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Including civil society organizations in the policy process is a distinctive trait of democratic governance. But, while being highly valuable from a democratic point of view, not all civil society organizations are represented in the policy process. This dissertation draws attention to the role of the government in shaping the representation of civil society organizations in the Swedish government consultation referred to as the ‘remiss procedure’. The overall aim is to increase empirical and theoretical understanding of civil society organizations’ access to the national Swedish policy process. Drawing on various empirical data sources, it analyzes how access has changed during the second half of the 20th century, the factors influencing access, and the significance of the access provided by the government. The results are based on four empirical studies, and show that the government has encouraged an increasing number and more diverse types of civil society organizations to be represented in the remiss procedure. In addition, organizations with plenty of resources, such as labor and business organizations, are not overrepresented. However, access is slightly skewed in favor of civil society organizations with an insider position within other access points at national government level, which is consistent with a privileged pluralistic pattern of interest representation. In addition, civil society organizations seem to be invited into an arena for political influence of less relevance. Theoretically, the dissertation moves beyond the neo-corporatist perspective that dominated Swedish research during the second half of the 20th century by drawing attention to five different theoretical lenses: pluralism, neo-corporatism, political opportunity structures, policy network theory, and resource exchange theory. It concludes that a variety of theories are needed for access to be understood.

O objetivo dessa tese de doutoramento é compreender o padrão e a dinâmica decisória em política externa no Brasil. Para isso, o estudo concentrar-se-á 1) na compreensão da relação entre os poderes Executivo e Legislativo em matérias internacionais; 2) no entendimento da dinâmica interna do próprio Poder Executivo, analisando a atuação do Presidente da República e seu papel na tomada de decisão na área de relações exteriores e política internacional do país; 3) na análise do Ministério das Relações Exteriores em sua estrutura organizacional e decisória bem como no seu relacionamento com as demais agências burocráticas. O marco temporal estabelecido pela pesquisa é de 1988 a 2007, vinte anos após o estabelecimento do novo marco constitucional do país, que versa sobre a estrutura e funcionamento do Estado no período pós- redemocratização. / This doctoral dissertation attempts to understand pattern and dynamics in foreign policy decision-making processes in Brazil. We concentrate our attention on: 1) understanding the interactive dynamics between the Executive and the Legislature branches of the Brazilian Government regarding international issues; 2) understanding the inner dynamics of the Executive by analyzing the organizational and decision-making structures of the Ministry of Foreign Relations, as well as its relations with others bureaucracies and agencies; and 3) looking into the role of the President in decision-making processes regarding foreign relations and international politics. Twenty years after the adoption of a democratic Constitution, our research will look into the structures and operations of a post-re-democratization Federal Government between 1988 and 2007.

Policy networks is a body of literature dedicated to modelling state-civil society relationship formats. In this particular relationship, an interest group with privileged (insider) access to the party in power gains advantage in the policy-making process by utilizing party’s ability to make political appointments in the civil service. The parentela (or type 1 parentela) was first discovered by Joseph La Palombara (1964) in 1960s Italy and was documented later again by Greer (1994) in 1920s-1970s Northern Ireland. Still, there has been no parentela research since 1994, save for Yishai (1992), who argued the parentela did not exist in Israel in 1980s. It seems the concept is considered of little utility to the academic community today. At the same time, as a category of policy networks, the parentela is also susceptible to the wider criticism of Thatcher (1997) and Dowding (1995; 2001) that the policy network literature is unable to introduce causal dynamics in its models and distinguish between network features and network independent variables. This study, therefore, addresses both criticisms by studying the party-group-civil service relationship in Bulgaria, for the period 2013-2015, using 26 elite interviews and a number of cases. Results show that this particular policy network is still viable today. They support Yishai (1992) that hegemonic parties have no effect on parentela formation. The study demonstrates that the cooperation between ruling parties, in need of funds, and organised businesses (groups), in need of market advantage, produces the parentela. In a case study on construction tenders, the study demonstrates La Palombara’s parentela, by exposing the process of how ruling parties intervene in the civil service through political appointees to ensure construction projects are granted to their party insider groups. The study also discovers a new parentela dynamic, labelled as type 2 parentela, where the party intervention extends further to the free market by affecting party insider’s market competitors through prejudiced regulatory inspections that disrupt targeted businesses’ operations temporarily or altogether.

由於台灣地區地形陡峻，雨水蓄積並不容易，再加上近來全球氣候變遷，致使台灣地區降雨型態轉變，豐枯季節降雨不均，枯水期河水短缺，豐水期則任由洪流入海，上述因素使得南部地區民眾長期以來深為用水問題所苦。 為了解決用水問題，技術官僚咸認為開發水庫為當今謀求水源之不二法門，因此計劃於美濃地區興建水庫，以滿足南部地區用水需求。其認為興建美濃水庫一方面不僅可解決長期以來南部地區民眾無水可用之苦，另一方面則藉由供應工業園區用水，進而建設台灣成為科技島，可謂立意良善。然而此立意良善之政策，卻屢遭美濃當地居民抗爭，延宕至今仍無法動工。究竟在美濃水庫興建決策的研擬過程，出現了什縻問題？其造成爭議的論點何在？而相關政策參與者間又如何互動？以上種種問題則引發筆者對於美濃水庫興建之政策網絡型態研究的動機。 對於美濃水庫興建政策之研究，首先要思考的，即是採取何種研究之途徑，較有助於分析不同參與者之間的互動關係及其對政策結果的影響？筆者檢閱相關文獻後發現，傳統論述國家與社會互動關係之途徑大致可分為社會中心論與國家中心論，而社會中心論又以多元主義為核心，國家中心論則以統合主義為核心。然隨著國家事務之日益繁雜與多樣化，政策問題似已無法藉由傳統多元主義或統合主義之單一模式來獲得有效的解決。相對地，強調不同行動者之間為遂行其目的，透過具策略性與複雜性的互賴互動過程而作成公共政策之政策網絡概念應聲而起，儼然成為多元主義與統合主義之外，研究國家與社會在決策過程中互動關係之另一途徑。因此，筆者在從事我國美濃水庫興建政策之研究時，則試圖以新興之政策網絡概念取代傳統論述，從不同角度觀點來進行分析。 在章節安排上，本論文共分五章，茲將其內容簡述如下： 第一章：緒論 說明本文研究的動機、目的、問題、方法及限制。 第二章：政策網絡之文獻探討 主要係探討政策網絡概念之緣起、理論基礎、意涵與類型，以明政策網絡概念之輪廓。並對政策網絡相關之實務應用文獻作一檢視與批判，以建構出適於美濃水庫興建政策研究之分析架構。 第三章：美濃水庫興建政策網絡之系絡分析 主要係介紹美濃水庫興建政策網絡產生之歷史背景以及政治、經濟、社會與其他相關環境因素對該政策網絡之影響。同時從政治資源、利益需求與價值規範等面向來探討相關參與者之意識型態與信念系統，以瞭解其涉入決策的理由及所持立場之論據，進而分析該政策之爭議所在。 第四章：美濃水庫興建政策網絡之互動分析 主要係將美濃水庫興建政策發展過程劃分為政策潛伏期、政策發展期、政策合法化時期及政策後續發展期等四期，逐一探討政策網絡中相關參與者之間的互動情形，以瞭解美濃水庫興建政策網絡之互動模式。 第五章：結論 最後總結全文，分別說政策網絡概念與美濃水庫興建政策提出個人若干研究發現、建議及未來研究展望。

國家科學委員會（簡稱國科會）於志願服務法推展下，自2002年開始啟動科學志願服務工程計畫，是我國具原創立意的創新性志願服務，其以跨領域的科學普及與社會關懷為目標；並自2005年開始，設立補助機制與管道，邀請民間單位共同參與志工培育與科學普及服務工作。面對全球資源短缺下，跨部門治理合產以及志願服務促進公民社會發展之重要趨勢，本研究以國科會補助科學志工團隊計畫為探討情境，瞭解國科會與民間非營利組織之資源交換下，其形構之政策網絡與服務內涵，以檢視補助機制是否回應非營利組織需求。 本研究主要採取深度訪談法、次級資料分析法、參與觀察法，應用鉅觀之Marsh & Smith政策網絡辨證途徑模型非營利組織觀點修正架構，嘗試釐清該補助機制之運作與困境。研究發現科學志願服務乃回應志願服務法規，透過層級委辦與補助途徑，跨部門輸出科學知識轉譯、科學知識建構之服務，交構科學志工之公民知識權內涵。而承辦之國家高速網路與計算中心應用行動者優勢，發展線上平台，提昇國科會科學志工補助機制效率。對於整體資源配置與運用而言，審查委員背景以及其對於科學性之詮釋、團隊計畫書內容品質、以及財務管核體系等，皆影響非營利組織推展科學志工計畫。此外，在公部門有限資源下，團隊組織展示了其專業力、聯結力、培植力優勢；然而，跨部門之間網絡互動連結性弱，對非營利組織來說，整體機制之政策參與度空間有待拓展。 因此，本研究建議應採取策略聯盟行動，強化網絡緊密性，並藉此提昇服務效益，擴散全民受益。最後，則應回歸政策參與管道之建置，以孕育互為主體之跨部門協力溝通場域。 / With “The Volunteer Service Act”, National Science Council (NSC) has developed original Science Volunteer Program since 2002, which is applied to promote the development of science, education and humanities. In order to expand the science volunteer effect, NSC drawn up the subsidy policy in “The NSC Executive Plan for Promoting Science Volunteer”. The subsidy process of Science Volunteer Program practice cross-sectoral partnership between NSC, National Center for High-performance Computing (NCHC), and Non-Profit Organizations (NPOs), and the research takes the perspective of NPOs to examine the subsidy mechanism for Science Volunteer Teams of NSC. Applying the method of in-depth interview, secondary data and participatory observation in the Marsh & Smith Dialectical Approach of policy networks theory, the research finds that science volunteers are both science knowledge interpreters and makers, which devotes to citizen scientists in Taiwan. About the subsidy mechanism and resource dependence, the plan book, reviewers and financial management from NSC affect the development of Science Volunteer Teams. Besides, the network between NSC, NCHC and NPOs is not strong; and policy participation is also expected to improve. Thus, the research suggests that NSC could modify the interactive manner and take strategic alliance to enhance the beneficial result of interdisciplinary collaborative from different excellent NPOs.

<p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong>D Level Essay in Political Science, Spring Semester 2010 by Sangrid von Zedtwitz-Liebenstein. Tutor: Malin Stegmann McCallion. “Democratic Accountability in Networks”</strong></p><p> </p><p>The aim of this study is to highlight the problem of the democratic deficit in the private-public partnerships in Sweden. This is a comparative case study with four ideal types. To enhance understanding of networking and public private partnerships, the paper has a descriptive approach where the aim is to put the working method of networks and partnerships into a wider context.</p><p>The network's and partnership's social structural dependencies and the different actors involved, are discussed with reference to Multi Level Governance theory. The discussion in this study is based on the government's bill for economic growth and vitality throughout the country, <em>En politik för tillväxt och livskraft i hela landet</em> (Regeringen, 2001).</p><p>The research question that the paper answers is: How does Västra Götaland County Council try to solve the problems with accountability in their private-public partnerships?</p><p>To answer the question, the two theoretical approaches Network Evaluation Theory and Policy Network Analysis are used[Okänd för1] . The empirical material, on which the analysis is based, consist of  The Västra Götaland County Council's guidelines [Okänd för2] for evaluating private public partnerships, <em>Modell för lärande uppföljning och utvärdering</em> (Västra Götalandsregionen, 2009).</p><p>The Government Bill and the Regulation of the regional growth policy in the country show that a MLG system is being developed in Sweden, and how Sweden through it becomes embedded in the larger MLG system of EU within[Okänd för3]  the policy area.</p><p>The conclusion drawn from the study of Västra Götaland's guidelines is that the private public partnerships in Västra Götaland region Council are controlled with objectives and results these are continuously monitored for discrepancies and adjustments. The public-private partnerships often also have participation from the Västra Götaland Region Council.</p>

<p>The aim of this thesis is to describe and understand the introduction of entrepreneurship and enterprise projects in primary and secondary schools in the North of Sweden and to identify and analyse the driving forces and actors behind this process. In particular the influence and significance of education policy at supranational, national and subnational level for the introduction of entrepreneurship and enterprise in education are analysed. The main questions of the study have been:</p><p>• How and why have entrepreneurship and enterprise education come to the schools in the northern region of Sweden, in particular within the framework of the PRIO1 project?</p><p>• How were important stakeholders involved at the subnational level and how did they reason and act in relation to the introduction of entrepreneurship and enterprise in the schools?</p><p>• How are the concepts of entrepreneurship and enterprise education presented in policy documents at different policy levels?</p><p>The study wants to report on changes in education policy during recent years. Especially the emergence of international policy convergence and new forms of governance are among the factors that are considered. Drawing on a conceptual framework of structure and agency, the analyses in the empirical studies are informed by a combination of theoretical fields. Important contributions are rendered from the education policy literature. The first method consists of a policy study of documents produced by organisations at different levels (supranational, national and subnational). The purpose of this analysis is to capture the ideas and arguments that have been used but also to understand the context and driving forces for the introduction of entrepreneurship and enterprise in education. Starting from the supranational level, the analysis focuses mainly on two organisations, OECD and EU. These organisations were chosen because they are widely regarded as leading organisations in setting the supranational policy agenda for education. The document study consists of a selection of OECD documents that have been released during the period 1970 - 2006, as well as a selection of EU documents. The EU documents cover the last 15 years. Attention is paid to several documents at the national and subnational level as well. The second method is an interview study. The interview study aims to focus on some of the key stakeholders (agents/actors) that have been participating in the formation (initiation, financing and realisation) of a county wide project “PRIO1”, Priority Enterprise in Västerbotten, in the North of Sweden. In order to understand why and how these actors at the subnational level have become involved in the process, there exists a need to hear their arguments. The document study shows that there is interplay between the different levels, but intertextual aspects have also become visible. The policy drive and policy scope show the concatenation but also the complexity of the policy development. Education is increasingly related to economic policies, in particular through labour market policies. Although the concepts of Entrepreneurship and Enterprise have developed within the economic sector, they are penetrating the education and training systems of many countries. From the results presented in this study, it seems that lifelong learning has become the guiding principle for the amalgamation of education and the world of work, while learning is no longer equated with just schooling. The opening of the school towards the surrounding world is a characteristic development in all this, but it is also a process that certainly is stipulated by agencies and actors at different levels, as is shown in this study. The interviews with some stakeholders at the subnational level show that the promotion of entrepreneurship and enterprise in education is related to arguments for economic and societal development. The interviews also reveal some of the “bottom-up” aspects of the policy process. One of the important results of this study is that the education policy studies have to include the level beyond the national borders. The interplay between the different policy-levels (supranational, national and subnational) needs more attention in order to understand the transformation of the education system.</p>

毒品的存在由來已久，近年在生活壓力漸增下，毒品濫用的問題愈演愈烈，此可見諸於我國吸毒入監人數以及毒品吸食的再犯率屢創新高。在這樣的發展趨勢下，政府為了抑制社會毒品濫用的問題，減少犯罪與社會危害，遂推動地方毒品危害防制中心的政策措施，希望能結合政府與民間的資源與力量，共同進行反毒作戰。此一新的反毒政策創新成為本研究的主要焦點，在該政策預期達到的政策目的上，實質蘊含了政策網絡的組織連結概念，因此本研究運用政策網絡的概念分析工具與觀察架構，以現有反毒文獻較缺乏的政策執行過程面向切入，意圖深入了解地方毒品危害防制中心的實際運作。 本研究主要採取深度訪談法與次級資料分析法，從縱貫面的觀察架構輔以橫切面的要素分析，企圖了解地方毒品危害防制中心的實際運作內涵。研究發現該政策主要是植基於應急式的反毒政策推動，為了因應漸趨嚴重的毒品問題，政府採取運用現有的組織資源方式來做政策推動，在此資源侷限下，主責單位僅能以建立網絡、遊說與政策指導、尋找資源的策略來加以因應，實際產生的政策變革有限，組織間的連結也為初步形成的弱連結型態。除此之外，中心組織運作所抱持的反毒醫療、輔導觀點在實質運作中也遭遇吸毒犯心理依賴強烈與病識感不足的困境，實質進展有限。因此，本研究建議應在中央政府成立專責的反毒機構，擺脫現有反毒資源不足的困境；對於民間而言，更應擴大其政策參與的角色；而就現有的政府機關協調問題上，應指派專門的政務委員進行部門間的政策協調工作，讓毒品政策的組織衝突能獲得解決；最後，在現有的社區輔導成效有限下，應回歸監獄輔導與職訓功能的強化。 / Drug has existed for a long time. Recently, due to the escalating life stress, drug abuse problem becomes much more serious in the society. The growing number of people sent to jail for drug abuse and high percentage of retaking drugs are evidences in this trend. In order to tackle this problem, our government set up the local drug prevention and control center. Through this organization, they hoped that it can put government and non-governmental organizations together to prevent drug abuse and crimes. This research focuses on this innovative organization. By using policy network analysis, the research tries to understand the policy implementation of local drug prevention and control center. This research adopts in-depth interview and secondary data analysis to investigate the implementation of local drug prevention and control center. The research findings reveal several things. First, the government set up local drug prevention and control center to solve drug problem. However, because drug policy had long been neglected and drug users had strong psychological dependence, the resources that anti-drug actors can use were always scarce. Under this circumstance, the local drug prevention and control center took the form of task force but had few resources available. Second, network-building, persuading, policy guidance and resource-seeking were the strategies that actors used in policy implementation. In fact, the policy transformation did happen, but limited. Policy network formation was one of the changes worth noting, even though the networks were primary type and weak-tied. Last, lack of sick awareness in drug user group made policy implementation even more difficult. Based on these findings, the research suggests that it should set up a specialized, dedicated organization responsible for drug policy in the central government; drug policy planning and implementation must include more non-governmental actors; the government should designate one minister of state in charge of drug policy coordination; finally, the drug policy implementation ought to focus on the counseling and job training in the jail, rather than in the community.

The aim of this thesis is to describe and understand the introduction of entrepreneurship and enterprise projects in primary and secondary schools in the North of Sweden and to identify and analyse the driving forces and actors behind this process. In particular the influence and significance of education policy at supranational, national and subnational level for the introduction of entrepreneurship and enterprise in education are analysed. The main questions of the study have been: • How and why have entrepreneurship and enterprise education come to the schools in the northern region of Sweden, in particular within the framework of the PRIO1 project? • How were important stakeholders involved at the subnational level and how did they reason and act in relation to the introduction of entrepreneurship and enterprise in the schools? • How are the concepts of entrepreneurship and enterprise education presented in policy documents at different policy levels? The study wants to report on changes in education policy during recent years. Especially the emergence of international policy convergence and new forms of governance are among the factors that are considered. Drawing on a conceptual framework of structure and agency, the analyses in the empirical studies are informed by a combination of theoretical fields. Important contributions are rendered from the education policy literature. The first method consists of a policy study of documents produced by organisations at different levels (supranational, national and subnational). The purpose of this analysis is to capture the ideas and arguments that have been used but also to understand the context and driving forces for the introduction of entrepreneurship and enterprise in education. Starting from the supranational level, the analysis focuses mainly on two organisations, OECD and EU. These organisations were chosen because they are widely regarded as leading organisations in setting the supranational policy agenda for education. The document study consists of a selection of OECD documents that have been released during the period 1970 - 2006, as well as a selection of EU documents. The EU documents cover the last 15 years. Attention is paid to several documents at the national and subnational level as well. The second method is an interview study. The interview study aims to focus on some of the key stakeholders (agents/actors) that have been participating in the formation (initiation, financing and realisation) of a county wide project “PRIO1”, Priority Enterprise in Västerbotten, in the North of Sweden. In order to understand why and how these actors at the subnational level have become involved in the process, there exists a need to hear their arguments. The document study shows that there is interplay between the different levels, but intertextual aspects have also become visible. The policy drive and policy scope show the concatenation but also the complexity of the policy development. Education is increasingly related to economic policies, in particular through labour market policies. Although the concepts of Entrepreneurship and Enterprise have developed within the economic sector, they are penetrating the education and training systems of many countries. From the results presented in this study, it seems that lifelong learning has become the guiding principle for the amalgamation of education and the world of work, while learning is no longer equated with just schooling. The opening of the school towards the surrounding world is a characteristic development in all this, but it is also a process that certainly is stipulated by agencies and actors at different levels, as is shown in this study. The interviews with some stakeholders at the subnational level show that the promotion of entrepreneurship and enterprise in education is related to arguments for economic and societal development. The interviews also reveal some of the “bottom-up” aspects of the policy process. One of the important results of this study is that the education policy studies have to include the level beyond the national borders. The interplay between the different policy-levels (supranational, national and subnational) needs more attention in order to understand the transformation of the education system.