Wars and conflicts inevitably result in the destruction of the built-environmentand of communities. This paper explores the potential social contributions of architectsto sustainable peace building in post-conflict reconstruction.Recent discussions about the social impact of architecture insist on the benefitsof involving affected populations in the design and implementation of construction andreconstruction projects. Nevertheless, the humanitarian community often disregards thebuilt-environment reconstruction sector, despite the opportunities it holds to bridge the‘humanitarian-development-peace nexus'. Due to a mutual misunderstanding betweenprofessions, the value of involving architects in humanitarian programmes isoverlooked. In light of Jean-Paul Lederach´s theory of conflict transformation, I suggestthat architecture processes can contribute to sustainable peace via the improvement ofrelationships between middle-range and grassroots leaders as well as within members ofthe grassroots level of affected population. This can take place when the(re)construction planning, design and implementation processes properly take thecultural context into consideration and involve the users.Through the analysis of three diverse examples of post-conflict constructions inRwanda, Colombia and Iraq, involving architects, I will show that they respectfullyinsert their projects in the local context. They involve the local communities in thereconstruction process, collaborate with multidisciplinary teams and consider not onlytechnical but also social and psychosociological aspects of housing. Thereby they cancontribute to the relevancy and sustainability of post-conflict reconstruction projects andsupport holistic approaches to peace building.Finally, I will argue for a greater involvement of architects in the humanitarianfield and call for more comprehensive research on their social contributions, the field ofpeace building and post-war reconstruction.

Despite the important developments that peacebuilding plays in academia on conflict resolution and management, the field remains unexplored in multiple ways. One of the ways that this can be done is through the involvement of women in a domain that is considered to be relatively less inclusive of marginalized groups. The role women can play in negotiating for conflict resolution is significantly emerging as an important debate in peace research work and studies. Relatively little attention has been paid on the relevance of traditional approaches to conflict resolution particularly on the role that women contribute to using such methods. This impacts in balancing gender representation in peacebuilding processes. This research therefore takes a deeper look into the role of women in peacebuilding using the women groups in Casamance, Senegal as the empirical case study. The main objective of this study is to critically analyze the significant role women play as peacebuilders specifically, highlighting the relevance of traditional knowledge of conflict resolution. Hence, the key research question is to empirically reconstruct the role of women in peacebuilding and analyze how the use of traditional methods of conflict resolution has contributed to peacebuilding in Casamance. In this vein, this study employs a qualitative approach to critically analyze the situation in Casamance using semi-structured in-depth interviews and focus group discussions. This study utilizes the actor network theory (ANT) as the framework for analysis. A core finding of this dissertation reveals a disconnection between the existence of laws and policies on the participation of women in peacebuilding versus recognizing the local practices and initiatives of women groups at the grassroots with regard to implementation. The findings also bring to light the importance of further research in traditional methods of conflict resolution as contributing to peace and security.

This thesis analyzes the relation between women mediators in peace negotiations and the inclusion of female child soldiers in disarm, demobilize and reintegrate (DDR) processes. Research shows that despite the adoption of UNSCR 1325 and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, there is low participation of women in peace processes. Children, especially girls (Girls Associated with Armed Forces and Armed Groups (GAAFAG), are often excluded from DDR programs due to not being seen as soldiers. This is not only an obstacle for lasting peace but it is also of importance to include them in the process as they have a human right to rehabilitation and reintegration after an armed conflict under Article 39 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Few studies have analyzed the relationship between women in peace negotiations and the inclusion of girls in the DDR process. The purpose of this thesis is therefore to study the effect women mediators can have on the inclusion or exclusion of children, specifically girls, in DDR programs after an armed conflict. The theory is that women involved in the peace process will broaden the issues of negotiations, bring those issues onto the official implementation agenda and ensure that specific issues are written into the agreement. This thesis suggests that because women have different experiences and priorities, women’s and children’s issues, such as including girls in the DDR process, will more likely be brought onto the implementation if women are involved. By taking the research question, what difference can women mediators make when it comes to the inclusion of GAAFAG in DDR programs? as a point of departure, the study analyses three cases: Colombia, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), and Somalia. Through the Structured Focused Comparison research design, the study asks questions to each case regarding important factors based on the theory; the resources, the mediators, local participation, and formal regulation. The study finds that the DDR process in Colombia both had more women involved and included more children, and girls, in the DDR process. Even though it cannot be fully verified, the results suggest that women involved in peace negotiations can lead to greater inclusion of GAAFAG in DDR processes. While not overlooking the importance of factors such as cultural and historical roots as well as international involvement, as these can affect the outcome as well.

This thesis aims to interconnect a theory of normative power Europe with the activities of the EU and its affect on the Western Balkans. The theoretical concept of normative power is based on the assumption of the EU as a normative actor who is able through its norms, values and principles to become a major civilian actor in international relations, especially in the area of conflict management. The theoretical part of the paper therefore focuses on the concept of normative power EU (NPE) as it is presented by Ian Manners, and how its normative character is reflected in the common security and defense policy. It is analysed how the NPE is diffused in selected countries of the Western Balkans through four chosen transfer mechanisms by Manners that comprise the operationalization of the thesis at the same time. Therefore the aim of this work is to contribute to the further broadening the debate over the EU's role in the international system, but also to find out how the norms and values are transmitted in selected countries of the near neighborhood - Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia and Kosovo. All of this with regard to democracy, human and minority rights, peaceful settlement of disputes, good governance etc., which encompass the basic values of the EU. The selected operationalization has allowed...

After the fall of the Soviet Union a number of violent ethnic disputes were concluded through the establishment of ceasefires but have yet to be finalized through peace accords. This development resulted in the creation of de facto states in a setting known as ‘frozen conflicts’. These de facto states have managed to endure decades of unrecognition, stuck in a situation of “no war, no peace” and constitutes today “effective” political entities. The post-war development in these frozen conflicts has continuously surprised academia, defying pessimistic prediction of their sustainability. Following the positive, hybridized peace etymology laid out by Oliver Richmond, this thesis aims at exploring the peace- and state processes that has occurred during the Nagorno Karabakh peace process in order to explain the ambiguous developments that have been going on despite the limbo-like state of unrecognition. The relation between external and internal processes is interrogated through a periodization of key events, and thereafter a comprehensive analysis of how the processes relate to each other over time. The thesis concludes that the strong presence of identity politics regarding the historical Nagorno Karabakh favors the often violent and protective state formation process but is at least partially controlled by the international attempts at peace building. Local formations of peace do not allow for a reintegration of Nagorno Karabakh into Azerbaijan, at least not without explicit and extensive security and autonomy guarantees. Likewise, the external processes of peace and state building does not allow for local agency from Nagorno Karabakh, as it is viewed through a negative ontology of peace. The processes does provide some rather successful developments, as the almost finalized Land swap deal and the Madrid principles, but lacks the momentum of conquering the dominance of perceived or actualized violent state formation processes.

Interreligious peacebuilding is one of the oldest methods used in peacebuilding around the world, as religion is often one key factor in war and used both to fuel conflicts or to promote peace and co-existence. However, the use of interreligious dialogue in post-conflict societies is still not fully understood and researcher has still not encapsulated its different components. The purpose of this study was therefore to provide understanding of the use of interreligious dia-logue in a highly sectarian societies as contemporary Lebanon is. Therefore, to explore and contribute to this research field, I conducted semi-structured interviewees with a local peace-building organisation in Lebanon. The findings were analysis with an analytical framework, based on intergroup contact theory and research methods on religious dialogue. This study il-lustrated the challenges and opportunities Lebanese peacebuilders face when conducting dia-logues in a very religiously divided society. The findings presented that the affective and cog-nitive effects from interreligious dialogue do varies between individuals depending on their own view on being a majority or minority religion and their own prejudice against other beliefs. Therefore, this paper contributes to new insight on the effects of contact theories relevance in sectarian societies and could be utilised to enhance the peacebuilding efforts in Lebanon.

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2 Abstract Thi di er a ion e plore he e of coercion in he EU liberal peaceb ilding frame ork in Palestine. Palestine has a long- anding hi or of foreign ac or in ol emen . Since he 1993 O lo Accord , he EU peaceb ilding role a one of Pale ine main financial donors has increased. There is scholarly disagreement and a lack of understanding on the role of coercion in peacebuilding practices. While scholars argue that coercion is a core element for human organisations, others do not recognise the negative impact of coercion in peacebuilding when this does not entail the use of force. Furthermore, the peacebuilding scholarship offers little to no conceptualisation of coercion. Therefore, this dissertation explores how coercion manifests in peacebuilding practices, looking at the case of the EU liberal peacebuilding activities in Palestine. In doing so, the research emphasises on how local Palestinian recipients perceive coercion. The current liberal approach of the EU is built upon the economic dependency of Palestinians, which essentially constitutes a coercive structure. The asymmetric power relations between different actors in the region allows space for the contestation of coercion. This dissertation argues that coercion in this context goes beyond its traditional understanding, and therefore requires...

While existing literature has made significant contributions on violence against human rights defenders (HRDs), there remains a gap in understanding local perceptions, leadership roles, responses to violence, and their impact on collective action for peacebuilding. This research investigates the role of HRDs in promoting territorial peace in post-conflict Colombia, addressing the question of which type of HRDs mobilization strategy increases the likelihood of territorial peace during the post-conflict. By implementing a structure focus comparison, the study analyzes two sub-regions, Northeastern of Antioquia, and Western Valle del Cauca – Buenaventura. The findings of the study support the hypothesis that the implementation of adaptive strategies by HRDs, such as approaches, adjustments, and avoidance, leads to increased levels of territorial peace, in terms of enhancing self-determination and consolidating organized protection measures. This is because as the theoretical argument suggested, adaptive strategies have facilitated HRDs' to address emerging territorial tensions and enhance their capacity for the establishment of internal and external mechanisms for peacebuilding. Moreover, these findings underscore the importance of coordinated implementation of adaptive strategies to effectively promote territorial peace. The study collected data by conducting interviews with HRDs and experts in Colombia and triangulating information from secondary data sources.

Critics of the liberal peace paradigm call for the consideration of local realities in order to come to a more sustainable, comprehensive form of peace – which is not imposed by external actors. The “local” is generally seen as the place where bottom-up or grassroots peace is developed in contrast to the liberal peace proposed by external international agents. Whereas critical peacebuilding literature stresses the difference between the “liberal” and the “local” and acknowledges the incoherence of liberal actors, much less attention has been paid to differences and variations within the “local” sphere. Drawing on empirical research in Burundi and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) we argue that the “local” is much more complex than presumed by many critics of the liberal peace. We argue that a) the local is fragmented and actors and issues are highly contested; b) neither actors nor discourses are purely local; and c) the very idea of a coherent collective local agency is contested locally.