[pt] Estudar o bem-estar mental de policiais é relevante pois ele impacta diretamente a produtividade e os números de afastamentos, ideações de suicídio e aposentadorias precoces (Edwards & Kotera, 2020). O bem-estar mental é afetado tanto pelo medo, que é uma emoção capaz de paralisar ou diminuir a capacidade de reação diante de uma situação arriscada, quanto pelo estresse, que causa danos como ansiedade, depressão, irritabilidade, aumento da pressão arterial, dores musculares e dependência química. Argumentamos que o medo de errar, mensurado pelo Questionário Multidimensional do Medo de Falhar (QMMF), e o estresse ocupacional, mensurado pela Job Stress Scale (JSS), são coerentes com a realidade policial e buscamos verificar como ambos se relacionam por meio de um estudo de caso conduzido na Polícia Militar do Estado do Rio de Janeiro. Foi encontrada uma correlação indireta entre o medo de errar e o estresse ocupacional, principalmente no que diz respeito ao apoio social no ambiente laboral. Dessa forma, o trabalho contribui para a aproximação dos estudos sobre o medo de errar, majoritariamente em áreas como psicologia do esporte e empreendedorismo, com os estudos organizacionais. A contribuição se estende ao fornecer insumos para que a área de recursos humanos atue para diminuir os afastamentos e evitar que o sofrimento dos agentes se transforme em patologias mais graves (Minayo et al., 2008). Por fim, sugerimos a realização de estudos adicionais de modo a contornar as limitações metodológicas impostas a essa pesquisa. / [en] It is relevant to study the mental well-being of police officers because it directly impacts the productivity and the number of sick leaves, suicidal thoughts, and early retirements (Edwards and Kotera, 2020). Mental well-being is affected both by fear, which is an emotion capable of paralyzing or reducing the ability to react to dangerous situations, and by stress, which causes harms such as anxiety, depression, irritability, increased blood pressure, pain muscle, and chemical dependence. We argued that the fear of failure, measured by the Questionário Multidimensional do Medo de Falhar (QMMF), and occupational stress, measured by the Job Stress Scale (JSS), are consistent with the reality of police officers, and we verified how they are both related through a case study conducted among Brazilian Military Police Officers. We found an indirect correlation between fear of failure and occupational stress, especially concerning social support in the workplace. Thus, our work contributes to bring together research about fear of failure, mainly in areas such as sport psychology and entrepreneurship, with organizational studies. This contribution also provides inputs for the human resources department to work to reduce absences and prevent the police officers mental suffering become more serious pathologies (Minayo et al., 2008). Finally, we suggest additional studies to circumvent the methodological limitations imposed on this research.

yes / In the UK at present Taser electrical stun weapons can only be used by trained firearms officers in situations where the use of firearms is also authorised. But the Association of Chief Police Officers (ACPO) is asking for these `non-lethal¿ weapons to be made more widely available to other police officers. If this is agreed there will be significant implications for the use of force by police in the UK. In July 2005 the Home Office Minister, Hazel Blears, had stated that the Taser was a dangerous weapon and not appropriate for wider use. The rationale behind the deployment of `non-lethal¿ or `less-lethal¿ weapons, such as the Taser, is to provide police officers with an alternative to lethal force for dangerous and lifethreatening situations they face. Wider availability of such weapons should, it is argued, further limit the need to resort to lethal firearms and thereby reduce incidence of serious injury and death. Over the past few months senior police officers have issued public statements that the Taser weapon should be made available to all officers on the beat. They argue that because police are facing dangerous individuals on an everyday basis, the Taser is required to protect their officers and deal with violent offenders without having to call in a firearms unit in certain situations. A crucial point about this proposal is that it would represent a scaling up in the `visible¿ arming of police officers in the UK. It is claimed by opponents that such an extended use of Taser would actually result in an increase in the level of force used by police in the UK, a concern also echoed by the Independent Police Complaints Committee (IPCC) in the minute of their 27 April 2005 `Casework and Investigations Committee¿ meeting.

La violence contre les policiers a des répercussions importantes à la fois chez les policiers et pour les administrateurs de la police. En 2005, le taux canadien de voies de fait contre la police a atteint son plus haut sommet en plusieurs décennies, faisant état d’une situation préoccupante. Plusieurs provinces canadiennes connaissent d’ailleurs une hausse marquée de la violence contre leurs policiers depuis plusieurs années. Cette étude vise donc à examiner et à comprendre l’évolution du phénomène de violence contre les policiers au Canada par l’identification de facteurs qui pourraient expliquer les variations du taux de voies de fait contre les policiers. La méthode d’analyse privilégiée dans le cadre de cette étude est une analyse transversale de séries chronologiques regroupées (pooled time series) qui traite des données portant sur les dix provinces canadiennes pour une période allant de 1986 à 2006. Les résultats indiquent que plusieurs facteurs ont un impact sur la violence dont sont victimes les policiers : la proportion de la population âgée entre 15 et 24 ans, la proportion d’hommes de 15 ans et plus, la proportion de la population vivant dans une région urbaine, la proportion de gens divorcés, les taux résiduels de crimes de violence et de crimes rattachés aux drogues, et le nombre d’évasions et de personnes en liberté sans excuse. La présence croissante de policières, qui fait encore l’objet de débats, semble quant à elle réduire le nombre de voies de fait contre la police, quoique l’impact de ce facteur soit de faible portée. Au Québec, la une hausse importante du taux de voies de fait contre les policiers pourrait s’expliquer par la hausse de plusieurs facteurs identifiés comme jouant un rôle dans le phénomène, bien qu’il ne faille pas écarter qu’un changement dans la reportabilité puisse entrer en ligne de compte. / Violence against police officers has important implications both for police officers and police administration. In 2005, the Canadian rate of assault against police officers rose to its highest in decades, showing a worrying situation. Moreover, several Canadian provinces are experiencing a marked increase in violence against their police officers for several years. This study aims to examine and understand the trend of violence against the police officers in Canada by identifying factors affecting the rate of assaults against police officers. In order to do so, a pooled time series analysis, which processes data on the ten Canadian provinces for the period from 1986 to 2006, was performed. Findings indicate that several factors have an impact on the violence against the police: the proportion of young people aged 15-24, the proportion of males aged 15 and more, the proportion of population living in urban areas, the proportion of divorced people, the residual rates of violent crimes and drug crimes, and the number of people who escaped custody and prisoners unlawfully at large. The growing presence of women police officers, which is still debated, appears to reduce the number of assaults against police officers, although the impact of this factor is of limited scope. In Quebec, the continual increase in the rate of assaults against the police officers can possibly be explained by the increase of several factors identified as playing a role in the phenomenon, although a change in crime reporting can also be taken into account.

La violence contre les policiers a des répercussions importantes à la fois chez les policiers et pour les administrateurs de la police. En 2005, le taux canadien de voies de fait contre la police a atteint son plus haut sommet en plusieurs décennies, faisant état d’une situation préoccupante. Plusieurs provinces canadiennes connaissent d’ailleurs une hausse marquée de la violence contre leurs policiers depuis plusieurs années. Cette étude vise donc à examiner et à comprendre l’évolution du phénomène de violence contre les policiers au Canada par l’identification de facteurs qui pourraient expliquer les variations du taux de voies de fait contre les policiers. La méthode d’analyse privilégiée dans le cadre de cette étude est une analyse transversale de séries chronologiques regroupées (pooled time series) qui traite des données portant sur les dix provinces canadiennes pour une période allant de 1986 à 2006. Les résultats indiquent que plusieurs facteurs ont un impact sur la violence dont sont victimes les policiers : la proportion de la population âgée entre 15 et 24 ans, la proportion d’hommes de 15 ans et plus, la proportion de la population vivant dans une région urbaine, la proportion de gens divorcés, les taux résiduels de crimes de violence et de crimes rattachés aux drogues, et le nombre d’évasions et de personnes en liberté sans excuse. La présence croissante de policières, qui fait encore l’objet de débats, semble quant à elle réduire le nombre de voies de fait contre la police, quoique l’impact de ce facteur soit de faible portée. Au Québec, la une hausse importante du taux de voies de fait contre les policiers pourrait s’expliquer par la hausse de plusieurs facteurs identifiés comme jouant un rôle dans le phénomène, bien qu’il ne faille pas écarter qu’un changement dans la reportabilité puisse entrer en ligne de compte. / Violence against police officers has important implications both for police officers and police administration. In 2005, the Canadian rate of assault against police officers rose to its highest in decades, showing a worrying situation. Moreover, several Canadian provinces are experiencing a marked increase in violence against their police officers for several years. This study aims to examine and understand the trend of violence against the police officers in Canada by identifying factors affecting the rate of assaults against police officers. In order to do so, a pooled time series analysis, which processes data on the ten Canadian provinces for the period from 1986 to 2006, was performed. Findings indicate that several factors have an impact on the violence against the police: the proportion of young people aged 15-24, the proportion of males aged 15 and more, the proportion of population living in urban areas, the proportion of divorced people, the residual rates of violent crimes and drug crimes, and the number of people who escaped custody and prisoners unlawfully at large. The growing presence of women police officers, which is still debated, appears to reduce the number of assaults against police officers, although the impact of this factor is of limited scope. In Quebec, the continual increase in the rate of assaults against the police officers can possibly be explained by the increase of several factors identified as playing a role in the phenomenon, although a change in crime reporting can also be taken into account.

"L'image que l'on donne/ N'est pas toujours la bonne" Les Cowboys Fringants, “Les Hirondelles” Malgré les changements dans le traitement des femmes au fil des décennies, les vraies policières continuent de souffrir des injustices de la part de leurs supérieurs masculins, ainsi que de la communauté qu'ils ont juré de protéger. Tant que la fiction reflète la réalité, on peut s'attendre que le genre de la polar du type policier démontrera non seulement les injustices entre les sexes, mais aussi les façons différentes que les victimes féminin y répondre. Comme des vrais policières, les détectives féminins fictifs sont trop souvent des victimes, même quand elles sont les protagonistes, même si leurs auteurs sont des femmes. Preuve de la discrimination contre les femmes policières réelles et fictives seront explorées dans cette thèse en regardant l'histoire des romans policiers, à travers des études de cas réels impliquant des policiers féminins réelles, ainsi que l'analyse de certains personnages clés dans les textes de discussion par Chrystine Brouillet, Vicki Delany et Louise Penny. En conséquence, il sera démontré que les images projetées par les agents de polices féminins réels et fictifs, quelles ne sont pas toujours bonnes, sont de plus en plus varié à la suite du mouvement féministe et en raison de la résistance littéral et imaginaire aux stéréotypes sexistes. Même si elles sont maintenant les protagonistes, les femmes détectives fictionaux faire face aux un réduction du l'agence et sont soumisent aux attentes différentes de genre que leurs homologues masculins. Aspects de l'inégalité des sexes présents dans les sociétés occidentales d'aujourd'hui se glissent dans la fiction et agir dans une manière pas toujours possible dans la monde réalité. Parfois, les situations sexistes sont résolu dans fiction, malgré le fait qu'ils existent toujours dans les vies quotidien de certaines femmes policiers. Les stéréotypes autour qu'est-ce que ça veut dire d'être policier causent des injustices du genre et existent souvent simultanément avec des images de femmes qui nient ces mêmes stéréotypes. La représentation de la femme policière est donc multiples, les stéréotypes reproduit, mélangé, ou effacé complètement. Masculinity is still regarded as the embodiment of strength and heroism and the female body, weakness and victimization. Philippa Gates, Detecting Women, 282 Despite changes in the treatment of women over the decades, policewomen continue to suffer gender injustices at the hands of their male superiors, as well as from the community they are sworn to protect. The injustices they face are publicized by such media as the CBC, though often in an exaggerated fashion. As fiction often reflects reality, one can expect that the genre of the police procedural will demonstrate not only such gender injustices but also various ways victims respond to them. Like real policewomen, fictional female detectives are too often victims even when they are the protagonists, and even when their author is a woman. Evidence of the victimization of real and fictional policewomen will be explored in this thesis by looking at the history of detective fiction, and through real case studies involving real female police officers, as well as the analysis of certain key characters in focus texts by Chrystine Brouillet, Vicki Delany, and Louise Penny. As a result, it will be shown that the images projected by actual and fictional female police officers, while not always positive ones, are becoming more varied as a result of the feminist movement and as a result of literal and imaginary resistance to sexist stereotypes. Despite having moved into a protagonist position, fictional female detectives all too often have reduced agency and different gendered expectations than their male counterparts. Aspects of gender inequity present in Western societies today creep into fiction and are played out in ways not always possible in reality. Sometimes, sexist problems present in the fictional texts are resolved despite the fact that they still exist in certain policewomen's everyday lives. Stereotypes of what a police officer should be function in ways that reflect and reproduce gender injustices and often exist simultaneously with images of women that resist and oppose these same stereotypes. The representation of policewoman is thus multiple, reproducing stereotypes, blurring them, or erasing them altogether.

The thesis addresses legal status of police officers by scrutinizing efficiency of the institution, identifying the key determinants of the efficiency and modeling legal measures that would allow prompt reaction to the unstable environment of the police service. Efficiency of Legal Status is analyzed via assessment of elements of the legal status and classification of those into four correlative segments. The work comprises an eight year evolution of the efficiency, its sociological indexes in police services exercising patrolling of public places, control of traffic safety and protection of secured objects. The thesis evaluates effects of social environment (community) and political and economic factors upon efficiency of legal status in general and, by scrutinizing legal regulation in each segment individually, identifies faults and shortcomings in the efficiency and evaluates readiness of police officers to exercise their functions by comparison of training programs for primary pack police officers in Lithuania, Ireland and Finland. The thesis ends with a range of proposals on legal regulation of individual segments of the legal status that would allow enhancement of efficiency of legal status and on compensatory mechanisms to maintain restored efficiency of legal status. Conclusions of the survey reveal that the legal status of police officers regulated in accordance with positivistic legal theories is inefficient and neither meets demands of police officers nor the needs... [to full text] / Disertacijoje nagrinėjamas policijos pareigūnų teisinis statusas, tiriant šio viešosios teisės instituto veiksmingumą, nustatant ir įvertinant pagrindinius veiksmingumo determinantus ir modeliuojant teisines priemones, leidžiančias greitai reaguoti į kintančias policijos pareigūno veiklos sąlygas. Teisinio statuso veiksmingumas tiriamas vertinant teisinio statuso elementus, klasifikuojamus į keturis tarpusavyje koreliuojančius segmentus. Vertinama veiksmingumo pokyčio dinamika aštuonių metų laikotarpyje ir jo sociologiniai rodikliai policijos tarnybose, vykdančiose viešųjų vietų patruliavimą, eismo kontrolę ir objektų apsaugą. Disertacijoje įvertinama socialinės aplinkos (visuomenės), politinių ir ekonominių veiksnių įtaka teisinio statuso veiksmingumui apskritai ir kiekvienam teisinio statuso segmentui, analizuojamas segmentų teisinis reguliavimas, nustatant jo nepakankamumą ar ydingumą, vertinama policijos pareigūnų parengtis funkcijoms vykdyti, analizuojant ir lyginant Lietuvos Airijos ir Suomijos pirminės grandies policijos pareigūnų mokymo programas. Disertacijoje pateikiami pasiūlymai dėl teisinio statuso segmentų teisinio reguliavimo, sudarančio prielaidas didinti teisinio statuso veiksmingumą, ir dėl kompensacinių mechanizmų, skirtų palaikyti atkurtą statuso veiksmingumą. Tyrimo išvados atskleidžia, jog pagal pozityviosios teisės tradiciją reglamentuojamas ir įgyvendinamas policijos pareigūno teisinis statusas nėra veiksmingas, netenkina nei policijos pareigūnų, nei... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

Effectiveness, productivity and motivation of police members are important factors that contribute to a country's stability, economic growth and development. As such, understanding experiences that police members might have with regard to the relationship between their work and personal life is the main focus area in this study. The objectives of this study were to determine how Afrikaans speaking police members experience work-personal life interaction, and secondly, to determine the main dimensions in the lives of Afrikaans speaking police members that is in interaction with each other, and thirdly, to determine the major antecedents and consequences of work-personal life for Afrikaans speaking police members, and fourthly, to determine which strategies Afrikaans speaking police members use to deal with work-personal life issues. Unstructured interviews were conducted with ten males and females in the police stations based in the Potchefstroom and Klerksdorp areas. Qualitative interviews based on the phenomenological paradigm, were used to determine police officers perception regarding work and personal life interaction. A Content analysis was used to analyse, quantify and interpret the research data. Police members reported experiencing their work as stressful, in that it interfered negatively with their lives and also had certain health implications. They further experienced some aspects in their personal lives (e.g., household duties, family responsibilities) interfering with their work. Furthermore, they reported using certain strategies (e.g., communication, support from a spouse) as a way of bettering the interaction between their work and personal lives. Recommendations for future research were made, / Thesis (M.A. (Industrial Psychology))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2007.

This thesis explores the question, 'Who do South African police officers think they are and how does this shape police practice?' Based on eight months of ethnographic fieldwork in Cape Town and the Eastern Cape province of South Africa in 2012/13, it is an exploration of the deep-seated perceptions, stories and imaginings that South African Police Service (SAPS) officers have of themselves, their occupation and their country, in the early twenty-first century. It unpacks how officers’ individual narratives shape, and are shaped by organisational narratives and forces, and how this interplay influences police practice in an unequal and violent young democracy. The thesis suggests that a job in the SAPS is primarily just that, a job. It is a means to strive and survive in a country saturated in vulnerability and risk. Most officers join the organisation after other dreams have slipped out of reach. Once recruited they re-write their self-narratives to accommodate their new circumstances. Recruited from lineages long-oppressed, the meaning and income the job brings to their lives is usually more important to them than the work they carry out. As a result, they seek first to please their institutional overseers and ease the pressure of the job. This is achieved by enacting institutional performances that promote the idea that the SAPS is a rational, effective, evidence-based and rule-bound organisation made of up well trained officers performing common-sense crime prevention tasks, while hiding the darker side of police work. Using carefully choreographed performances, the SAPS and its officers present a strategically crafted façade behind which individual officers strive to secure their sense of self. When the façade is challenged, some resort to violence in an attempt to garner the respect they seek.

O termo bancada da bala descreve as bancadas suprapartidárias do Legislativo compostas majoritariamente por egressos das forças de segurança, cuja agenda se organiza em torno de temas da segurança pública. Seus membros são associados a uma visão autoritária e repressiva de controle social, aos interesses da indústria armamentista e a uma tensão constante com a política de Direitos Humanos. O sucesso e a articulação política de candidatos com esse perfil são retratados midiaticamente como expressão de uma onda conservadora no cenário político e social brasileiro. No entanto, a estruturação desses grupos não é um fenômeno recente, principalmente para o legislativo paulista que, desde 1987, apresenta grupos de deputados-policiais favoráveis a políticas de mano dura. Buscou-se compreender a estruturação desses grupos, com base em autores da Sociologia da Punição que identificam reconfigurações semelhantes no campo de controle do crime na maioria das democracias contemporâneas (como políticas de contenção contraditórias e ambivalentes, transformações nos discursos oficiais em relação ao crime no sentido de um populismo penal, crescimento dos sentimentos de insegurança e sua instrumentalização pela esfera política e eleitoreira). Investigou-se como essas questões se organizam nos discursos de deputadospoliciais da 18ª legislatura da Assembleia Legislativa de São Paulo, comparando-os aos discursos da chamada bancada da segurança, eleita pela primeira vez na 11ª legislatura. Realizou-se a pesquisa documental sobre as proposições legislativas, sessões e frentes parlamentares mediante a análise do discurso com base no instrumental analítico foucaultiano. Observou-se uma trajetória de continuidade entre os grupos em que a matriz da guerra estende-se para além dos objetos clássicos do penal e do trabalho policial, tornando-se um organizador de mundo pelo qual se definem as fronteiras entre o bem, a legitimidade, a ordem e suas respectivas oposições. O principal desdobramento observado é a maneira como os deputados da 18ª legislatura mobilizam um discurso gerencialista da cidade que se mostra estratégico para o discurso do populismo penal, em que o princípio de tolerância zero é agenciado sobre toda sorte de comportamentos, figuras e atividades presentes nos espaços de grande circulação de pessoas e mercadorias. Conclui-se que a estruturação desses grupos se realiza discursivamente e politicamente, não apenas em relação à identidade policial, pautas corporativas e bandeiras securitizadoras, mas também na forma como esses elementos geram identificação, conferem legitimidade, se combinam e atualizam sensibilidades e representações enraizadas socialmente. Esses elementos acrescem discursos sobre o fenômeno da punição, que, por sua vez, fala à sociedade muito mais do que em termos de crime e castigo: canaliza ansiedades e insatisfações, produz solidariedade, organiza o mundo conforme diferentes territórios morais. Assim, os discursos mobilizados por bancadas da bala possibilitam comunicações com públicos e grupos políticos diversos, reorganizando conservadorismos nos campos político e de controle do crime. / The expression bullet caucus describes supra-party organized groups of legislators composed mostly of former members of police and military forces, whose agenda is built around public security issues. Its members are associated with an authoritarian and repressive vision of social control, as with the interests of the arms industry, and constant tension over human rights policies. The media portrays the success and political articulation of candidates in this profile as an expression of a conservative rise in the Brazilian political and social scene. However, the emergence of these groups is not a recent phenomenon, especially for the São Paulo legislature, which since 1987 has had groups of police-officer-congressmen in favor of hard-hitting policies. We sought to understand the constitution of these groups, based on authors of Sociology of Punishment who identify similar reconfigurations in the field of crime control in most contemporary democracies (such as contradictory and ambivalent containment policies, changes in official discourses on crime towards criminal populism, growing feelings of insecurity, and their instrumentalization by the political and electoral spheres). We investigated how these issues appear in speeches of police-officercongressmen of the 18th legislature of the Legislative Assembly of São Paulo, comparing them to speeches of the so-called security caucus, elected for the first time in the 11th legislature. Documentary research on legislative propositions, legislative sessions, and congressional fronts was carried out using discourse analysis, based on Foucaultian analytical instruments. Continuity has been observed between the two groups, to which the image of war reaches far beyond the classic subjects of criminal law and law enforcement, becoming a world organizer that defines the boundaries between good, legitimacy, order, and their respective oppositions. The main development observed was the way in which congressmen of the 18th São Paulo state legislature resort to a managerial discourse about the city, strategically favoring tendencies of penal populism, which enforces principles of zero tolerance over all sorts of behaviors, figures and activities found in massive people and goods circulation areas. We concluded that the structuring of these groups takes place discursively and politically, referring to police identity, corporate topics and public security causes, and enabling these elements to generate identification, confer legitimacy, and combine and update firmly rooted social sensitivities and representations. These elements add discourses on the phenomenon of punishment, which, in turn, speaks to society much more than in terms of crime and punishment: it channels anxieties and dissatisfaction, produces solidarity, and organizes the world according to different moral territories. The discourses mobilized by bullet caucuses communicate with distinct publics and political groups, reorganizing conservatism in the political and crime control fields.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-09-15T12:25:34Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Eliezer Pereira Martins.pdf: 1169765 bytes, checksum: 4a2c1326ce696daec14555b67969c712 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-15T12:25:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Eliezer Pereira Martins.pdf: 1169765 bytes, checksum: 4a2c1326ce696daec14555b67969c712 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-09-06 / Life in the barracks is dictated by a multiplicity of normative commands that organic scan the behavior of the individual-military", particularly when it comes to functional routinization done by the military police. This is a process of interna corporis socialization that acts inside of the dynamics formation of military and police identity, and represents a traditional symbolic capital of institutional power of the military apparatus of the State. In fact, mark symbolically the individuals subject to the police culture, using specific features of "total institution" to the police rows. Thus, the profile of the identity of the military's civilian is gradually the mortification of mechanisms of the "I" conjured up by an instrumental logic of an axiological military discipline hermetically “closed” and distanced, from the point of view of politics, and the values of democracy, republic, and humanities. Given this, here it is claimed that the military "disciplines", in turn, establishes a general system of control and docilization of military conducts closely linked to the Panopticon system, which ensures an efficient and exemplary punishment of acts considered as deviants of military standards. Given this, here it is tried to identify that the hipercodification of the law system of the military police of São Paulo state, in Brazil, was inspired by the speech of the "military-moral". It constitutes the “I” mortification technique by docilization of the military bodies and the disciplinary panoptism. Finally, it is demonstrated here the need to reduce the field of completeness and disciplinary strategies of the legal system of the military police of São Paulo, which leads to the creation of a model of discipline aesthetically military aligned to the interests of society, justice system and the establishment of the fundamental rights of the military police. This kind of discipline needs to be aligned to the construction of a police identity in tune with humanistic values, what marks the originality of the thesis sustained in this work, marked mostly by philosophical musings of Michel Foucault / A vida na caserna é ditada por uma multiplicidade orgânica de comandos normativos que esquadrinham o comportamento do “indivíduo-militar”, particularmente no que toca à rotinização funcional exercida pelos policiais militares. Trata-se de um processo de socialização interna corporis que atua na dinâmica formativa da identidade policial militar e representa tradicionalmente um notável capital simbólico de poder institucional dos aparelhos militares do Estado brasileiro. Com efeito, marcam-se simbolicamente os indivíduos sujeitos à cultura policial, empregando-se caraterísticas próprias de “instituição total” às fileiras policiais. Assim, o perfil da identidade civil do militar é submetido gradualmente a mecanismos de mortificação do “eu” engendrados por uma lógica instrumental axiológica de disciplina militar hermeticamente “fechada” e distanciada, sob o ponto de vista político, de valores democráticos, republicanos e humanísticos. Diante disso, sustenta-se que as “disciplinas” militares, por sua vez, instauram um regime geral de controle e docilização das condutas militares intimamente ligadas ao sistema panóptico de vigilância, o que garante uma exemplar e eficiente punição de atos considerados desviantes dos padrões militares, inclusive. Diante disso, identifica-se que a hipercodificação do ordenamento jurídico disciplinar dos policiais militares do Estado de São Paulo, inspirada no discurso da “moral-militar”, constitui técnica de mortificação do “eu”, de docilização dos corpos militares e do panoptismo disciplinar. Por fim, demonstra-se a necessidade de redução do campo de estratégias totalizantes e disciplinares do ordenamento jurídico da policial militar paulista, o que leva à criação de um modelo de disciplina esteticamente militar que se alinhe aos interesses da sociedade, ao sistema de justiça e à efetivação dos direitos fundamentais do policial militar e à construção de uma identidade policial afinada com os valores humanísticos, o que marca o ineditismo da Tese sustentada neste trabalho, balizada, principalmente, pelas reflexões filosóficas de Michel Foucault