elections are the most important for both political elites and voters. Political parties rank the different types of competition. The argument of this paper is that the central mechanism which ensured the stability of the PT-PSDB cleavage was the articulation of national contest through the elections to the government of the state. These two parties were able to reproduce the various disputes in the states. The empirical evidence used in the analysis is the frequency of the launch of applications of the nine major parties in the executive elections. The cost of entering the elections majority takes the creation of separate markets within the electoral party system in Brazil. The high costs of low executive elections make this market highly concentrated. Thus, the pattern of the executive elections is not only according to the institutionalist literature, but also shows stability in the identity of competitors both in the presidential elections and, to a lesser extent, in elections to the states governments.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:27:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 SivanildoAD.pdf: 2044307 bytes, checksum: 3d535f35ff0c6191d99eb97b38d3f628 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-08-25 / The present work aims to analyze the several proportional electoral systems from the contemporaries democracies in order to, in the end, purpose a system that better fits to the constitutional Brazilian order. In this direction, we pursued to indicate the main virtues and imperfections in proportional electoral systems in use in more than two hundred countries, especially relating to the positive and negative effects that these systems inject in the party systems, in the governability and in the representativity. In order to collect elements, and also before getting to the work s main point, other issues were approached, even in a shortened way. Nevertheless, in a position taking, we conclude the work opting for a proportional electoral system that potencializes the constitutional principles of representativity and governability as well as prints a party system strong and strict, once these are the depositaries of a democracy compromised with the Brazilian society / O presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar os diversos sistemas eleitorais proporcionais das democracias contempor?neas para, ao final, propor um sistema que melhor se adeq?e ao ordenamento constitucional brasileiro. Nesse sentido, buscou-se apontar as principais virtudes e imperfei??es dos sistemas eleitorais proporcionais atualmente em vigor em mais de duzentos pa?ses, principalmente no que diz respeito aos efeitos positivos e negativos que esses sistemas projetam no sistema partid?rio, na governabilidade e na representatividade. De forma a colher subs?dios e, antes de chegar ao tema central do trabalho, outras quest?es tamb?m foram abordadas, ainda que de forma abreviada. Por?m, numa tomada de posi??o, conclui-se o trabalho optando-se por um sistema eleitoral proporcional que potencialize os princ?pios constitucionais da representatividade e da governabilidade e imprima um sistema partid?rio forte e coeso, visto serem esses deposit?rios de uma democracia comprometida com a sociedade brasileira

Este trabalho tem por objetivo fazer uma análise das coligações presidenciais vencedoras entre 1994 e 2010 comparando duas dimensões de análise: a ideologia e o pragmatismo eleitoral. A dimensão ideológica mediu a consistência das coligações. A dimensão pragmática avaliou o horário gratuito de propaganda eleitoral, a representação ministerial dos partidos que compunham a coligação vencedora (excluído o partido do presidente), e a representação eleita à Câmara dos Deputados. O estudo apresentou evidências de que os partidos atribuem maior importância à dimensão pragmática do que a ideológica quando definem suas estratégias de campanha. / This work aims to make an analysis on the winning electoral presidential coalitions between 1994 and 2010, comparing two different dimensions: ideology and electoral pragmatism. The ideological dimension of the presidential coalitions was based on their consistency. The pragmatic dimension assessed the campaign time available on TV for each coalition, the distribution on the representation of the coalitions’ parties on the presidential cabinet (presidential party excluded), and the amount of representation concerning the coalitions’ parties elected on the Chamber of Deputies. The study shed light on evidences that generally the parties give more importance to pragmatic aspects than ideological ones when they define their electoral strategies.

This article analyzes the different electoral reforms that have taken place since 1990 and the changes that have characterized the party system in Colombia, mainly in terms of fragmentation and volatility of preferences, with an emphasis on the competition that takes place at the national level and on the origin and dynamics of the new coalition government established by President Juan Manuel Santos in 2010. In addition, we observe the configuration created by the regional and local elections of October 2011 and we discuss on the relationship between electoral regulations and the post conflict scenary. In particular, we deal with questions about the future of Colombian representative institutions, especially rules that determine access to elected office and a possible political participation of demobilized guerrillas. In that sense, it is argued that while the objectives of previous reforms were to achieve higher levels of governance, this new context may put the discussion on the need to sacrifice governance for achieving greater representation back in the center of the debate. / El presente artículo analiza las diferentes reformas electorales que han tenido lugar desde 1990, y los cambios que ha sufrido el sistema de partidos, fundamentalmente en términos de fragmentación y volatilidad de las preferencias, con un énfasis en la competencia que tiene lugar en el nivel nacional y en el origen y las dinámicas de la coalición de gobierno creada por el presidente Juan Manuel Santos en 2010. Además, se observa la configuración que puso en evidencia el proceso electoral regional y local de octubre de 2011 y se problematiza la relación entre reglas electorales y postconflicto, especialmente, las reglas que determinan el acceso a los cargos de elección popular y una posible participación de los guerrilleros desmovilizados. En ese sentido, se arguye que, aunque al observar los objetivos de las reformas anteriores la apuesta había sido por lograr mayores niveles de gobernabilidad, este nuevo contexto vuelve a poner en debate la necesidad de sacrificar gobernabilidad por el logro de mayor representatividad.

Este trabalho tem por objetivo fazer uma análise das coligações presidenciais vencedoras entre 1994 e 2010 comparando duas dimensões de análise: a ideologia e o pragmatismo eleitoral. A dimensão ideológica mediu a consistência das coligações. A dimensão pragmática avaliou o horário gratuito de propaganda eleitoral, a representação ministerial dos partidos que compunham a coligação vencedora (excluído o partido do presidente), e a representação eleita à Câmara dos Deputados. O estudo apresentou evidências de que os partidos atribuem maior importância à dimensão pragmática do que a ideológica quando definem suas estratégias de campanha. / This work aims to make an analysis on the winning electoral presidential coalitions between 1994 and 2010, comparing two different dimensions: ideology and electoral pragmatism. The ideological dimension of the presidential coalitions was based on their consistency. The pragmatic dimension assessed the campaign time available on TV for each coalition, the distribution on the representation of the coalitions’ parties on the presidential cabinet (presidential party excluded), and the amount of representation concerning the coalitions’ parties elected on the Chamber of Deputies. The study shed light on evidences that generally the parties give more importance to pragmatic aspects than ideological ones when they define their electoral strategies.

Este trabalho se volta à evolução do Partido dos Trabalhadores no estado de São Paulo. No contexto mais amplo do debate sobre partidos políticos, o PT sempre se apresentou como um contraponto nas abordagens sobre o sistema político brasileiro que, partindo de diferentes paradigmas teóricos, chegou sempre ao diagnóstico de que estas instituições estariam fadadas a serem organizações frágeis. Daí a análise do partido sob o ponto de vista da organização ser particularmente interessante. Serão observados os movimentos de expansão e retração da estrutura do partido para além do seu núcleo de origem a partir da base de filiados, do comportamento nas disputas no nível local e do desempenho nas eleições proporcionais. Todos esses aspectos se mostram relacionados no desenvolvimento da organização no estado onde nasceu. / This dissertation seeks to understand the evolution of the Workers Party (PT) in the state of São Paulo. In the broader context of the debate on political parties, the PT was always presented as a counterpoint in the approaches of the Brazilian political system that, starting from different theoretical paradigms, the researchers always concluded that these institutions were bound to be fragile organizations. Therefore, the analysis of the party from the point of view of its organization becomes particularly interesting. The movements of expansion and contraction of the partys structure will be observed considering not only the core founder who leads the party, but also based on its membership roster, its behavior in disputes at the local level and its performance in proportional elections. All these aspects are related to the development of the organization in the state that the party was born.

Submitted by Cássia Santos (cassia.bcufg@gmail.com) on 2017-03-24T12:05:08Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Albertino Lopes Mendes - 2016.pdf: 2043738 bytes, checksum: 7773d9688ad6d09a0b653d4eedf41692 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2017-03-24T12:45:58Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Albertino Lopes Mendes - 2016.pdf: 2043738 bytes, checksum: 7773d9688ad6d09a0b653d4eedf41692 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-24T12:45:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Albertino Lopes Mendes - 2016.pdf: 2043738 bytes, checksum: 7773d9688ad6d09a0b653d4eedf41692 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-07-27 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / This work examines the process of institutionalization of the political system in Cape Verde between the period 1991 and 2011. The general argument begins of Mainwaring and Torcal (2005). According to these authors, “the systems supporting of less developed countries are less institutionalized”. In this way, we refuted the two authors' arguments above mentioned and demonstrate that the country in study although it places in less developed countries category its political system is well institutionalized. Our study was based on three dimensions proposed by Mainwaring and Scully (1995): inter-party competition, stable roots in the society and the organizational continuity that are measured according to some indicators. / Este trabalho examina o processo de institucionalização do sistema partidário em Cabo Verde no período compreendido entre 1991 a 2011. O argumento geral, parte de Mainwaring e Torcal (2005), de acordo com os autores “sistemas partidários dos países menos desenvolvidos são menos institucionalizados”. Desse modo buscamos refutar os argumentos dos dois autores acima mencionados e demonstrarmos que o país em estudo se situa na categoria de país menos desenvolvido, mas o sistema partidário encontra-se institucionalizado. Baseamos o nosso estudo em três dimensões propostas por Mainwaring e Scully (1995) para a nossa pesquisa. Estas dimensões: a competição interpartidária, raízes estáveis na sociedade e a continuidade organizacional mensuradas de acordo com a utilização de alguns indicadores propostos pelos autores mencionados acima. Este trabalho examina o processo de institucionalização do sistema partidário em Cabo.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / The prime aim of this thesis is to examine the link between fiscal decentralization and local financial governance in fiscally empowered woreda administrations (districts) of the Amhara region in Ethiopia. Local financial governance has been one of the reasons and arguably the crucial one that drives many countries to subscribe to fiscal decentralization. The presumption is that public finance mobilization and spending can be implemented in a more efficient, responsive, transparent and accountable manner at the local government level than at the centre. Nonetheless, empirical studies show that the linkage between fiscal decentralization and these local financial governance benefits is not automatic. Several developing countries that have tried to implement fiscal decentralization have failed to realise the promised financial governance gains largely due to design and implementation flaws. A review of the various theoretical perspectives suggest that local financial governance is not a factor of just devolution of fiscal power but also other intervening forces such as financial management system, citizen voicing mechanisms and the social and political context. It is within the framework of this theoretical argument that this study sought to investigate how the mixed and incomplete efforts of the district level fiscal decentralization program in the Amhara region has impacted on financial governance of woreda administrations. The study assesses the efficacy and role of various initiatives of the district level decentralization program of the Amhara region, such as the fiscal empowerment of woredas; financial management system reforms; citizen voicing mechanisms and political party structures and system in influencing woreda financial governance. To this end, the investigation process largely took the form of an interpretative approach employing a combination of various methods of gathering the required qualitative and quantitative data from respondents and documents in the selected four case woredas or districts. Findings on the assessment of the intergovernmental relations to measure the adequacy of devolution of fiscal power indicate that, despite the constitutional provision that affords the woredas the power to mobilize and spend public finance for the provision of various local public services, several design and implementation shortcomings have constrained woreda administrations from exercising such power effectively. As a result, the district level fiscal decentralization framework of the Amhara region appears to have features of decentralization by de-concentration rather than by devolution. Despite the extensive financial management reforms that have been undertaken, the research findings indicate that the financial management system in woreda administrations faces a range of challenges triggered largely by important design and implementation shortcomings. It is observed that the ‘getting the basics right first’ reforms in various financial management processes of woreda administrations are not only incomplete but also found to be inconsistent with each other and therefore could not serve their purpose. Furthermore, there has not been any other change in the last two decades since the initial implementation of these reforms despite such serious shortcomings. Most importantly, woreda administrations could not properly implement the techniques, methods, procedures and rules that constituted the reform process due to serious implementation problems such as the lack of manpower competency and problems associated with the lack of administrative accountability. The results of the study’s assessment regarding the practice of social accountability show that currently there is no arrangement for citizens to participate in public financial decisions and controls. In general, people have little interest in participating in the meetings organised by woreda government. Formal and informal community based organizations suffer from important capcity constraints, and the lack of strong civil society organizations to support these community based organizations makes such problems more difficult to resolve. However, local communities did indicate that they would be interested in participating in financial and budgeting processes if a number of conditions were satisfied. These included the availability of adequate and relevant information; the introduction of genuine forms of participation in which citizens were empowered; and evidence that popular participation was making a visible impact on financial decisions related to service delivery in their surroundings. The assessment of the ruling party structure and system suggests that the centralized system of the regional ruling party has created a dominant relationship between party organs at various levels so much sothat it has undermined the fiscal discretionary power of woreda administrations; blurred relationship between party and woreda financial management systems; and undermined direct voicing. Consequently, the genuine devolution of fiscal power, the effective implementation of the decentralised financial management systems, and direct participation of citizens are unlikely to be realised within the current ruling party system and structure. Moreover, the study shows that the intergovernmental relations, the implementation of financial management reforms and direct involvement of people influence each other. The evidence suggests that the effective implementation of the financial management reforms is not possible without genuine devolution of fiscal power and arrangements for the activeinvolvement of citizens. Despite these limitations and shortcomings, the research nevertheless reveals that the decentralization process has achieved some positive results, such as the expansion of access to basic services; the economic use of resources for such expansion; the mobilization of resources from local communities; and the streamlining of a number of bureaucratic processes. However, the prevalence of various financial governance challenges such as excessive budget transfers; low budget execution; uneconomical procurement; illicit spending; budget pressure; inadequate revenue collection; poor financial transparency; and compromised accountability in fiscally decentralized woreda administrations means the promised local financial governance benefits of fiscal decentralization are remain largely unrealized. The evidences in the study strongly suggest that the shortcomings in the design and implementation of intergovernmental relations, financial management system reforms, and direct voicing mechanisms areresponsible in combination with each other for these local financial governance challenges. Thus, the study concludes that local financial governance is a result of a complex network of interactions of intergovernmental relations, public financial management arrangements and social accountability mechanisms. The success of initiatives to improve local financial governance is dependent on contextual factors such as the capacity of civil society organizations and the ruling party system and structure. Therefore, while recommending further efforts of genuine devolution of power, in particular through the continuation of the financial management reform processes towards full-fledged reforms, the study contends that opening enough space for the proliferation of civil society organizations and alternative political parties will be the main priority.

The purpose of this master thesis is to analyze movements and changes on the Slovak political scene, Slovak party system as well as increase of support for antisystem and populist parties. The master thesis devotes its attention to individual governments, their characteristics and electoral support to relevant parties. The work is intended to answer the question whether the party system has changed over the period under review and in what way, and if the antisystemic parties and the phenomenon of populism have grown in the last six years. The theoretical concepts of Giovanni Sartori's party systems, the antisystemic parties from Sartori and Giovanni Capoccia and populism from Franciso Panizza, Cas Mudde, Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser and Chantal Mouffe are used to examine the dynamics of the Slovak political scene in order to answer the above questions. Keywords elections, political parties, party system, moderate pluralism, polarized pluralism, antisystem parties, protest parties, populism

The purpose of this master thesis is to analyze movements and changes on the Slovak political scene, Slovak party system as well as increase of support for antisystem and populist parties. The master thesis devotes its attention to individual governments, their characteristics and electoral support to relevant parties. The work is intended to answer the question whether the party system has changed over the period under review and in what way, and if the antisystemic parties and the phenomenon of populism have grown in the last six years. The theoretical concepts of Giovanni Sartori's party systems, the antisystemic parties from Sartori and Giovanni Capoccia and populism from Franciso Panizza, Cas Mudde, Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser and Chantal Mouffe are used to examine the dynamics of the Slovak political scene in order to answer the above questions. Keywords elections, political parties, party system, moderate pluralism, polarized pluralism, antisystem parties, protest parties, populism