La revendication et/ou suggestion d'une africanisation du maintien de la paix en Afrique devait conduire à la réforme du système africain de sécurité. Il s'agit d’une réforme tant normative qu'institutionnelle menée en vue de donner une nouvelle orientation au cadre opérationnel dans l’optique d’une meilleure contribution du continent au maintien de la paix et de la sécurité internationales. Ce travail s'est opéré à la fois au niveau régional et au niveau des communautés économiques régionales (CER) qui font partie intégrante de l’architecture africaine de paix et de sécurité telle que construite au sein et autour de l’Union africaine. Le plus emblématique est pour l’UA de s'être dotée d’un droit d'intervention là où certaines CER, à l'instar de la CEDEAO, avaient déjà pris des initiatives, afin de répondre aux crises les plus diverses dont le génocide. A tout prendre, il s’agit d'une avancée significative du système ainsi mis en place. A l’observation toutefois, on peine à voir un modèle typiquement africain des opérations de maintien de la paix, tant il est vrai que les deux segments, organisation et déploiement opérationnel, laissent apparaître une hétéronormativité et un déploiement pluri-institutionnel. Cela découle sans doute de la prégnance de la fragilité de certains acteurs étatiques qui frise tout élan de construction d’un système communautaire de sécurité fort, nécessitant au surplus des mesures de (re) construction de l’Etat, appuyée par les institutions internationales dont la première d’entre elles - l’ONU. / The demand and/or suggestion of an Africanization of peacekeeping in Africa should lead to the reform of the African security system. This is a normative and institutional reform aimed at giving a new orientation to the operational framework in order to enhancing the continent's contribution to the maintenance of international peace and security. This work has been carried out both at the regional level and at the regional economic community (REC) level, which are an integral part of the African peace and security architecture as built within and around the African Union. The most emblematic is for the AU to have a right of intervention where certain RECs, like ECOWAS, have already taken initiatives to respond to the most diverse crises including the genocide. On the whole, this is a significant step forward in the system thus put in place. However, it is difficult to see a typical African model of peacekeeping operations, as it is true that the two segments, operational organization and deployment, reveal a heteronormativity and a multi-institutional deployment. This is probably due to the fragility of certain state actors, which hampers any effort to build a strong Community security system, which in addition requires measures to (re) build the state, supported by international institutions, Starting with the first - the United Nations.

This thesis investigates the European Union (EU) effect on the economic activity across the Green Line in the divided Cyprus between 2004 and 2016. The primary focus is on the development and implementation of the EU's Green Line Regulation (GLR), which regulates and enables such activity from three aspects: movement of goods, services, and persons. In tracing the EU effect, this thesis provides a critical appraisal of the GLR on whether it provides an adequate legal framework for the economic activity in those three aspects and the extent to which it has contributed to the development of economic cooperation between the Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot communities across the divide. The analysis also pays an equal level of attention to the extent to which the EU effect has been mediated by the factors at the domestic level: the roles of legal framework, ethno-politics in political elites, ethno-politics in civil society, and governance. The investigation of this study is pegged in two academic literatures. The first one is the Europeanisation debate, which concerns with the EU effect in the domestic affairs of countries associated with the EU. This thesis borrows three mechanisms of Europeanisation from this debate in order to test the EU effect on the three aspects of economic activity across the divide in Cyprus: i) institutional compliance, ii) change of domestic opportunity structures, iii) cognitive change. The second academic literature is the liberal peace, which it proposes that greater economic interactions and development of economic interdependence between countries facilitate resolution of their conflicts. The insights from this debate is utilised for conceptualising the EU's GLR as a liberal peace project. While Europeanisation is portrayed as a 'process', liberal peace objectives are seen as the 'ultimate destination', which the 'vehicle' of the EU's GLR will drive the island towards it. This thesis argues that the GLR has only achieved a limited success and largely failed to contribute to the development of economic cooperation across the divide in Cyprus. This is mainly because the Europeanisation process have been heavily mediated and negated by the design shortcomings of the GLR as well as the factors at the domestic level, which are inherently linked to the politics of division. In this context, this thesis aspires to make contribution in both empirical and conceptual terms. The in-depth and critical investigation of the GLR as well as of the economic activity across the divide in Cyprus provides a much-needed contribution to the contemporary politics of Cyprus, which has been largely ignored by the existing academic literature. Additionally, the conceptual framework developed in this thesis allows exploring synergies between the theoretical literatures of Europeanisation and liberal peace and combines them with examination of new empirical evidence. This focus captures insights on how Europeanisation can be used as a 'tool' for pursuing liberal peace objectives in contested statehood, beyond what has been researched so far and also provides a blueprint for other similar cases of conflict.

Le travail appréhende la question du retour des réfugiés et des personnes déplacées en Croatie et en Bosnie-Herzégovine, dans le cadre des opérations de consolidation de la paix qui se sont déroulées dans la région. En effet, la réintégration des populations déplacées dans leur domicile d’origine a été présentée comme l’une des priorités par la communauté internationale, et comme la solution idéale afin d’encourager la réconciliation dans la région et, surtout, d’y restituer la diversité ethnique. Or, les bilans respectifs des deux anciennes républiques à l’égard du retour des minorités, présentent des différences significatives. Les facteurs internes auxquels se butaient les processus de retour dans les deux pays étaient sensiblement les mêmes. Dans ces conditions, la variable déterminante semble s’être trouvé au niveau de la nature des interventions internationales qui se sont déployées en Bosnie-Herzégovine et en Croatie. Dans l’ensemble, la Bosnie-Herzégovine a bénéficié, de la part des divers acteurs internationaux, d’une attention plus soutenue à cet égard que la Croatie. Cette situation s’est traduite par le fait que le premier pays s’est vu accordé davantage de ressources financières, logistiques et diplomatiques afin de propulser le retour des minorités ethniques. En outre, elle met en exergue l’inconsistence de la rhétorique internationale qui défend des principes associés à la défense des droits humains, du pluralisme et de la multiethnicité mais dont l’application concrète se heurte aux impératifs domestiques des pays impliqués et aux autres exigences relatives à la reconstruction post-conflit. / The work addresses the question of the return of the refugees and the displaced persons in Croatia and in Bosnia-Herzegovina, within the framework of the operations of peacebuilding, which took place in the region. Indeed, the reinstatement of the populations in their place of origin was presented as one of the priorities, by the international community and as the ideal solution to encourage the reconciliation in the region and to restore the ethnic diversity. However, the respective balance assessments of the former two republics towards the return of minorities present significant differences. The internal factors on which stumbled the processes of return in both countries were appreciably the same. In these conditions, the determining variable seems to have been located in the nature of the international interventions, which was deployed in Bosnia- Herzegovina and in Croatia. Altogether, Bosnia-Herzegovina benefited, on behalf of the diverse international actors, of an attention much more supported in this respect than Croatia. Therefore, Bosnia saw itself granted considerably more financial, logistic and diplomatic resources to propel the return of ethnic minorities considerably than Croatia. This observation highlights the inconsistency of the international rhetoric which defends principles associated with the defense of human rights, pluralism and multiethnicity but which the concrete application collides with the domestics imperative of the involved countries and with the other requirements related to the post-conflict reconstruction obligations.

Le travail appréhende la question du retour des réfugiés et des personnes déplacées en Croatie et en Bosnie-Herzégovine, dans le cadre des opérations de consolidation de la paix qui se sont déroulées dans la région. En effet, la réintégration des populations déplacées dans leur domicile d’origine a été présentée comme l’une des priorités par la communauté internationale, et comme la solution idéale afin d’encourager la réconciliation dans la région et, surtout, d’y restituer la diversité ethnique. Or, les bilans respectifs des deux anciennes républiques à l’égard du retour des minorités, présentent des différences significatives. Les facteurs internes auxquels se butaient les processus de retour dans les deux pays étaient sensiblement les mêmes. Dans ces conditions, la variable déterminante semble s’être trouvé au niveau de la nature des interventions internationales qui se sont déployées en Bosnie-Herzégovine et en Croatie. Dans l’ensemble, la Bosnie-Herzégovine a bénéficié, de la part des divers acteurs internationaux, d’une attention plus soutenue à cet égard que la Croatie. Cette situation s’est traduite par le fait que le premier pays s’est vu accordé davantage de ressources financières, logistiques et diplomatiques afin de propulser le retour des minorités ethniques. En outre, elle met en exergue l’inconsistence de la rhétorique internationale qui défend des principes associés à la défense des droits humains, du pluralisme et de la multiethnicité mais dont l’application concrète se heurte aux impératifs domestiques des pays impliqués et aux autres exigences relatives à la reconstruction post-conflit. / The work addresses the question of the return of the refugees and the displaced persons in Croatia and in Bosnia-Herzegovina, within the framework of the operations of peacebuilding, which took place in the region. Indeed, the reinstatement of the populations in their place of origin was presented as one of the priorities, by the international community and as the ideal solution to encourage the reconciliation in the region and to restore the ethnic diversity. However, the respective balance assessments of the former two republics towards the return of minorities present significant differences. The internal factors on which stumbled the processes of return in both countries were appreciably the same. In these conditions, the determining variable seems to have been located in the nature of the international interventions, which was deployed in Bosnia- Herzegovina and in Croatia. Altogether, Bosnia-Herzegovina benefited, on behalf of the diverse international actors, of an attention much more supported in this respect than Croatia. Therefore, Bosnia saw itself granted considerably more financial, logistic and diplomatic resources to propel the return of ethnic minorities considerably than Croatia. This observation highlights the inconsistency of the international rhetoric which defends principles associated with the defense of human rights, pluralism and multiethnicity but which the concrete application collides with the domestics imperative of the involved countries and with the other requirements related to the post-conflict reconstruction obligations.

Countless millions of people in the world have little formally recognizable means for receiving any form of social justice. Laos, a small landlocked country in Southeast Asia, is a place that has seen some of the most brutal forms of poverty and violence. Over centuries, ethnic groups have been polarized and used by foreign powers to support their own agendas. In spite of this, the Lao people have consistently managed to recreate the peace and harmony that support their social relationships. Through the development and use of appropriate grassroots conflict resolution structures that do not require a formal court system, and exist outside the political arena, they have been able to resolve conflicts within and across cultural groups. Using in-depth interviews with different ethnic groups in Laos, this research examines traditional conflict resolution processes used in their communities. It identifies and discusses a Lao Conflict Resolution Spectrum, bringing particular attention to the Village Mediation Committee (Neoy Gai Geer). Laos' unique and most recognized conflict resolution ceremonies and rituals,the baci ceremony (soukhouan) and the reconciliation ceremony (soumma), are examined as tools for peacebuilding. These conflict resolution practices are significant in addressing conflict, repairing harm, rebuilding relationships, and restoring harmony to communities in conflict. The systems incorporate principles of effective conflict resolution, including transparency, accountability, inclusivity, flexibility, familiarity, accessibility, support networks, and relationship building. This research discovers how the conflict resolution systems of Laos are embedded in the fabric of grassroots life, and operate independently of the hierarchical structures that dominate governing institutions. It presents a case study of how people from a violent and impoverished past still manage to find ways to address their need for social justice and interconnectedness. The results provide greater understanding and appreciation of the contributions from diverse groups of people who are working daily to establish positive relationships, constructive and appropriate conflict resolution systems, and overall peace in their world. It demonstrates where peace can be found in difficult situations, among people who care little for political agenda and care a great deal about existing harmoniously with the people in their communities in order to mutually raise their quality of life.

The overall purpose of this dissertation is to provide an empirical study of the post-Cold War EastAsian security setting, with the aim of understanding why there is an East Asian peace. The EastAsian peace exists in a region with a history of militarised conflicts, home to many of the world'slongest ongoing militarised problems and a number of unresolved critical flashpoints. Thus, thepost-Cold War East Asian inter-state peace is a paradox. Despite being a region predicted to be ripefor conflict, there have not only been less wars than expected, but the region also shows severalsigns of a development towards a more durable peace. The dominant research paradigm –neorealism – has painted a gloomy picture of post-Cold War East Asia, with perpetual conflictsdominating the predictions. Other mainstream international relations theories, too, fail to accountfully for the relative peace. One of the greatest problems for mainstream theories, is accounting forpeace given East Asia's lack of security organisations or other formalised conflict managementmechanisms. Given this paradox/problem, this dissertation sets out to ask "Why is there a relativepeace in the East Asian security setting despite an absence of security organisations or otherformalised mechanisms to prevent existing conflicts from escalating into violence?" In order to answer this question, the case of East Asian peace is approached by comparingthree embedded case studies within the region: the Taiwan issue, the South China Sea, and theKorean nuclear conflict. It explores the full range of informal and formal processes plus the ConflictPrevention and Peacebuilding Mechanisms (CPPBMs) that have been important for the creation ofa continuing relative peace in East Asia between 1990 and 2008. The study furthermore focuses onChina's role in the three cases, on an empirical basis consisting of interviews conducted with keypersons during more than 1.5 years fieldwork in China. The three cases show that informal processes exist, and that they have furthermore beenimportant for peace, both by preventing conflicts from escalating into war, and by buildingconditions for a stable longer-term peace. Their impact on the persistence of peace has been tracedto a range of different CPPBMs. Returning to the level of the East Asian case, a common feature ofmany of the identified processes is that they can be understood as aspects or manifestations of theEast Asian regionalisation process. Specifically, elite interactions (personal networks, track twodiplomacy), back-channel negotiations, economic interdependence and integration, and functionalcooperation have together with (China's acceptance of) multilateralism and institutionalisation (ofpeaceful relations) been of high importance for the relative peace. Whereas formalised conflictmanagement mechanisms and the U.S. presence have also contributed to peace, this dissertationshows their contribution to be much more limited.

Countless millions of people in the world have little formally recognizable means for receiving any form of social justice. Laos, a small landlocked country in Southeast Asia, is a place that has seen some of the most brutal forms of poverty and violence. Over centuries, ethnic groups have been polarized and used by foreign powers to support their own agendas. In spite of this, the Lao people have consistently managed to recreate the peace and harmony that support their social relationships. Through the development and use of appropriate grassroots conflict resolution structures that do not require a formal court system, and exist outside the political arena, they have been able to resolve conflicts within and across cultural groups. Using in-depth interviews with different ethnic groups in Laos, this research examines traditional conflict resolution processes used in their communities. It identifies and discusses a Lao Conflict Resolution Spectrum, bringing particular attention to the Village Mediation Committee (Neoy Gai Geer). Laos' unique and most recognized conflict resolution ceremonies and rituals,the baci ceremony (soukhouan) and the reconciliation ceremony (soumma), are examined as tools for peacebuilding. These conflict resolution practices are significant in addressing conflict, repairing harm, rebuilding relationships, and restoring harmony to communities in conflict. The systems incorporate principles of effective conflict resolution, including transparency, accountability, inclusivity, flexibility, familiarity, accessibility, support networks, and relationship building. This research discovers how the conflict resolution systems of Laos are embedded in the fabric of grassroots life, and operate independently of the hierarchical structures that dominate governing institutions. It presents a case study of how people from a violent and impoverished past still manage to find ways to address their need for social justice and interconnectedness. The results provide greater understanding and appreciation of the contributions from diverse groups of people who are working daily to establish positive relationships, constructive and appropriate conflict resolution systems, and overall peace in their world. It demonstrates where peace can be found in difficult situations, among people who care little for political agenda and care a great deal about existing harmoniously with the people in their communities in order to mutually raise their quality of life.

Despite its presentation as a pragmatic and universally applicable path to peace, the author argues that liberal peacebuilding offers no clear break from past colonial and imperial relations. Liberal peacebuilding is, in fact, colonial in its attempt to penetrate the markets and political systems of post-conflict countries and restructure economies and political life through the hegemonic imposition of liberal norms, facilitating their integration into global capitalism and a liberal community of states. The “liberal peace” created by this political and economic order often involves violent conditions of assimilation and exclusion. Moreover, the confluence of security and development concerns in the 1990s has set the strategic foundation for the incorporation of locally-driven “civil society” approaches to peacebuilding within statebuilding operations. In this thesis, the author identifies existing criticisms of peacebuilding, and, drawing on theorists such as Michel Foucault, Partha Chatterjee, David Scott, and Jenny Edkins, initiates a deeper critique that considers the historical context of colonialism, legitimations of violence, the construction of the non-west in categories of development, and the relations of power and knowledge associated with liberal approaches to making peace. The author provides a historical and political overview of wars in Angola, proposing that discourses and practices of international peacebuilding have concealed the continuation of war by other means.

Submitted by Ana Carla Almeida (ana.almeida@ucsal.br) on 2017-12-27T18:39:48Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTACAOJESSICAPAIXAO.pdf: 1942748 bytes, checksum: 97cd6cd422a18b8a546bdfe5a4277fb7 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rosemary Magalhães (rosemary.magalhaes@ucsal.br) on 2017-12-27T18:52:16Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTACAOJESSICAPAIXAO.pdf: 1942748 bytes, checksum: 97cd6cd422a18b8a546bdfe5a4277fb7 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-12-27T18:52:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTACAOJESSICAPAIXAO.pdf: 1942748 bytes, checksum: 97cd6cd422a18b8a546bdfe5a4277fb7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-12-19 / A Justiça Restaurativa (JR) vem se consolidando no Brasil enquanto projeto de Justiça moderno e emancipador. Este estudo focaliza formas de solução de conflitos envolvendo adolescentes autores de ato infracional e suas famílias, por meio do modelo de JR. Para analisar a participação da família em experiências de Justiça Juvenil Restaurativa nas regiões Norte e Nordeste, utilizou-se uma combinação de métodos divididos em três fases interdependentes. A primeira fase constituiu um estudo exploratório realizado entre agosto de 2015 a junho de 2016. Promoveu-se o levantamento da implementação teórico-prática da “Justiça Restaurativa” no Brasil e foram identificados os projetos de Justiça Restaurativa existentes nas Regiões pesquisadas. O questionário foi aplicado com os atores sociais envolvidos em projetos de justiça restaurativa. Foram identificadas vinte e nove experiências no N e NE, sendo dezenove no âmbito da infância e juventude, envolvendo Poder Judiciário, Poder Executivo, Defensorias, Ministério Público, Universidades, escolas, OAB, ONGs e Centros de Referência em Assistência Social. Em sua maioria, os projetos incluem a família por meio dos círculos restaurativos, com acompanhamento psicossocial e recebem orientações acerca do cumprimento da Medida Socioeducativa (MSE). Os responsáveis pelos adolescentes são estimulados a participar das práticas restaurativas desde a fase inicial de apuração do ato infracional até a execução da MSE. A análise dos questionários evoca a repercussão da inclusão da família no processo, além de ter contribuído para a definição da experiência emblemática a ser investigada em profundidade. O projeto escolhido situa-se no juizado da infância e juventude do município de Santarém, Oeste do Pará. Iniciada em 2012, fruto da parceria interinstitucional entre o Tribunal de Justiça do Estado do Pará e a Universidade Federal do Oeste do Pará. A experiência demonstrou que a participação da família nos círculos restaurativos incentiva o protagonismo juvenil, o fortalecimento dos vínculos familiares e o exercício da cidadania. Contudo, ainda são necessárias estratégias auxiliares, de natureza pública, que facilitem o acesso dos membros da família, sobretudo daqueles adolescentes com restrição total ou parcial da liberdade, criando espaços adequados ao exercício do cuidado e a geração de afeto. / The Restorative Justice (RJ) has been consolidating in Brazil as a modern and emancipatory justice project. This study focuses on ways of solving conflicts involving adolescents who commit infractional acts and their families, through the RJ model. In order to analyze the participation of the family in restorative juvenile justice experiences in the North and Northeast regions, a combination of methods was divided into three interdependent phases. The first phase consisted of an exploratory study carried out between August 2015 and June 2016. The theoretical-practical implementation of "Restorative Justice" in Brazil was promoted and the restorative justice projects in the regions surveyed were identified. The questionnaire was applied with social actors involved in restorative justice projects. The questionnaire was applied with social actors involved in restorative justice projects. Twenty-nine experiences were identified in the N and NE, nineteen in the field of childhood and youth, involving Judiciary, Executive Branch, Defenders, Public Ministry, Universities, schools, OAB, NGOs and Reference Centers in Social Assistance. For the most part, the projects include the family through the restorative circles, with psychosocial support and receive guidance on compliance with the socioeducational measure (MSE). Those responsible for adolescents are encouraged to participate in restorative practices from the initial stage of investigation of the infraction until the execution of the SEM. The analysis of the questionnaires evokes the repercussion of the inclusion of the family in the process, besides contributing to the definition of the emblematic experience to be investigated in depth. The chosen project was situated at child and youth court of the municipality of Santarém, in western Pará. This project started in 2012, as a result of the interinstitutional partnership between the Pará State Court of Justice and the Federal University of Western Pará. The experience shows that the participation of the family in restorative circles encourages youth protagonism, the strengthening of family ties and the exercise of citizenship. However, auxiliary strategies of a public nature are still needed to facilitate the access of family members, especially those adolescents with total or partial restraint of freedom, creating adequate spaces for the exercise of care and the generation of affection.

This thesis aims to explain how post-conflict environmental initiatives affect women’s empowerment within natural resource management in the short term. It argues that the lack of causal effect between the variables can be explained by the robustness of patriarchal institutions. Gender-sensitive environmental peacebuilding lacks the strength to counter traditional and well-established formal and informal societal structures. Using a structured focused comparison on Sudan and Democratic Republic of Congo the analysis shows that UNEP Country Recovery Programmes, which are used as an example of the post-conflict environmental initiatives, were unable to change women’s position within natural resource management in the first five years of the establishment. Even though presented theoretical frameworks partially explain the results, more research is needed to draw informed and conclusive inferences.