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The 1919 race riots a study in the connections between conflict and violence.Waskow, Arthur Ocean, January 1900 (has links)
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1963. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 286-298).
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Corpo-arma: percepções etnográficas do trabalho policial em Macapá/AP / Body-weapon: etnographic perceptions of the police work in Macapá/AP, BrazilPereira, Ana Caroline Bonfim 12 June 2019 (has links)
Esta dissertação baseia-se em observações etnográficas e em entrevistas realizadas entre 2016 e 2018, principalmente com policiais do Batalhão de Operações Especiais (Bope) de Macapá/ AP. O trabalho se voltou para a compreensão que eles têm de seu processo de formação e para a construção de um ethos bopeano. Foram analisadas as suas percepções a respeito do uso da força e do que entendem por violência policial, além de símbolos identificadores da corporação, como a farda preta e a caveira. Uma das principais conclusões é que a formação de um bopeano implica a construção de um Corpo-Arma coletivo a partir de Corpos-Armas individuais, sendo que, para a maioria deles, a violência policial ou excessos respondem ao amplo contexto de violência social em que se inserem. / This dissertation is based on ethnographic observations and interviews conducted between 2016 and 2018, mainly with police officers from the Special Operations Unit (Bope) of Macapá/AP, in the North of Brazil. The work has focused on the understanding these officers have of their training process and to the construction of a bopean ethos. Their perceptions regarding the use of force and what they understood as police violence were analyzed, as well as symbols that identify the corporation, such as the black uniform and the skull. One of the main conclusions is that the formation of a bopean implies the construction of a collective Body-Weapon that is a result of singular body-weapons and, for most of them, police violence or \"excessive force\" respond to the broad context of social violence in which they live in.
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Os sentidos e significados da violência policial para jovens pobres da cidade de Goiânia - Goiás.Rodrigues, Divino de Jesus da Silva 13 April 2015 (has links)
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Previous issue date: 2015-04-13 / This research aimed to investigate police violence means and senses against poor young men
between 18 and 29 years old, in Goiânia, Goias. Six young men, victims of police violence
participated of this study, done between 2011 and 2013. It was developed a qualitative
study, based on empirical and documental research as well as individual interviews with
young men. Those instruments were used in order to foment the research theme. The
investigation process was grounded in the Vigotski Social-historical theoretical assumptions,
which are structured in the materialist historical-dialectical method.This theoretical method
contribution was the premise, product, tool and support to this study sistematization because it
was the base to analyse people s language about the means and senses of the police violence
they had suffered.The results revealed stories of those yong men lives, which are defined by
social exclusion and inequality. Those enlace in multiples forms of violence existent in
society, result of the social and economic systems created by neoliberal policies.The reports
revealed that violence against young, poor men has been banalized. It also showed that
military police officers and State agents are not well prepared when they approach suspects.
They use too much strengh and autority to interrogate people as well as other barbarities.
Postures reflect ambiguity in the law as well as in decrees, declarations, conduct codes and
conventions that deal specifically with human rights, because in practice they only exist to
keep public order and protect State and higher classes heritage. The law goes from private to
universal, excluding poor people rights.The analysis of what police violence meant to the
young boys interviewed was the key to understand what police violence means for youth, in
general. This investigation sought to extend the debate about police violence against poor
young people in Goiás, and consequently broaden available data to investigate this kind of
violence in Brasil. It will help social actors that work defending impoverished youth rights.
This research also aims to cooperate with overcoming this tough reality by applying a security
policy consistent with human rights and dignity and not excluding any social group. / A presente pesquisa teve como objeto de investigação os sentidos e significados da violência
policial para jovens pobres, sexo masculino, da cidade de Goiânia - Goiás, na faixa etária
entre 18 anos e 29 anos. Ao todo, participaram deste estudo 06 jovens, vítimas da violência
policial entre os anos de 2011 e 2013. De caráter qualitativo, os procedimentos metodológicos
de sua constituição foram alicerçados pela pesquisa empírica, por meio de entrevistas
individuais, com os jovens e pela pesquisa documental, utilizada como meio de fomentar a
temática deste presente estudo. O processo de investigação foi fundamentado pelos
pressupostos teóricos da Psicologia Sócio-Histórica de Vigotski, que se estrutura pelo método
materialista histórico-dialético. O aporte deste método foi premissa e produto, ferramenta e
apoio na sistematização deste estudo, sendo a base para a análise da linguagem dos sujeitos,
sobre os sentidos e os significados da violência policial sofrida. Os resultados revelaram
histórias de vida dos jovens, marcadas pela exclusão e pela desigualdade social, que se
entrelaçam nas múltiplas formas de violências presentes na sociedade, que reproduzem o
sistema social e econômico das politicas neoliberais do Estado. Os relatos dos sentidos e
significados da violência policial para os jovens, revelaram a banalização desta violência
contra os jovens pobres, o despreparo de policiais militares, agentes do Estado, em
abordagens, no uso abusivo da força e autoridade em interrogatórios, entre outras barbáries.
Posturas que refletem as ambiguidades existentes nas leis, decretos, declarações, códigos de
condutas, convenções, que tratam especificamente, dos direitos humanos de todos os
cidadãos, mas, que na pratica, existem para manter a ordem pública e proteger o patrimônio
do Estado e das classes sociais abastadas, uma vez que partem do particular para a
universalização, colocando à margem desses direitos a população pobre. A análise dos
sentidos e significados da violência para os jovens constituiu-se campo fecundo de produção
do conhecimento e possibilitou apreender os elementos constitutivos da violência policial na
visão dos jovens. Esta investigação buscou ampliar a reflexão sobre a violência policial contra
os jovens pobres no Estado de Goiás e, consequentemente, ampliando o acervo acerca da
investigação desta violência no país, como fomento aos atores sociais envolvidos com a causa
da juventude empobrecida e com a luta pela garantia dos seus direitos. Esta produção quer
colaborar com a superação dessa perversa realidade, a partir da aplicação de uma Política de
Segurança condizente com os direitos humanos e com a dignidade das pessoas, sem a
exclusão de classes sociais.
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SENTIDOS PRODUZIDOS POR FAMILIARES ACERCA DA VIOLÊNCIA POLICIALVieira, Valterci 20 March 2009 (has links)
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Previous issue date: 2009-03-20 / This essay investigates and seeks to understand the meanings given by the lower
class families of six adolescents and youth regarding police violence. Its objective is
to identify psychosocial mediations constructed and used to deal with this reality. In
order to develop this investigation information was collected from accusations
presented by the families and through the media which spoke of homicides,
disappearances and physical aggressions practiced by the police, and cases were
registered in the municipalities of Goiânia, Aparecida de Goiânia and Senador
Canedo during the time period of 2003 to 2008. Semi-structured interviews were held
with eight relatives, focusing on the life history of these relatives and of the victim,
their situation of suffering and pain and themes related to the role and behavior of the
institutions directly connected to police violence. Analysis of the categories speaks to
the social and cultural dimensions related to institutional questions and objectives.
Also it relates to questions regarding emotional, affective and individual experiences
of the subjects. Police violence is frequently hidden by structural violence and
maintained by mechanisms of domination and societal control. It is revealed in a
powerful manner from the given meanings, which allows one to comprehend this
form of contemporary violence. As thus stated, the psychosocial mediations reveal
full intentionality of the subjects regarding their overcoming the situation of the
suffered violence, making it clear how much they often have their basic rights as
citizens ignored. The issue here is forms of extermination practiced by official
discourse, as being an inevitable and even necessary action in the struggle against
crime , especially in large urban centers, and most often practiced against
adolescents and youth. / O presente trabalho investiga e compreende os sentidos produzidos por familiares
de seis jovens e adolescentes de classes populares acerca da Violência Policial.
Teve como objetivo identificar mediações psicossociais construídas e utilizadas para
lidarem com essa realidade. Para desenvolver essa investigação, foram coletadas
informações a partir de denúncias apresentadas por familiares e pela mídia, com
respeito a homicídios, desaparecimentos e agressões físicas praticadas por policiais,
e casos registrados nos municípios de Goiânia, Aparecida de Goiânia e Senador
Canedo, no período de 2003 a 2008. Foram realizadas entrevistas semi-estruturadas
com oito familiares, tendo por referência a sua história de vida e a da vitima, a sua
situação de sofrimento e dor vivida e temas relacionados ao papel e atuação de
instituições diretamente vinculadas à violência policial. A análise das categorias
articula dimensões sociais e culturais quanto às questões institucionais e objetivas e
às questões vinculadas às experiências emocionais, afetivas e individuais dos
sujeitos. A violência policial é ocultada muitas vezes em sua forma estrutural e
mantida por mecanismos de dominação e controle da sociedade. Mas foi revelada
de maneira contundente a partir dos sentidos produzidos, que permitiram
compreendê-la na contemporaneidade. Como se constatou, as mediações
psicossociais construídas revelam a intencionalidade dos sujeitos quanto à
superação da situação sofrida, explicitando o quanto são desprovidos de direitos
básicos de cidadania. A violência policial é forma de extermínio que tem
comparecido como prática defendida através de discursos oficiais ou como ação
inevitável e mesmo necessária na luta contra a criminalidade , especialmente nos
grandes centros urbanos, e impetrados, sobretudo, contra adolescentes e jovens.
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O esquadrão da morte de São Paulo e a imprensa paulista: um estudo sobre o Jornal da Tarde, O Estado de São Paulo e a Folha de São Paulo (1968-1978) / The death squad of Sao Paulo city and the press of Sao Paulo: a study of Jornal da Tarde, O Estado de São Paulo and Folha de São Paulo (1968-1978)Fernandes, Márcia Gomes 23 February 2018 (has links)
A presente tese consiste em um estudo das representações sociais pelos jornais Jornal da Tarde, especificamente as matérias do jornalista Percival de Souza, O Estado de São Paulo e Folha de São Paulo sobre o Esquadrão da Morte da cidade de São Paulo, compreendendo o período de novembro de 1968 a dezembro de 1978. Tem como objetivo contribuir para o estudo histórico da imprensa e sua atuação no Brasil contemporâneo, na medida em que seus agentes possuem interesses e objetivos reais na construção e condução de uma interpretação coletiva da sociedade. Adotamos o conceito de representações sociais do historiador Roger Chartier, sendo que de acordo com este as representações sociais produzem práticas e estratégias, no intuito de legitimar um projeto reformador, em detrimento de outro. Além disso, foram realizadas entrevistas, tendo por objetivo ampliar a discussão em torno das fontes e recuperar um dado contexto que não pudemos apreender das reportagens analisadas, dando voz aos protagonistas da história. As entrevistas realizadas foram com o jornalista Percival de Souza, os Procuradores Dr. Hélio Pereira Bicudo e o Dr. João Benedito Azevedo Marques, que foram protagonistas nas investigações sobre as atividades do Esquadrão da Morte, e o Capitão Francisco Jesus da Paz. Por fim, a pesquisa constatou que se no início as matérias apontam para o surgimento do Esquadrão da Morte como um ato de vingança, aderindo às versões dos delegados e policiais, a partir de meados dos anos de 1970 os jornais assumem uma nova postura ao apresentar a incoerência das autoridades públicas do Poder Executivo do Estado de São Paulo, particularmente o ex-governador Roberto de Abreu Sodré e o ex-secretário de Segurança Pública Hely Lopes Meirelles, em continuarem negando a existência do Esquadrão da Morte, além de destacarem o empenho da Justiça para punir os integrantes do Esquadrão da Morte. / This thesis is a study of the social representations presented in the articles published in the newspaper Jornal da Tarde (JT) - specifically the articles written by the journalist Percival de Souza -, and articles from O Estado de São Paulo (OESP) and Folha de São Paulo (FSP) on the Death Squad of Sao Paulo city, comprising the period from November 1968 to December 1978. It aims to contribute to the historical study of the press and its operation in contemporary Brazil, insofar as its agents have real interests and aims in the construction and in the conduction of a collective interpretation of society. We adopt the concept of social representations by the historian Roger Chartier, according to whom, the social representations produce practices and strategies, aiming to legitimize a reform project, to the detriment of others. In addition, we made interviews, aiming to broaden the discussion about the sources and to recover a certain context that we were not able to understand only by analyzing the articles. In doing this, we also gave voice by interviewing the protagonists of the story - the journalist Percival de Souza, and the attorneys Hélio Pereira Bicudo and Dr. João Benedito Azevedo Marques (who participated in the investigations on the activities of the Death Squad) - and the Captain Francisco Jesus da Paz. Finally, the research found out that, at the beginning, the articles presented the emergence of the Death Squad as a revenge act, accepting police officers and chiefs versions of the story. However, from the 1970s and forwards, the newspapers changed its perspective and showed the incoherence of the public authorities of the Executive Branch of the State of Sao Paulo, particularly regarding to the former governor Roberto de Abreu Sodré and to the former Secretary of Public Security Hely Lopes Meirelles, who insisted in denying the existence of the Death Squad, they also highlighted the work of Justice to punish the members of the Death Squad. Besides, from the 1970s and forwards, these newspapers also highlighted the actions of Justice to punish the members of the Death Squad.
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Audiências de custódia: percepções morais sobre violência policial e quem é vítima / Custody hearings: moral perceptions of police violence and who is victimBandeira, Ana Luíza Villela de Viana 03 July 2018 (has links)
Na capital paulista, desde fevereiro de 2015, uma pessoa presa em flagrante deve ser levada, em até 24 horas, a uma audiência de custódia, em que o juiz decidirá se ela permanecerá presa ou terá direito à liberdade provisória durante o processo penal que poderá ser instaurado. Com o objetivo de reduzir o excessivo número de prisões provisórias e permitir a identificação de casos de abuso policial, essas audiências foram criadas pelo Provimento Conjunto nº 03/2015 do Tribunal de Justiça de São Paulo. A partir de uma pesquisa etnográfica, que contou com a observação de 692 pessoas apresentadas em audiências de custódia, entre fevereiro e dezembro de 2015, reflito sobre as percepções morais que os profissionais do sistema de justiça criminal, atuantes em tais audiências, expressaram a respeito de as pessoas custodiadas poderem ter sofrido violência policial. Através do que chamei de mecanismos de silenciamento, discuto como uma nova fase pré-processual, criada para a apuração de maus tratos policiais cometidos durante prisões em flagrante, pode submeter pessoas presas a experiências de humilhação. Também analiso de que forma o conceito de vítima é disputado, uma vez que a pessoa custodiada, ao mesmo tempo que é apresentada como autora de um ou mais delitos, também pode ter sofrido violações de direitos. / In the capital of São Paulo, since February 2015, a person arrested must be taken within 24 hours to a custody hearing in which the judge will decide whether he will remain in custody or will be entitled to provisional release during criminal proceedings that may be established. With the objective of reducing the excessive number of provisional imprisonment and allowing the identification of cases of police abuse, these hearings were created by Joint Appeal No. 03/2015 of the Court of Justice of São Paulo. Based on an ethnographic research of 692 people brought to custody hearings between February and December 2015, I reflect on the moral perceptions that practitioners of the criminal justice system, acting in such hearings, have expressed about whether the persons in custody may have suffered police violence. Through what I have called silencing mechanisms, I discuss how a new pre-procedural phase, created for the detection of police mistreatment committed during flagrant prisons, can subject people to experiences of humiliation. I also analyze how the concept of victim is disputed, since the person in custody, while being presented as the perpetrator of one or more crimes, also may have suffered violations of rights.
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A LABORATORY STUDY OF STRESS REACTIONS TO WITNESSING A POLICE KILLING OF AN UNARMED BLACK MAN: DISCRIMINATION, DISTRESS TOLERANCE, ETHNIC IDENTITY, AND RISK-TAKINGTrujillo, Michael A 01 January 2018 (has links)
Black individuals have been disproportionately targeted by law enforcement, most notably in shooting deaths at the hands of police, and has contributed to a general distrust of law enforcement. A rise in citizen journalism has helped document excessive use of force by police on video; however, little is known how individuals respond to viewing this type of media. A history of race-based stress is likely to contribute to an expectation of racism and may impact how individuals respond to videos of the treatment of unarmed Black men at the hands of police, with some evidence suggesting ethnic identity may moderate this relationship. Additionally, stress has been previously associated with risky health behaviors and risk-taking more generally; however, little is known whether the response to race-related stressors is in line with past work and whether distress tolerance may moderate this relationship. This study sought to contribute to this literature by examining if racial differences exist in the stress response to a video of police fatally wounding an unarmed black man and if this response (1) was predicted by stigma-related stressors (discrimination, anticipatory racism); (2) was associated with risk-taking; and (3) was moderated by ethnic identity and distress tolerance. Results showed that White respondents evidence greater galvanic skin response than Black respondents; however, there were no other significant racial differences in heart rate variability, systolic blood pressure, or negative affect via facial electromyography in response to the video. The stress response did not predict risk-taking nor was distress tolerance a significant moderator of this relationship. Among Black respondents, stigma-related stressors did not predict the stress response. Levels of ethnic identity commitment marginally interacted with discrimination in predicting heart rate variability, such that individuals with greater levels of commitment evidenced lower heart rate variability as experiences of discrimination increased compared to those with lower levels of commitment. There were no other significant or marginally significant interactions of ethnic identity with stigma-related stressors in predicting the stress response. Stigma-related stressors did not predict risk-taking nor were there indirect effects through the stress response. Health implications and directions for future research are discussed.
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NÄR VÅLD FÖRSTÅS SOM LEGITIMT. : En maktanalys av polisvåldets performativitet utifrån erfarenheter hos våldsutsatta.Seger, Gabriella January 2012 (has links)
Violence is put in a specific context when the police are the perpetrator of violence rendering violence possibly legitimate through sovereignty. The possibility of legitimization of police violence raises important questions of how such violence is legitimized and how resistance is conceived of and defined. I have interviewed seven people in Sweden from different backgrounds, all of whom share the experience of having been subjugated to police violence, including threats, harassments and physical violence.This paper analyzes the performativity of police violence through the relations between police violence, power, sovereignty, subjectstatus and resistance, in order to understand how police violence is being legitimized and to understand its consequenses with respect to those subjugated to it. I’ve also analyzed if this violence is being politicized and, in that case, how politicization is made possible. Performativity implies an understanding where those relations aswell as understandings of it are framing which actions are made possible and rendered real while those very actions themselves also animates those understandings. Those framings are to be understood as neither unambiguous nor ever-lasting.In order to analyze power relations considerate of different backgrounds and experiences where the relationship between the police and those who are subjected to police violence aren’t formulated in political terms I’ve chosen to analyze power relations through subjectstatus and sovereignty. Subjectstatus signifies to which extent we are acknowledged as subjects and thus granted raison d’être through such status. Sovereignty is understood as the power structure giving meaning to the police actions of violence. Thus, I am not analyzing structures of power or identity such as class and gender. Instead I analyze to what extent we are acknowledged as subjects through the concept of subjectstatus where for instance gender and class may be included.The perception of yourself through others is of significance for the risk of being subjected to police violence where the very experience of being violated carry consequences for how we are perceived. Legitimized police violence in itself denies victimstatus to those being violated, thus explaining why the victims of police violence are seldom seen as subjugated to violence. The possibility of police violence being rendered legitimate are materialized through sovereignty where police violence can be understood as a way of outlining the boundaries through which sovereignty acknowledges some subjects the freedom from violence in ambiguous ways.A subject wielding resistance can be conceived of as being in a subject-position, rendering police violence legitimate. The very acts of police violence carry the power to define what is to be understood as resistance. Such subject-positions are advantageous to the police since they entail the possibility of rendering police violence legitimate when someone who is violated by the police can be construed as wielding resistance after the violations. Thus police violence and sovereignty entail their own prerequisites for being rendered real. When the framings of police violence are being materialized through that very violence they can be understood as hegemonic, making police violence hard to politicize. / <p>Masteruppsats i genusvetenskap</p>
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Polisvåld - En tolkningsfråga : Polisers perspektiv genom sociologiska intervjuerSavanovic, Alexandar January 2013 (has links)
Denna studie undersöker hur polisvåld och polisvåld i media tolkas av polisen själv. Studien genomfördes med metodvalet grundad teori, för att säkerhetsställa att fakta talar och att inte undersökarens åsikter påverkar utgången. Våldets tolkning blev kärnkategorin med åtta underkategorier. Data påvisade ett flertal problem gällande hur våldet tolkas och polisens problematik kring detta. Media har ett stort inflytande på polisen vilket påverkar hur allmänheten skapar sin bild av dem. Media och polisen har nytta av varandra i ett ömsesidigt utbyte av information och för att allmänheten inte ska bilda sig felaktiga uppfattningar. Det ges även kritik till media från polisen för hur media beskriver att polisen arbetar. Polisen har även en moralisk konflikt mot lagstiftarna gällande hur insatser ska hanteras, lagens tolkning är på många sätt hämmande för att minska våldet och istället ökar det. Poliser kan i det stadiet välja det som är bäst för sig själva eller tolka lagen rent bokstavligt. Konsekvent kan handlingen uppfattas som övervåld, medan lagen syftar på att ingripandet skett proportionerligt. Media publicerar denna nyhet till allmänheten och polisen kan stämplas av media att skydda de som är lagbrytare bland de sina. / This study investigates how police violence is interpreted by the Swedish own police force in the perspectives the media raises about it. The study was done with the methodological tool of grounded theory, to make sure the data is coming to light and not the researcher’s subjective perspectives. The interpreted violence became the main category together with eight minor categories. The data showed several problems how violence is interpreted and the troubles arise from the Swedish national police standpoint. The media influence how society creates its picture of the police. Media and police have to work towards a symbiosis for the greater good of the society and minimizing the risk of misinterpretations. The media has also been criticized by the police in the fashion they do their investigations and the lacking of subject of law the Swedish police must attain to while doing their work. The police are also caught in a moral dispute with the lawmakers; the subject of matter is how they dictate the police should work, while the police view is that violence increases with the lawmaker’s rules. The officers are then caught in a dilemma between doing what they seem right or following blindly the print in the book. The consequences are that actions are interpreted as overly done violence, something media are quick to raise questions about and to judging the police as protecting their own criminal behavior.
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La police à l'épreuve des incivilités : la dynamique du désordre /Piednoir, Julien. Cusson, Maurice. January 1900 (has links)
Texte remanié de: Thèse de doctorat--Droit--Nantes, 2006. / Bibliogr. p. 181-192.
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