Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2009. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This paper analyses the UN Senior Mission Administration and Resource Training (SMART) programme, a training course which was created to improve the management of UN peacekeeping mission resources and support functions and to improve the performance of managers in the UN Department of Field Support and Department of Peacekeeping. The history of the SMART programme and the context in whic h it was created is provided before evaluating the programme against current training and learning theory literature. The paper also examines the current and potential capacity of SMART to facilitate triple loop learning, or innovation, through the inclus ion of futures studies concepts, such as scenario-building, change and strategy management in the programme. Lastly, the study recommends that SMART learners be equipped with these futures-orientated planning tools to improve their work performance, facilitate triple loop learning and thus improve the overall organisational performance of the Department of Field Support. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie navorsingsprojek analiseer die Verenigde Nasies (VN) se SMART Program (Administrasie en Hulpbron Opleidingsprogram), wat ontwikkel is om die bestuur van hulpbronne en ondersteuningsfunksies in VN Vredesmissies asook die werkverrigting van bestuurders in die VN se Departement van Veldondersteuning en Departement Vredesinstandhouding te verbeter. 'n Historiese oorsig van die SMART program asook die konteks waarin die program ontwikkel is, word eers verskaf, voordat 'n literatuurstudie gedoen word van die huidige opleidings- en leerteorië. Die studie ondersoek verder die huidige vermoë van die SMART program om trippelring-leervermoë (of innovasie) te ontwikkel deur die insluiting van toekomsstudiekonsepte soos senario-ontwikkeling en veranderings- en strategiebestuur. Ten slotte word voorgestel dat deelnemers aan die program met toekomsgeörienteerde beplanningsgereedskap toegerus word om hulle met die uitvoering van hulle take te help en trippelring-leerontwikkeling te bewerkstellig, en sodoende die oorkoepelende organisatoriese werkverrigting in die Departement van Veldondersteuning te verbeter.

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Government and Public Administration

Thesis (MMil (Military Sciences. School for Security and Africa Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2008. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis explores the feasibility of the concept Developmental Peace Missions (DPMs). It seeks to answer the question whether DPMs is an ambitious construct or a feasible ideal and whether DPMs could be effectively applied during peace missions. The study takes the form of a descriptive analysis of the theoretical underpinnings of the concept of DPMs, and includes the analysis of various relevant case studies in terms of the application of the concept of DPMs. The study further explores the evolution that has taken place in terms of United Nations peace missions, in that most modern peace missions include both peacekeeping and peacebuilding initiatives. The study also illustrates the modern approach to peace missions, based on an integrated systems-thinking approach by means of which the activities of all relevant role-players are integrated and fused towards a common end state: that of sustained security and development. In order to analyse the concept of DPMs, the theoretical underpinnings of the concept human security, the security-development nexus and peacebuilding were researched in depth. These concepts were then coupled to the concept of DPMs in terms of their utility during current complex peace missions, both internationally and on the African continent. The concept of DPMs was studied in the context of contemporary peacekeeping in terms of three case studies, namely the peace missions in Kosovo, Sierra Leone and the DRC. The DPMs concept was applied to these case studies and analysed in terms of the extent to which the peace interventions in these countries were conducted in accordance with the philosophical and theoretical underpinnings of DPMs. The study concludes that DPMs, in terms of its theoretical basis, is indeed a feasible ideal for peace missions, as it is based on and in line with the approved current UN- and AU-integrated planning processes. However, in terms of its practical utility in Africa, it currently remains an ambitious construct, given the limited capacity and resources of the AU and regional organisations. Therefore, DPMs should not be viewed as a short-term solution to, or panacea for, all intra-state wars. The study proposes that the UN, the AU, as well as relevant regional organisations will have to adjust and make changes in terms of their institutions, structures, funding and the provision of resources in order to operationalise the concept of DPMs successfully. This is especially true as far as the AU is concerned, as the AU currently experiences severe limitations in both material and human resources. However, the fact that both the UN and the AU have adopted the Integrated Mission Planning Process concept as planning tool for their respective missions is an indication that progress is being made towards the achievement of establishing a more holistic and integrated approach to finding sustainable solutions to global conflict. Ultimately, the success of DPMs will be determined by the will and commitment of all the relevant role-players involved in finding a lasting solution to intra-state conflicts. The concept itself cannot provide sustainable peace and development. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Dié tesis verken die lewensvatbaarheid van die begrip Ontwikkelingsvredesendings. Daar sal gepoog word om ‘n antwoord te kry op die vraag of Ontwikkelingsvredesendings ‘n ambisieuse konstruk of ‘n haalbare ideal is. Verder sal gepoog word om te bepaal of dit effektief tydens vredesoperasies toegepas kan word. Die studie neem die vorm aan van ‘n beskrywende analise van die teoretiese grondbeginsels van die begrip Ontwikkelingsvredesendings en sluit die analise van verskeie relevante gevallestudies ten opsigte van die begrip in. Die studie ondersoek die evolusie wat plaasgevind het ten opsigte van vredesendings wat deur die Verenigde Nasies (VN) onderneem word, naamlik dat die meeste moderne vredesendings, vredesbewarings, sowel as vredesbou (nasiebou) inisiatiewe insluit. Die studie illustreer ook die moderne benadering wat ten opsigte van vredesendings toegepas word, naamlik dat die aktiwiteite van al die betrokke rolspelers geïntegreer word en op ‘n gedeelde einddoel gefokus word. Die teoretiese grondstelllings van die begrippe veiligheid en ontwikkeling, die veiligheid-ensekuriteit- neksus, sowel as die begrip van vredesbou (nasiebou) is in diepte ondersoek ten einde die begrip Ontwikkelingsvredesendings te analiseer. Hierdie begrippe is daarna in verband gebring met die begrip Ontwikkelingsvredesendings soos wat dit tans tydens moderne komplekse vredesendings toegepas word – beide internasionaal sowel as op die Afrika kontinent. Die begrip Ontwikkelingsvredesendings is bestudeer teen die agtergrond van eietydse vredesbewaring ten opsigte van drie gevallestudies, naamlik die intervensies in Kosovo, Sierra Leone en die Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo. Hierdie drie gevallestudies is gekies aangesien dit die eerste sendings was waartydens die VN die nuwe geïntegreerde benadering tot vredesendings, soos in die Brahimi-verslag aanbeveel, toegepas is. Die studie het bevind dat Ontwikkelingsvredesendings, wat betref die teoretiese grondstellings inderdaad uitvoerbaar is, aangesien dit gebaseer is op en in ooreenstemming is met die huidige aanvaarde beplanninsprosesse van die VN en die AU. Maar, wat betref die praktiese bruikbaarheid van die begrip in Afrika, bly dit tans ‘n ambisieuse konstruk, gegewe die beperkte vermoë en hulpbronne van die AU en streeksorganisasies. Die begrip Ontwikkelingsvredesendings moet dus nie as ‘n korttermynoplossing vir alle interne oorloë beskou word nie. Die studie het bevind dat die VN, die AU, sowel as die betrokke streeksorganisasies, ingrypende veranderings sal moet ondergaan ten einde die begrip Ontwikkelingsvredesendings suksesvol te kan toepas, veral ten opsigte van strukture, befondsing en die voorsiening van hulpbronne. Dit is veral waar in die geval van die AU, aangesien die AU tans geweldige uitdagings in die gesig staar wat betref menslike sowel as materiële hulpbronne. Ten spyte van laasgenoemde uitdagings dui die aanvaarding van die Geïntegreerde Sendingbeplanningsproses as besluitnemings-meganisme deur beide die VN en die AU op die vordering wat gemaak word ten opsigte van die daarstelling van ‘n meer holistiese en geïntegreerde benadering vir volhoubare oplossings vir konflik. Die sukses van Ontwikkelingsvredesendings sal uiteindelik bepaal word deur die wil en toewyding van alle betrokkenes by die soeke na langdurige vrede – die begrip op sigself kan nie volhoubare vrede en ontwikkeling bewerkstellig nie.

Thesis (MPA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since the advent of democracy in 1994, domestic and international expectations have steadily grown regarding the role of a new South African as a responsible and respected member of the international community. These expectations have included the hope that South Africa will playa leading role in a variety of international, regional and sub-regional forums and that the country will become an active participant in attempts to resolve various regional and international conflicts. The nature of international activities aimed at international conflict prevention, management and resolution has changed dramatically over the past decade. A radically post-Cold War security environment has seen the transformation of classical peacekeeping operations into complex, multi-dimensional conflict management activities with a political focus in which the military is but one of many participants. Whilst South Africa has, as a member of bodies such as the United Nations, the Organisation of African Unity, the African Union and the Southern African Development Community, begun to play an active role in diplomatic resolution initiatives, the country is also expected to contribute to wider multi-national peace missions. Contemporary peace missions are fundamentally political initiatives, despite the complex mixture of political, humanitarian and military concerns and means. South Africa must therefore make a careful appraisal of the political and strategic environment within which peace missions are to be launched and the principles governing South African participation in such efforts. A clear understanding is required of the type of mandate, which governs peace missions in order to facilitate a detailed articulation of acceptable entry and exit criteria and to determine the scope, level and type of resources that South Africa is willing to commit to future peace missions. This will provide a clear indication to the international community and the regional and sub-regional partners of South Africa's stance on participation in peace operations. South Africa has limited but valuable resources to offer the international community for the conduct of peace missions. These include civilians with a diverse range of skills and experience appropriate to peace processes, professional and experienced police officers and well trained and disciplined military capacity. If these resources are to be utilised by the international community in the cause of peace, their approximate nature and size must be defined through an appropriate readiness system for each component. On the other hand, a number of key conditions must be met before these potential resources are deployed in support of a particular peace mission. Some of the responsibility for meeting these conditions lies at the level of the international community - such as the formulation of a clear and realistic mandate. On the other hand, it is a national obligation to support and budget for such participation. After an assessment of the South African National Defence Force, operation BOLEAS in Lesotho, a clearly articulated Aide de Memoire is recommended as a model for Peace Support Operations, which will cover all aspects in relation to South African National Defence (SANDF) participation in peace initiatives. This Aide De Memoire aim to set conditions that should be met before any peacekeeping operation can be implemented. It will provide clarity on matters relating to the scope of South African peace missions; the question of mandates, joint task organisation and legal responsibilities. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sedert die aanvang van demokrasie in 1994 was daar 'n stelselmatige groei in eie en internasionale verwagtinge oor die rol van 'n nuwe Suid-Afrika as verantwoordelike en gerespekteerde lid van die internasionale gemeenskap. Hierdie verwagtinge het die hoop ingesluit dat Suid-Afrika "n leidende rol sou speel in 'n verskeidenheid van internasionale, streek en sub-streek forums en dat die land 'n aktiewe rolspeler sal word in pogings om oplossings te vind vir verskeie streeks- en internasionale konflikte. Die aard van internasionale bedrywighede, wat gemik was op die voorkoming van internasionale konflik, bestuur en besluitneming, het oor die laaste dekade drasties verander. 'n Radikale post-koue oorlogse sekerheidsomgewing het die transformasie beleef vanaf klassieke vredesoperasies na komplekse, multi-dimensionele konflikhanteringsaktiwiteite met 'n politieke fokus waarin die militêre arm van die staat maar een van baie deelnemers is. Terwyl Suid-Afrika, as lid van organisasies soos die Verenigde Nasies, die Organisasie van Afrika Eenheid en die Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap, 'n meer aktiewe rol begin speel het in diplomatieke besluitnemingsinisiatiewe, word daar ook van die land verwag om 'n bydrae te lewer by groter multi-nasionale vredesendings. Kontemporêre vredesendings is in beginsel politieke inisiatiewe, ten spyte van die komplekse mengsel van politieke, humanitêre en militêre belange en middele. Suid- Afrika is dus verplig om 'n versigtige beoordeling te maak van die politieke en strategiese omgewing waarin vredesoperasies hul afspeel, asook die beginsels wat Suid-Afrikaanse deelname aan hierdie pogings vereis. 'n Juiste begrip van die tipe mandaat wat vredesendings beheer, word vereis sodat 'n gedetailleerde uitspraak van aanvaarbare toetree- en uittreemaatstawwe vergemaklik kan word. Ook die bestek, vlak en tipe van hulpbronne waartoe Suid-Afrika bereid is om homself in die toekoms te verbind moet bepaal word. Dit sal 'n duidelike aanduiding vir die internasionale gemeenskap, streek en substreekvennote gee van wat Suid-Afrika se standpunt ten opsigte van deelname aan vredesoperasies is. Suid-Afrika het beperkte maar waardevolle hulpbronne wat aan die internasionale gemeenskap gebied kan word vir die uitvoering van vredesendings. Dit sluit in: burgerlikes met 'n verskeidenheid van vaardighede en ondervinding wat geskik is vir vredesprosesse; ervare en professionele beleidmakers, asook goed opgeleide en gedissiplineerde militêre vermoëns. Indien hierdie bronne deur die internasionale gemeenskap in die bevordering van vrede aangewend sou word, moet die beraamde aard en omvang daarvan vasgestel word met behulp van 'n toepaslike gereedheidstelsel vir elke komponent. Aan die ander kant moet 'n aantal sleutelvereistes nagekom word voordat hierdie potensiële hulpbronne as steun vir 'n spesifieke vredesending ontplooi word. Sekere verantwoordelikhede om by die beginsels te hou, berus op die vlak van die internasionale gemeenskap - soos die formulering van 'n duidelike en realistiese mandaat. Dit is egter 'n nasionale verantwoordelikheid om vir so 'n deelname te begroot en dit te ondersteun. Na die beoordeling van OPERASIE BOLEAS deur die Suid-Afrikaanse Nasionale Weermag, stel die navorsing 'n duidelik geartikuleerde Aide de Memoire vir Vredesteunoperasies voor wat alle aspekte in verband met die Suid-Afrikaanse Weermag se deelname aan vredesinisiatiewe sal insluit. Hierdie Aide de Memoire beoog om voorwaardes te stel wat nagekom moet word voordat enige vredesoperasies geïmplimenteer kan word. Dit sal duidelikheid verskaf oor aangeleenthede rakende die bestek van Suid-Afrikaanse vredesendings; die kwessie van mandate; gesamentlike taakorganisasie en regsverantwoordelikhede.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / MBA Professional Report / The purpose of project is to examine two alternatives among the numerous recommendations to improve United Nations Peacekeeping. The first calls for improved centralization of United Nations Peacekeeping. The second calls for unification of Peacekeeping operations through joint efforts (political, economical, cultural, religious, military, etc.) at the regional level in order to include the parties involved in the conflict and their neighboring states in Africa, America, Asia and Europe. The goal of this project is to identify and understand the debate about the changing role of the United Nations Peacekeeping and to identify ways to more effectively manage operations. / Lieutenant Colonel, Bulgarian Army

The hypothesis underlying this research is that Africa's leaders are under a moral/political imperative to summon the will to develop a capacity to intervene in conflicts, possibly with external assistance, but without direct extra-continental intervention. This begs two questions. Is Africa right — politically and morally – to assume this task? And should the rest of the world, particularly the traditional intervening powers, accept and/or promote and/or assist African self-pacification? A trend toward subsidiarity and the regionalisation of conflict management in the African context followed reversals for United Nations and Western policy in the early 1990s, notably in Somalia and Rwanda. In the wake of these setbacks the universal impulse to intervene wherever necessary was overshadowed by a particularist/relativist position that distinguished Africa and African conflicts as cases apart. This translated in theoretical terms to a switch away from a cosmopolitan position allowing of international intervention to a communitarian position that promotes the African 'community' or African sub-regional 'communities' as the primary loci for addressing conflict. The continental organisation, the Organisation of African Union (0AU), has been hampered in assuming this task by its strict Charter adherence to state sovereignty and non-intervention in the internal affairs of its member states. As a result the logic of subsidiarity devolved on Africa's sub-regional organisations, in particular the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC). However, these organisations have found development of a security framework problematic, suffered from internal rivalries and have been hindered by paucity of funds and logistics. Interventions undertaken under the auspices of these bodies have often been of dubious legitimacy under international law. Viewed from the perspective of the 'just war' tradition these interventions also invariably seem morally suspect. Unwilling to intervene directly, the United States, France and Britain have established a joint initiative to enhance peacekeeping capacity in Africa. This project, under funded and ill considered, has proven inadequate from the perspective of both African participants and its sponsors. The research examines two case studies — intervention by the OAU in Chad in 1980-1982 and the peacekeeping operation undertaken by ECO WAS in Guinea-Bissau in 1998-1999. These cases confirm that existing mechanisms are ineffective for addressing African intra-state conflict. Moreover, they show that extra-African involvement remains an enduring feature of conflict on the continent. A return to the universal/cosmopolitan impulse in terms of international intervention in African conflicts seems unlikely in the short to medium term. In view of this neglect Africa must continue the project of self-pacification. The West is under a moral duty to set aside narrow national interests and expand and improve its existing peacekeeping capacity enhancement programme.

Diplomatic stalemate at the seat of the UN Security Council is by no means a recent problem. Nevertheless, it may be argued that 'American unilateralism' reached its apex in July 2002, when the United States stood its ground and demanded immunity from prosecution before the International Criminal Court ("ICC") for US peacekeepers. This request was accompanied by the heavy-handed and deadly serious threat to veto the renewal of the UN peacekeeping mission in Bosnia, a threat which was realised over the course of the debates. This political brinkmanship, which pitted the United States against friends and foes alike, finally ceased when the US agreed to accept a Security Council Resolution offering a twelve-month deferral of prosecution for peacekeepers before the ICC. It is the legality of this Resolution which is the focus of this thesis. This thesis will expose the Resolution to the limits of international law and question the legitimacy of the tactics employed by the US. It will argue that in order to appease the recalcitrant superpower, the Security Council passed a Resolution contrary to both the Rome Statute of the ICC and the UN Charter. With the ICC still in its embryonic stage, this thesis will suggest the responses available to the Court when faced with a Resolution of such dubious legality which affects its jurisdiction to try the most heinous crimes known to humanity.

Honors Project--Smith College, Northampton, Mass., 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 79-86).

Thesis (M.A.)--Naval Postgraduate School, 2002. / Cover title. "June 2002." AD-A405 671. Includes bibliographical references. Also available via the World Wide Web.

Thesis (M.A.)--Naval Postgraduate School, 2002. / Cover title. "December 2002." AD-A411 086. Includes bibliographical references. Also available via the World Wide Web.