This master's thesis Political Parties, their Organizational Framework and Functioning deals with the political party organization, especially with their organizational framework and functioning. The observation of the party classification models has shown that models do not reflect party framework and functioning in a sufficient way. Therefore, the aim of the thesis is to define the important phenomena which enable us to study the organization and functioning of political parties and to reflect their inner party dynamic. The considered variables are the power structure, the organizational framework, membership and the hierarchy of members, the role of factions and bureaucracy. The theoretical conclusions are used in the case study which deals with the party organization of the Czech Social Democratic Party.

The problem of the sustainability of the welfare state became over several last years one of the most important political, medial and social topics in the Czech republic. Recent experience from countries of southern Europe are showing, that large welfare states are in their current size economically unsustainable, because they significantly participate on creating public budget's deficits and on the growth of government debt. In this master's thesis I deal with exploring the possibility, that political parties in the Czech republic conduct a reduction of the Czech welfare state's size. The thesis draws on the economic theory of democracy developed by Joseph Schumpeter and Anthony Downs and the argumentation builds on its assumption that political parties are rational actors motivated purely by gaining votes and winning elections. Based on this assumption, I develop an economic model of partisan decision-making and conclude conditions, that allow political parties to decide rationally in accordance with their assumed motivation to conduct the reduction of the welfare state. The fulfillment of these conditions is consequently being empirically analyzed for the specific case of the Czech republic. The results of my analysis show, that none of these conditions is fulfilled in the Czech republic - by...

(English): The aim of the thesis is to analyse the discourse of exclusion of the Czech communism and the discoursive attempts to ban the communist party. It shall shed more light on its sources of thought as found in the Czech dissident movement, as well as on the conditions it has risen from after the Velvet revolution. We intend to point out that the two main concepts of the dissident thought are essential for the birth of the discourse - one is shaping it, while the other opposes. The influence of non-political discourses - such as legal or political discourse on the subject - are also given serious attention. Using the Critical Discourse Analysis toolbox of methods, we hope to enhance our knowledge about contradictory images of the Czech past that shape contradictory images of the communism as well.

The thesis examines a phenomenon of small political parties in the Czech Republic in the period since 1998 until now. It reveals their position in the Czech party system, their potential to survive in the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic and examines their chances of being a relevant coalition partner. The thesis is divided into 6 parts. An introduction opens the issue of small political parties. In the first chapter there is an identification of small political parties acting in the Czech political system. It focuses on their formation and development, their participation in elections, entering the Chamber of Deputies, prospective coalition cooperation and their current activity without any representation within the Parliament. In the next chapter the theses examines electoral systems and their key variables in regards to small political parties by using a concrete example of the election mechanism used for the Czech Chamber of Deputies. The question of election reform is raised together with revealing the key points of a relevant academic and public discussion. The last chapter examines the relationship among small political parties and media in regards to the key moments of election campaigns for the Chamber of Deputies of the Czech Parliament. The hypothesis stated in...

Workers who earn wage premiums for adverse job characteristics face a higher tax-price than peers of equal human capital working under more favorable conditions. Facing a higher cost per unit for public goods, they in turn demand a relatively small public sector. This may explain patterns of political affiliation across industries where differences in nonpecuniary aspects are often significant. I test this with county level data on fatality rates and support for the Republican candidate in the 2004 US Presidential election, finding that fatality rates remain positive and significant drivers of GOP support through various regression specifications. These results are robust to cross-sectional and panel data on individual contributions reported to the Federal Election Commission for the 2004, 2008, and 2012 US Presidential elections.

本論文試圖分析印度政黨自獨立運動時期以來的發展過程，以期獲知影響印度政黨體 系形態系形態演變的主要因素。 全篇共約十萬字，計分六章十四節： 第一章，導論：說明研究動機、目的及範圍，並對本文之架構，做一簡單介紹；同時 ，略述印度的一般社會狀況。 第二章，政黨初創的獨立運動時期：探討英國統治的權力結構，及印度各主要政黨產 生的原因與創立經過。 第三章，一黨獨立的尼赫魯時期：分析獨立初期各主要政黨的政治表現，及造成一黨 獨大型態的主要因素；同時，說明期中各屆大選的結果。 第四章，權力分散的過渡時期：說明印度政黨體系逐漸開放的過程，及促其開放的主 要因素。 第五章，體系開放的甘地夫人時期：探討甘地夫人執政後，印度政黨體系演變的情況 ，並分析反對黨派結盟形成人民黨的獲得大選勝利的主要因素。 第六章，結論：係就印度政黨體系的演變過程，做一整體性的評估。

兩岸關係迥異於世上其他分裂國家，自成一特殊格局，學界對兩岸關係及政府大陸政策之研究亦相當的多，本文的研究目的主要在探尋政府大陸政策之主導因素，是否隨著台灣的民主化進程及政黨輪替，而由「國家中心」轉為「社會中心」，亦即大陸政策反映何者的偏好與利益。依據本文的研究結果發現，民主進程初期的大陸政策，不論是高政治性議題或低政治性議題，其主導因素均屬「國家中心」；至民主進程後期，高政治性議題大陸政策之主導因素兼具「國家中心」與「社會中心」，而低政治性議題大陸政策之主導因素則屬「社會中心」。由此觀之，民主轉型改變了國家與社會的互動關係，也因為民主化的發展，致使國家逐漸開放與社會階層溝通，社會因素因此獲得參與政策決策過程的管道，使社會利益更易於轉化成國家政策。顯然，我政府大陸政策已非全由國家所主導，亦包含社會因素的介入。 / The cross-Strait relations is completely different from those of other divided nations, numerous researches have been made focusing on the cross-Strait relations and Taiwan’s Mainland policies. According, the main object of this research is to explore if the leading factors of the Mainland polices should be transferred from “state-centered” to “society-centered” under the process of democratization and turnover of the political party, that is the Mainland policies reflect whose preference and interest afterall. According to the research results, we can find that in the initiate stage of democratic progress, no matter for Mainland policies of high politics or low politics, the leading factors are “state-centered”. However, in the later stage of democratic progress, the leading factors for the Mainland policies of high politics are both “state-centered” and “society-centered”, and the leading factors for the Mainland policies of low politics are “society-centered”. Therefore, it can be seen that democracy transformation has changed the interaction of state and society, and because of the development of democratization, the state gradually open up to communicate with social classes, so the social factors obtained the channels to participate in the process of policy-making. That is to say the social interests are easier to transfer to the national policies. Obviously, not all the Mainland polices are dominated by state; they also include social factors.

Cette étude aborde l’un des plus importants enjeux auxquels font face les mouvements islamiques, entre autres, l’engagement et la participation politique. Elle enquête sur la nature et les références de ses mouvements, en particulier le Mouvement de l’Unicité et de la Réforme (MUR) et aussi analyse, en adoptant une approche neutre et objective, combinant le cadre théorique avec celui de la pratique, leurs résultats en tant que mouvements sociopolitiques dans des communautés musulmanes, visant à apporter un changement social et politique. L’expérience de la participation politique des islamistes marocains à travers le Mouvement de l’Unicité et de la Réforme (actif politiquement, sous la couverture du Parti de la Justice et du Développement PJD) représente un modèle typique qui mérite toute attention de recherche et d’étude. En effet, le Maroc est parmi les premiers pays à autoriser aux mouvements islamiques modérés d’entrer officiellement dans le champ politique, et de s’y activer légalement. Aussi, ces derniers ont su se démarquer dans la scène politique et dépasser les thèses de coupures fondées sur une opposition radicale aux régimes gouvernants. Compte tenu de l’importance de la présence et du poids dont jouissent actuellement les mouvements islamiques, il est maintenant évident pour un grand nombre d’observateurs spécialistes que l’on ne peut plus parler de l’avenir politique et social dans les pays du monde islamique sans parler ou prendre en compte le rôle considérable de ces mouvements dans le tissu social du monde musulman. La plupart des études entreprises dans le domaine se préoccupaient du côté fondamental et théorique des mouvements islamiques, cependant cette présente étude s’émerge du lot par sa focalisation sur les organisations islamiques et leurs participations politiques en prenant le MUR comme cas d'étude. Elle aborde le problème définitionnel et cognitif lié à la notion des mouvements islamiques, puis explique la propagation rapide de ces mouvements dans le monde islamique, et identifie les idéologies motrices de leur action pour comprendre leurs concepts et leurs comportements envers l’autorité et la société. / This study addresses one of the most important issues facing Islamic movements, among others, engagement and political participation. It investigates the nature and references of these movements, particularly the Movement of Unification and Reform (MUR) and also analysis, adopting a neutral and objective approach, combining the theoretical framework with that of practice, their results as socio-political movements aiming to provide social and political change in Muslim communities. The experience of political participation of Moroccan Islamists across the Movement of Unification and Reform (active politically under the cover of the Justice and Development Party [PJD]) represents a typical model that deserves careful research and study. Indeed, Morocco is among the first countries to allow moderate Islamist movement, to officialy enter the political field and to activate in legally. Also, Islamists in Morocco have stood out in the political scene and overcame cuts theses based on a radical opposition to the governing regimes. Given the importance of the presence and weight currently enjoyed by Islamic movements, it is now clear to many observers and experts that we cannot talk about the political and social future in the countries of the Islamic world without mentioning or taking into account the important role of these movements. Most studies undertaken in the area were concerned with fundamental and theoretical aspects of Islamic movements; however, this study emerges from the batch by its focus on Islamic organizations and their political participation by taking MUR as a case study. It addresses the definitional and cognitive problem related to the notion of Islamic movements. Then explains the rapid spread of these movements in the Islamic world, and identifies the driving ideologies of their action to understand their concepts and attitudes toward authority and society.

The idea of sovereignty of the people offers a concept which allows searching for legitimacy of power. The legitimacy of power is one of the key structures establishing a relation between those who govern and those who are governed. Whether this relation is accepted, acceptable, functional, desirable or undesirable is a matter of finding the very definition of sovereignty of the people as such. The aim of this doctoral thesis, titled The Concept of Sovereignty of the People and the Political Party System in the First Czechoslovak Republic (1918 - 1938) and in the Czech Republic since 1993, is, firstly, to define the concepts of the people, on one hand, and sovereignty, on the other hand, in the historical, political and legal context from the ancient times up to now while reflecting the role of political parties in relation to the sovereignty of the people. Secondly, this thesis aims at exploring and describing the functioning of the party systems in the interwar Czechoslovakia and in the Czech Republic after 1993. Thirdly, this thesis seeks to answer the following questions: who represents the people in liberal democracies which are based on sovereignty of the people; how do the people exercise their power; and what is the role of the political parties in this process.

Quelles sont les pratiques de la responsabilité politique et comment permettent-elles de comprendre la nature et les modalités de négociation du pouvoir de l’État au Mozambique ? Ce questionnement s’insère dans les débats des trente dernières années sur les phénomènes d’institutionnalisation démocratique au cours de la troisième vague de démocratisation. Dans ce débat, la responsabilité politique est vue comme l’instrument capable et nécessaire pour changer les régimes autoritaires, c’est-à-dire capable d’en finir avec les « résidus » autoritaires dans les nouvelles démocraties. À partir du dialogue avec la littérature, cette recherche appréhende la mise en place de la responsabilité politique comme un processus qui met en relief la dynamique transformative, comme espace de rencontres et de négociations entre plusieurs arènes et autorités qui composent la maille des régimes politiques. L’idée démocratique au Mozambique a permis et permet de mettre en articulation diverses expériences qui ont été capables de reformuler ou d’accélérer le processus d’institutionnalisation démocratique. Ces expériences doivent être analysées dans leur historicité mais incorporent des éléments de la modernité motivés par la compétition politique entre le pouvoir du Frelimo, la Renamo et aujourd’hui le MDM. La contribution de cette thèse est de penser l’institutionnalisation démocratique comme un processus transformatif et la responsabilité politique comme intrinsèquement soudée aux rapports de pouvoir dominants. Il s’agit de partir des expériences des acteurs dans le processus d’institutionnalisation démocratique au travers des rapports qu’ils établissent entre eux. En d’autres termes, il s’agit de ne pas en rester à une analyse macro-politique, mais de conjuguer tous les niveaux de pouvoir, en les regardant principalement à partir du bas. Cette recherche est fondée sur un travail de terrain dans deux districts, celui de Chibuto (sud) où le Frelimo est largement soutenu et celui de Gondola (centre) dans lequel la Renamo a l’ascendant politique. / What are the concrete practices of political accountability and how do they make it possible to understand the nature and methods of negotiations of power within the State in Mozambique? This study makes a contribution to the debates over the last thirty years over the phenomena of democratic institutionalization during the third wave of democratization. Within this framework, political accountability is seen as the necessary instrument capable of provoking change in authoritarian regimes, by removing the authoritarian “residue” from the newly established democracies. Through a careful reading of the literature, this research has highlighted that the founding of political accountability is a process that reveals transformative dynamics as a place of confluences and negotiations between various political arenas and authorities that make up the structure of political regimes. The idea of democracy in Mozambique has facilitated the linking of various experiences, which have aided in reformulating or accelerating the process of democratic institutionalization. These experiences should be analyzed in their historicity, while also incorporating modern elements motivated by political competition by the balance of power between Frelimo, and Renamo and Democratic Movement of Mozambique (MDM). The contribution of this study is to think of democratic institutionalization as a transformative process and political accountability as being intrinsically sown into the links between the dominant powers, based on the experiences of the actors involved in the process of democratic institutionalization and the connections they establish amongst themselves. In other words, this project is not merely macro-political, but rather combines all the levels of power, most notably from the bottom. This research is founded on fieldwork done in two districts: Chibuto (South) where Frelimo is largely favored and Gondola (Center) where Renamo has gained political support.