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Cette thèse s'intéresse au programme et aux activités d'éducation à la paix menées par le gouvernement Kenyan analysés grâce à un cas d'étude qualitatif et une ethnographie "multi-site". Les violences postélectorales de 2007-2008 ont été le point de départ de considérable programme et activités œuvrant à la construction de la paix. Notre analyse débute à l'indépendance, en 1963; en effet, ce fut un point charnière de l'histoire nationale car le Kenya a été rendu aux Kenyans mais aussi car la violence structurelle du pays, ses injustices sociales, se renforcèrent dans les mains même des Africains. Nous revoyons l'histoire de la politique étatique pour saisir les notions de groupe ethnique, de communauté ethnique, de politique ethnique en plus des répartitions inégales des terres et des frontières intérieures. En conséquence, les principales causes de conflit ethniques sont revues aussi. En dehors de la violence physique, le Kenya est sérieusement défié au cœur de sa sécurité nationale; par l'urbanisation rapide et la croissance incessante des bidonvilles avec de forts taux de chômage chez les jeunes; et par de nombreux problèmes liés aux 500,000 réfugiés habitant sur son sol. Nous revoyons aussi brièvement comment la corruption est omniprésente et sous-jacente à tous les problèmes mentionnés ci-dessus. Le Kenya a fait la paix avec l'aide d'une médiation internationale et de l'implémentation inhérente des quatre agendas adressant les causes urgentes et celles de long terme du conflit Kenyan. Cette thèse explore pourquoi, et surtout, comment l'éducation à la paix s'est développée au niveau national; et si elle a eu un impact sur la violence structurelle. Notre inspection commence à la naissance du programme d'éducation à la paix au Ministère de l'Education, de la Science et de la Technologie, avec le HCR; et ensuite avec l'UNICEF. Après, la campagne nationale d'éducation à la paix a été construite en vue des élections générales, notablement paisibles, de 2013 et aussi grâce à d’autres activités. Le Kenya devint le leader continental de l'ADEA: ICQN-EP, en apprenant et partageant ses expériences avec d'autre pays africains. Une politique nationale d'éducation à la paix a été promulguée en 2014 avec l'UNICEF et l'UNESCO; l'éducation à la paix appartient désormais au patrimoine national kenyan. / This thesis investigates Kenya's governmental journey into peace education through a qualitative case study and multi-sited ethnography. The relentless post-election violence of 2007-2008 signed the beginning of extensive peace building activities. Our analysis starts right at independence, in 1963; a corner stone in the national history since it rendered Kenya to Kenyans but also because the country's structural violence, social injustices, started building up in the hands of Africans. We reviewed the history of national politics to understand notions of ethnic group, ethnic community, ethnic politics in addition to unequal land allocations and internal borders. Accordingly main reasons of ethnic conflicts were assessed as well. Besides behavioural violence, Kenya is greatly challenged in terms of internal security; by rapid urbanization and ever growing slum areas with high rates of unemployed youth and by facing daily tough issues with over 500,000 refugees on its soil. We also reviewed briefly the ubiquitous corruption as an underlying matter of the issues above mentioned. Kenya made peace with an international mediation and the implementation of four agendas attending to proximate and long term issues. This thesis explored why, and most importantly, how peace education rallied round to the national peace building cause; further wondering if peace education had an impact on structural violence. Our review started at the beginning of the peace education programme in the MoEST headquarters with UNHCR and later with UNICEF. Afterwards, a national peace education campaign was built in sight of the notably peaceful 2013-general election, alongside with other activities. Kenya became the continental lead country of the ADEA: ICQN-PE, learning and sharing experiences with fellow African countries. A governmental policy on peace education was launched in 2014 with UNICEF and UNESCO; peace education now belongs to the patrimony of Kenya.

In 1994, almost a million Tutsi and some Hutu were massacred in Rwanda during the 100 day genocide. Between 1995 and 1998, nearly the same number of Hutu and some Tutsi died, while in flight, primarily in the former Zaire. In the years following genocide, hundreds of thousands of Rwandans have been accused of genocide related crimes. There is not a person in Rwanda who is not directly affected by past violence and the country is in a process of healing and reconciliation. Much of the violence in Rwanda can be traced to perceptions of history and identity. This thesis seeks to unearth narratives of history and identity as a way of exploring possibilities for healing and reconciliation. Through an in-depth examination of four life stories, interviews with leaders in the field of reconciliation in Rwanda and informal interviews with a broad spectrum of Rwandans, this research sheds light on the challenges and opportunities in terms of healing. It finds that through critical engagement with our own and broader socio-political narratives we can expand the possibilities of our own narratives, allowing scope for personal healing as well as leading to a deeper understanding of the other. This can form the basis for sustainable reconciliation. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Westville, 2010.

Male sexual violence is prevalent in South Africa. This study examines the attitudes and behaviour of young Zulu men towards their peer females and offers an understanding of the complex factors influencing male attitudes and behaviour towards females. The study found that men feel that they are in charge, and they cannot control their sexual urges. Therefore, when they are aroused, they believe that their girlfriend/partner/wife must meet their sexual needs. If women are reluctant to have sex, it is ok to force them to do so. / Thesis (M.Com.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Westville, 2009.

Pre-schools, as the entry point to formal education are increasingly expected to play an invaluable role in the promotion of peace. As such, this study sets out to investigate the nature and extent to which one pre-school, namely Khulqnathi Educare Gentre in Pietermaritzburg (KEG), adheres to the 'peaceful schools' model with respect to its organization, curriculum, learning methods and the handling of conflict. The research approach taken in this study was qualitative and exploratory, relying on self-administered questionnaires, reviewing literature and documentary analysis. The researcher also spent some time at the school to observe day-to-day activities. Parents and teachers constituted the study's respondents. The study reveals an innovative approach to teaching at KEG in which peace education is treated as an integral part of the entire learning and teaching processes. This innovation gets impetus from the school's constitution, which endorses peace education. Peace values are promoted through the curriculum in general, and in particular, the teaching and learning methods and in the school's approaches to handling conflict. Peace education does not stand out as an explicit goal. Rather, it is an integral compc;ment of the four cornerstones of the KEG's learning and teaching processes. Approaches to resolving conflict through dialogue at the school further demonstrate the school's adherence to the peaceful school model. A close working relationship between the school staff and parents ensures that children are exposed to peace values both at home and at school. In summary, the questionnaires, observations and the school documents lead to the conclusion that KEG is closely conforms to the peaceful school model. The study also offers some general insights on peace education in pre-schools and some recommendations specifically meant for Khulanthi Educare's situation. / Thesis (M.Com.)-University of Natal, Durban, 2003.

This study is an evaluation of the Rwandan unity and reconciliation process and was undertaken to assess whether it possesses the potential for building sustainable peace in the country. The study used an analytical method to measure the key activities of the National Unity and Reconciliation Commission, the national body that oversees the efforts aimed at promoting unity and reconciliation among Rwandans. Before properly analysing the process, the study outlined a number of conditions that are necessary for true reconciliation and sustainable peace to be achieved. The analysis allowed a comparison of these conditions to the context in which the unity and reconciliation process is being conducted in Rwanda. This required the exploration of the entire situation at political, economic and social levels. Particular attention has been paid to the situation after the 1994 genocide to examine developments from then until to the present. It became evident during the study that decisive structural changes have been undertaken to prepare a supportive environment for unity, reconciliation and peace. Appropriate structures' reform occurs in the domains of good governance, economic planning and justice. It also became evident, however, that some important obstacles to unity and peace persist, specifically poverty, reluctance to cooperate with 'Gacaca' traditional courts, corruption and opportunistic political leaders. Appropriate measures have to be taken in addressing these issues for sustainable peace to be a new way of life for all Rwandans. Generally, the study showed that the process of unity and reconciliation in Rwanda has the potential to succeed since high governing leaders are engaged to restore unity and reconciliation in the country. Political will, the study revea led, is an essential ingredient for sustainable peace. The study also listed a number of encouraging results of the process and proposed some measures to strengthen unity, reconciliation and peace. / Thesis (M. Com.)-University of Natal, Durban, 2003.

Zimbabwe as a country has successively been faced with a number of challenges that others argue to be a result of either poor governance or colonial imbalances. However, despite the contestation with regards to the cause of the crisis situation, several armed struggles continued to wreck the economy. This continuous collapse of the economy resulted in the ruling government slowly becoming unpopular to the people, thus it paved way to the formation of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC); an opposition political party to the dominant Zimbabwe African National Union –Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF). The formation of the opposition party then triggered tensions, which later saw the March 2008 elections’ tension calling for a power-sharing agreement. Therefore, it is against this background that the research critically examines the role played by Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) in conflict transformation since the formation of the unity government. In addition, the study is also conducted against the background of scholarly interest to understand the relationship between CSOs and the Zimbabwean government, during the period that marked the introduction of the inclusive government 2009-2012. The study will also look at the key competencies of CSOs, which are complimentary to the process of conflict transformation and further outline the need for active participation from CSOs and other stakeholders to the process. In addition, it is worth noting that while CSOs make numerous attempts to vigorously participate in conflict transformation, factors such as restrictive government policies, lack of funding and government interference continually undermines their contribution. Autonomous and sustainable operations of CSOs in such limiting environments is virtually impossible hence, there is need for drastic measures to be employed in order to address this contradiction. / Thesis (M.Com.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2013.

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