Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-07T14:27:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 2001875 bytes, checksum: 6f2de208f59a6fb8eb31b2e7218ef13b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-05-21 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The present work aims firstly to pursue an interpretative analysis about instances of racism inflicted upon blacks by the Military Police. Although, there was an almost complete lack of data concerning the theme proposed here, a new strategy was developed to try and explain why these instances of racial discrimination were never reported and why data was neither collected by the Police and the Justice department nor included in arresting reports. Secondly, it reexamines the role of the Military Police in order to free it from outdated practices and to transform it into an institution that defends citizenship according to the Illuminist principles of human rights, without giving way to overtly ideological utopias. The need to recognize racism as a social issue goes far beyond the role of the Police. Nonetheless, an Institution that represents a Democratic State and its rights should not use such practices. / O presente trabalho de dissertação pretende construir uma análise interpretativa, acerca das relações racistas infligidas pela Polícia Militar contra os negros. Embora os estudos esbarrassem na ausência quase total dos dados sobre a temática proposta, outra estratégia foi adotada para explicar este fenômeno social, passando a estudar por que estes elementos não eram relatados, e muito menos quantificados em delegacias, relatórios de apreensão e Secretaria de Segurança. Outro empenho realizado diz respeito à forma de se pensar a Polícia Militar, livre dos antigos vícios e aplicadora de uma defesa cidadã pautada nos princípios iluministas dos direitos humanos, sem cair nas ideologias exageradamente utópicas. O reconhecimento do racismo como problema social está para além da Polícia e, evidentemente, uma instituição que representa o Estado Democrático de Direito não deve apresentar tais práticas.

No description available.

This research examines the political implications of community-police relations in the United States by exploring the link between race, perceptions of police performance, and trust in government. Relying on survey data, I examine these relationships for Blacks, Latinos, Asians, and Whites. In addition to examining the broader relationship between community-police relations and institutional trust, this dissertation examines (1) how police perceptions influence individuals' comfort in contacting the police, (2) how police violence and police perceptions influence trust in government, and (3) the effectiveness of community-oriented policing in building community-police relations and increasing trust in government. First, I find that these relationships are conditional on race and ethnicity. Black respondents, who are more likely to experience negative interactions with the police and who are less likely to have positive perceptions of the police, are less comfortable contacting them. Second, while police violence does not have a significant effect on public trust in government, police perceptions and perceptions of discrimination do. Respondents that perceive the police to be performing well and who do not believe their own racial group is being discriminated against, are more likely to express trust in government. Finally, I find that community-oriented policing has the potential to both improve perceptions of the police and increase trust in government. The central goal of this dissertation is to highlight the role that community-police relations have in influencing American politics and to emphasize the importance of exploring potential solutions to declining trust in the police.

As the Honduran presidential election of 2017 approaches, the world of 17-year-old Libertad Morazán gets louder and faster. Protests roar in every corner of Tegucigalpa. Mamí and Abuela work longer hours. Maynor, Libertad's older brother, sneaks out more than ever, carrying the dangerous secrets of a student-led movement against the government. The world only seems to slow down around Camila, Libertad's long-time friend who lately seems to hold Libi's hand and eyes two seconds too long. Libi and Cami's friendship always toed the line of something more— or did, at least, before Libertad's phone stopped working and their communication got cut to school-hours only. Libi can't help but think this is part of why Camila starts officially dating Pablo, the soccer team captain. If this isn't enough reason to desperately need her phone back, Libertad has just discovered the power of social media to speak against the conditions that keep her family— her country— in a permanent state of exhaustion and mourning. Using an anonymous Instagram account, Libertad posts short but charged poems denouncing the injustice local news outlets ignore. She finds an audience that resonates with her, but people who speak out in Honduras are rarely able to do so for long. Libertad knows this. Getting her phone back comes with a price, as both her political poetry and secret romance risk being exposed to Mamí and Abuela—the women who have sacrificed everything to raised her. The pillars of her life. In the midst of civil unrest, Libertad learns of the power and heartbreak in queerness, family, and activism. / Master of Fine Arts / Libertad is a young-adult novel.

Esta pesquisa investiga a questão da tortura praticada no Brasil durante o Regime Militar. Para tanto, é apresentado um escorço histórico a respeito da tortura, com destaque para a sua prática nos Impérios Grego e Romano e na Europa medieval. Igualmente, é feita uma abordagem histórica da tortura no Brasil, analisando o aspecto local e histórico, este com apoio de narrativas literárias. O ponto relevante é o Regime Militar iniciado no Brasil em 1964, durante o qual há relatos do emprego da tortura com muita frequência. A fim de melhor compreender a mentalidade da época, aborda-se a retórica de quatro generais do Exército Brasileiro, três deles Presidentes da República. De acordo com esse panorama do pensamento do Governo Federal, estuda-se o comportamento da Polícia Civil do Estado de São Paulo, não sem antes apresentar uma análise histórica de como ela atuou como instrumento do Poder Executivo (tanto federal quanto estadual). Para se compreender a figura do torturador, são estudados conceitos da Psicologia e da Sociologia que buscam explicar por que um agente do estado presta-se a esse tipo de trabalho e, para tanto, são trazidas versões apresentadas pelos próprios torturadores; ainda nesse tópico merece análise a teoria arendtiana da banalização do mal e seus questionamentos recentes, além de uma abordagem sob o enfoque da relação de trabalho no pensamento de Dejours. Fixada a tortura na realidade brasileira e o que pode transformar um policial em um torturador, a pesquisa busca estabelecer alguns pontos básicos, tais como a vinculação da tortura com o poder econômico, a questão da eficácia da tortura, a discussão entre moralidade e legalidade, o totalitarismo e a ditadura, o interesse público na tortura. O pensamento arendtiano retorna para auxiliar a compreender a questão da violência do Estado, por meio de sua força policial. No último capítulo analisa-se o Estado que tolera a tortura e, para tanto, é enfrentada a discussão jurídica a respeito desta, a partir de teses modernas, sobretudo a que trata da bomba relógio (ticking bomb). Estuda-se também o conceito moderno de barbárie (Todorov), que resulta na violência policial e em um chamado direito defeituoso (Radbruch). A pesquisa é concluída com uma análise de tudo o quanto exposto e das consequências da prática da tortura no regime militar na ação policial hoje. / This research investigates the issue of torture practiced in Brazil under the Military Regime. Therefore, a historical outline of torture is introduced with especial focus on its practice in the Greek and Roman Empires and medieval Europe. It´s also presented a historical overview of torture in Brazil by analyzing local and historical aspects. The historical context relies on literary narratives. The relevant point is the Military Regime started in Brazil in 1964 within which there were very frequently reports of torture. The rhetoric of four Brazilian Army generals, three of them Presidents of the Republic, is raised in order to better understand the mentality of that time. In accordance with this outlook of the federal government thought, the behavior of Civil Police of the State of São Paulo is studied, but not before being provided a historic analysis of how it acted as a tool of Executive Branch (both federal and state). Aiming to comprehend the figure of the torturer, the concepts of Psychology and Sociology, which try to explain why an agent of the state serves to this kind of action, are also studied, including at this point the versions provided by the torturers themselves. The Hannah Arendts theory of trivialization of the evil and its recent questions are considered in this topic, besides an approach focused on the employment relationship in Dejours thought. By being placed the torture in the Brazilian reality and the reasons which can transform a police officer into a torturer, this research seeks to lay down some basic points, such as the link between torture and the economic power, the questions about the effectiveness of torture, the discussion between legality and morality, the totalitarianism and the dictatorship, the public interest in the torture. Once again the Arendts thought is viewed to help to understand the matter of the violence of the state by its police force. The closing chapter examines the State which tolerates the torture, facing the legal discussion about it, addressing modern theses, mainly about ticking bomb , and studying the modern concept of barbarism (Todorov), which results in the police violence and in the so-called defective law (Radbruch). This research is concluded with the exam of all of the above and the consequences nowadays in the police action of the practice of torture during the military regime.

Esta pesquisa investiga a questão da tortura praticada no Brasil durante o Regime Militar. Para tanto, é apresentado um escorço histórico a respeito da tortura, com destaque para a sua prática nos Impérios Grego e Romano e na Europa medieval. Igualmente, é feita uma abordagem histórica da tortura no Brasil, analisando o aspecto local e histórico, este com apoio de narrativas literárias. O ponto relevante é o Regime Militar iniciado no Brasil em 1964, durante o qual há relatos do emprego da tortura com muita frequência. A fim de melhor compreender a mentalidade da época, aborda-se a retórica de quatro generais do Exército Brasileiro, três deles Presidentes da República. De acordo com esse panorama do pensamento do Governo Federal, estuda-se o comportamento da Polícia Civil do Estado de São Paulo, não sem antes apresentar uma análise histórica de como ela atuou como instrumento do Poder Executivo (tanto federal quanto estadual). Para se compreender a figura do torturador, são estudados conceitos da Psicologia e da Sociologia que buscam explicar por que um agente do estado presta-se a esse tipo de trabalho e, para tanto, são trazidas versões apresentadas pelos próprios torturadores; ainda nesse tópico merece análise a teoria arendtiana da banalização do mal e seus questionamentos recentes, além de uma abordagem sob o enfoque da relação de trabalho no pensamento de Dejours. Fixada a tortura na realidade brasileira e o que pode transformar um policial em um torturador, a pesquisa busca estabelecer alguns pontos básicos, tais como a vinculação da tortura com o poder econômico, a questão da eficácia da tortura, a discussão entre moralidade e legalidade, o totalitarismo e a ditadura, o interesse público na tortura. O pensamento arendtiano retorna para auxiliar a compreender a questão da violência do Estado, por meio de sua força policial. No último capítulo analisa-se o Estado que tolera a tortura e, para tanto, é enfrentada a discussão jurídica a respeito desta, a partir de teses modernas, sobretudo a que trata da bomba relógio (ticking bomb). Estuda-se também o conceito moderno de barbárie (Todorov), que resulta na violência policial e em um chamado direito defeituoso (Radbruch). A pesquisa é concluída com uma análise de tudo o quanto exposto e das consequências da prática da tortura no regime militar na ação policial hoje. / This research investigates the issue of torture practiced in Brazil under the Military Regime. Therefore, a historical outline of torture is introduced with especial focus on its practice in the Greek and Roman Empires and medieval Europe. It´s also presented a historical overview of torture in Brazil by analyzing local and historical aspects. The historical context relies on literary narratives. The relevant point is the Military Regime started in Brazil in 1964 within which there were very frequently reports of torture. The rhetoric of four Brazilian Army generals, three of them Presidents of the Republic, is raised in order to better understand the mentality of that time. In accordance with this outlook of the federal government thought, the behavior of Civil Police of the State of São Paulo is studied, but not before being provided a historic analysis of how it acted as a tool of Executive Branch (both federal and state). Aiming to comprehend the figure of the torturer, the concepts of Psychology and Sociology, which try to explain why an agent of the state serves to this kind of action, are also studied, including at this point the versions provided by the torturers themselves. The Hannah Arendts theory of trivialization of the evil and its recent questions are considered in this topic, besides an approach focused on the employment relationship in Dejours thought. By being placed the torture in the Brazilian reality and the reasons which can transform a police officer into a torturer, this research seeks to lay down some basic points, such as the link between torture and the economic power, the questions about the effectiveness of torture, the discussion between legality and morality, the totalitarianism and the dictatorship, the public interest in the torture. Once again the Arendts thought is viewed to help to understand the matter of the violence of the state by its police force. The closing chapter examines the State which tolerates the torture, facing the legal discussion about it, addressing modern theses, mainly about ticking bomb , and studying the modern concept of barbarism (Todorov), which results in the police violence and in the so-called defective law (Radbruch). This research is concluded with the exam of all of the above and the consequences nowadays in the police action of the practice of torture during the military regime.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:31:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luiz do Nascimento Carvalho.pdf: 3045437 bytes, checksum: 2240758da770c4d49ff3e31809b329ed (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-06-10 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This study examines the issue of military police violence in Goiás (2000-2011), emphasizing the problem of how articulate the experience of losing loved ones in violent actions of police officers and the search for an understanding of such events with appeal Semantic available indirectly victimized by people in situations of murder or disappearance of persons. To analyze these situations, is adopted as the theoretical notion of the Semantic Structure of Consciousness (ESC) of L. S. Vygotsky (1896-1934), inspired by his search for the constitution of a monistic theory of consciousness that relates intellect (cognition) and affection. The analysis focused on the content of three sources: a) newspapers, b) lawsuits filed in the Commission on Human Rights and Participative Legislation Legislative Assembly of the State of Goiás, c) Minutes of the public hearing held in the first half of 2006, in order to discuss the problem of police violence d) documents with records of verbal reports that narrate the events experienced directly or indirectly by the deponents. The results show that from the point of view of the search for understanding of what happened, there is a tendency in testimony to a fatalistic conception that sees the target in the form of law taleão, centered on the notion of debt. Regarding configuration of suffering expressed in the interviews, the notion of debt also appears in the definition of death of an innocent, which, combined with the certainty of impunity when it comes to human justice, produce the deponents different expressions of suffering. These expressions largely linked to the shape of the event, whether murder or "disappearance" as well as the position - active or passive - of respondents in relation to events, resulting in the expression of grief for the loss. The implications for the discussion of the problem of the relationship between consciousness and affection are discussed / O presente estudo analisa o tema da violência policial militar em Goiás (2000-2011), enfatizando o problema do modo como se articulam a experiência de perda de entes queridos em ações violentas de policiais militares e a busca de compreensão de tais eventos com os recursos semânticos presentes na consciência dos que foram vitimados indiretamente em situações de assassinato ou desaparecimento de pessoas. Para analisar essas situações, é adotado como aporte teórico a noção de estrutura semântica da consciência (ESC) de L. S. Vigotski (1896-1934), inspirado na sua procura pela constituição de uma teoria monista da consciência, que relacione intelecto (cognição) e afeto. A análise centrou-se sobre o conteúdo de jornais impressos, processos arquivados na Comissão de Direitos Humanos e Legislação Participativa da Assembleia Legislativa do Estado de Goiás, ata de audiência pública realizada no primeiro semestre de 2006, que objetivou discutir o problema da violência policial, documentos com registros de relatos verbais de acontecimentos vivenciados direta ou indiretamente pelos depoentes. Os resultados revelam que, do ponto de vista da apreensão das ocorrências, há uma tendência, nos depoimentos de pessoas vitimadas indiretamente, a uma concepção fatalista que concebe o destino conforme a forma de lei de talião, centrado na noção de dívida. Em relação à configuração do sofrimento expresso nos depoimentos, a noção de dívida também comparece, em um sentido negativo, na definição de morte de um inocente, que, aliado à certeza da impunidade em se tratando da justiça humana, produzem nos depoentes diferentes expressões de sofrimento. Essas expressões em grande medida vinculamse à forma do acontecimento, se assassinato ou desaparecimento , bem como na posição ativa ou passiva dos depoentes em relação aos acontecimentos. A produção de sentido e a localização dos depoentes no tecido social impactam na forma de expressão do luto pela perda. As implicações para a discussão do problema da relação consciência e afeto são discutidas

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:16:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Francilene Gomes Fernandes.pdf: 1262922 bytes, checksum: 913dcc8e53e644445e5e25fbc167ef55 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-10-21 / This work is the product of an investigation into the crimes that occurred in May 2006 in Sao Paulo. Following the values and assumptions of the Ethics Code of Social and ethical-political project of Social Work, Our research is guided by the uncompromising defense of human rights, freedom and social justice and a theoretical-critical and historical perspective. Started since graduation in Social Work (2004-2007), this research has involved the peculiarity of the author as a researcher and human rights activist, in that his brother - Paul Alexandre Gomes - was the victim of enforced disappearance during May 2006, after police approach, followed by arrest. In this dissertation, violence is treated historically as an expression of barbarism underway in the context of contemporary neoliberal capitalism, as control and domination by the state and the police in dealing with social issues and as a form of extremely serious human rights violations that took place in full observance of the rules of the democratic state of law and of Brazilian society / Esse trabalho é produto de uma investigação sobre os Crimes de Maio de 2006 ocorridos em São Paulo. Seguindo os valores e os pressupostos do Código de Ética dos Assistentes sociais e do projeto ético-político do Serviço Social, nossa pesquisa se orienta pela defesa intransigente dos direitos humanos, da liberdade e da justiça social e por uma perspectiva teórico-crítica e histórica. Iniciada desde a graduação em Serviço Social (2004-2007), essa investigação tem a peculiaridade de envolver a autora enquanto pesquisadora e militante de direitos humanos, na medida em que seu irmão - Paulo Alexandre Gomes - foi vítima de desaparecimento forçado, durante maio de 2006, após abordagem policial, seguida de detenção. Nessa dissertação, a violência é tratada historicamente, como uma expressão da barbárie em curso no contexto do capitalismo contemporâneo neoliberal, como forma de controle e de dominação por parte do Estado e da polícia no enfrentamento da questão social e como uma forma gravíssima de violação de direitos humanos, ocorrida em plena vigência do regime do Estado democrático e de direito da sociedade brasileira

This doctoral thesis explores the use of surveillance images and discourses of surveillance in the Swedish press. Questions concerning surveillance appear frequently in the news today. The ongoing »War on Terror« has generated numerous news reports informing their audiences how surveillance technologies will protect society, prevent terrorist attacks, and ensure security. The purpose of the study is to examine representations of surveillance in Swedish newspapers, more specifically, how they use surveillance- and amateur images in their reporting. In order to carry this out, the thesis sets up two areas of concern: news on terrorism and news on police violence. The questions that produce the field of inquiry relate to how discourses of surveillance are articulated in text and image. They also concern construction of social identities related to reproduction of power relations, normality, and deviance. Research material used in this study consists of journalistic texts and visual images published in mainly four major Swedish newspapers; Aftonbladet, Expressen, Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet. A qualitative research strategy was undertaken inspired by discourse analysis. The analysis focuses on four major issues: representations of terrorists, intensified surveillance, victims, and representations of police violence. The analysis concentrates on surveillance images that were used by news media to visually represent the terrorists involved in the so called »London bombings« in 2005. The thesis also highlights how politicians and other experts become the predominant subjects who proclaim the need for a more modern, efficient, and enhanced surveillance technology. A further issue ofinterest concerns media representations of victims and especially how the construction of victims reproduces normality, and further, how victimisation is related to surveillance. The newspapers used amateur footage from ‘the bomb scene’ in ways that represent the victims, not as objects, but as active agents participating in an act of surveillance. How the public become represented as victims of the surveillance society is examined. Dystopic stories about negative aspects of surveillance including islamophobia and fear of intrusion of privacy emerge as major themes. Finally, the study seeks to connect surveillance to resistance. Different media events on police violence are discussed in the light of events that have been filmed by amateur video or surveillance cameras. Surveillance in a mediated context is a complex field with many different and contradicting meanings and connotations. However, it is clear that surveillance links up with security, resistance, power and control, intrusion of privacy, and above all, to the reproduction of social differences between Us and Them. The news media seems to promote a public discourse of fear, which may contribute to legitimisation of both present and future demands for intensified surveillance. Nonetheless, mediated surveillance may also help to resist and challenge power hierarchies in society and promote social change.

Submitted by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-04-11T14:46:48Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Bruno Teixeira Bahia.pdf: 1034471 bytes, checksum: 47e97743f37d64bfe12eef2d37376b16 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Portela (anapoli@ufba.br) on 2016-05-02T12:31:19Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Bruno Teixeira Bahia.pdf: 1034471 bytes, checksum: 47e97743f37d64bfe12eef2d37376b16 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-05-02T12:31:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Bruno Teixeira Bahia.pdf: 1034471 bytes, checksum: 47e97743f37d64bfe12eef2d37376b16 (MD5) / Este trabalho mergulha no mundo de um grupo de extermínio, formado por policiais militares, na busca da compreensão da sua gênese, motivações e relações, não só com o Estado, principalmente com agentes e instituições do Sistema de Justiça Criminal - tais como Polícia Civil, Polícia Militar, Ministério Público e Poder Judiciário, mas com a comunidade - um bairro periférico e de população de baixo poder aquisitivo de Salvador - onde atuava predominantemente. Partindo da análise de documentos extraídos de 19 (dezenove) processos judiciais e complementados com entrevistas com os perpetradores, a pesquisa buscou dimensionar o fenômeno na busca por circunstâncias que possibilitaram a formação e a atuação deste grupo de extermínio, o qual, atuando livremente em um bairro de Salvador, por quase três anos, vitimou, pelo menos, 26 (vinte e seis) pessoas. O estudo ainda revela as dificuldades de adequação das práticas do grupo ao conceito de Vigilantismo, já que aponta para uma atuação mais ampla destes agentes, especializados no uso da violência, dentro de um mercado violento informal. Por fim, as pesquisas revelaram que a força deste grupo de extermínio não se esgotava na violência empreendia por seus agentes, mas que era incrementada com o apoio de uma rede de participantes os quais, ainda que não se envolvessem diretamente nas execuções, lhes garantia informação e proteção, potencializando as ações e o medo provocados pela prática.This paper delves into the world of a death squad formed by military police in the search for understanding of its genesis, motivations and relationships, not only with the state, especially with agents and institutions of the criminal justice system - such as civil police, Military Police, Public Ministry and judiciary, but with the community - an outlying neighborhood and low income population of Salvador - where he worked predominantly. Based on the extracted document analysis of nineteen (19) lawsuits and supplemented with interviews with the perpetrators, the research sought to scale the phenomenon in the search for circumstances that made possible the formation and performance of this death squad, which, freely acting in a neighborhood of Salvador, for almost three years, killed at least 26 (twenty six) people. The study also reveals the difficulties of adapting the group practices the concept of vigilantism, already pointing to a wider action of these agents who specialize in the use of violence within a violent informal market. Finally, the research revealed that the strength of this death squad was not just the violence waged by its agents, but that was increased with the support of a network of participants who, even if not directly involved in the executions, provide them with information and protection, increasing the actions and fear caused by the practice.