Le royaume de la Belgique a pendant longtemps été considéré en Europe continentale, comme l’un des principaux pays à avoir adopté et réussi la pratique du régime parlementaire. L’analyse du système de gouvernement envisagé ici, dans tous ses aspects historiques, juridiques et politiques, vise à reconstituer la façon dont s’est parlementarisé sans heurts notoires, la monarchie constitutionnelle représentative des origines vers une pratique parlementaire dualiste. Cette étude propose une réflexion d’ensemble sur l’architecture des pouvoirs, sous les règnes de Léopold Ier, Léopold II et Albert Ier, notamment sur la formation du gouvernement de cabinet, la naissance des partis politiques, le déclin de l’autorité politique du Roi, tout en faisant au passage une prosopographie du personnel politique de l’époque. / The Kingdom of Belgium has long been considered in continental Europe as one of the main countries to have adopted and succeeded in the practice of a parliamentary system. The analysis of the government system presented here in all its historical, legal and political aspects aims at reconstituting the way the initial constitutional monarchy progressed towards a dual parliamentary system without any significant incidents. Thus, in the reigns of Leopold I, Leopold II and Albert I, this study offers an overarching consideration of the architecture of powers, the formation of cabinet government, the creation of political parties, the decline of Royal political authority, while conducting a prosopography of the political figures of the period.

O objetivo desta dissertação é construir uma hipótese de mecanismo causal do esquerdismo nos governos de esquerda renovadora da América Latina a partir do estudo de caso do racha à esquerda do Frente Amplio (FA) do Uruguai, e testar esta hipótese com o caso do racha à esquerda do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) do Brasil. Utilizando theory building process-tracing, a partir da literatura sobre partidos políticos foram elaboradas, e testadas no caso uruguaio, três hipóteses de partes de mecanismo causal, as quais estabelecem: (i) o movimento ao centro feito pelo FA para atingir objetivos eleitorais é parte do mecanismo causal do racha da fração 26M; (ii) as situações de crise com o governo do Presidente Tabaré Vázquez se constituíram em parte do mecanismo causal do racha do 26M; e (iii), a diminuição das oportunidades do 26M de incidir na toma de decisões do FA, combinada com sua perda de zonas de incerteza dentro do partido, tornou- se parte do mecanismo causal do racha desta fração. As evidências apresentadas para cada hipótese suportaram o Hoop test, o que deu um alto poder confirmatório das hipóteses, porém, não permitiu descartar hipóteses alternativas. Com base nos resultados do caso Uruguaio, se construiu uma hipótese de mecanismo causal dos processos de esquerdismo nos governos de esquerda renovadora da América Latina que contém 8 partes, as entidades (atores) e ações envolvidas em cada uma delas. Por fim, utilizando theory-testing process-tracing, se fizeram apontamentos sobre o funcionamento da hipótese no caso do processo das frações que racharam com o PT e formaram o Partido Socialismo e Liberdade (PSOL). As evidências apresentadas neste caso não foram submetidas a testes empíricos, porém, de maneira geral, não diminuíram nossa confiança na hipótese de mecanismo causal. Inclusive, se produzindo uma trajetória divergente entre as frações que derivou na estruturação em dois momentos do PSOL, não foi necessário adicionar de maneira ad-hoc partes para o mecanismo, pois as foças causais foram transmitidas pelas partes nele estabelecidas, encurtando-o no caso das frações que racharam no primeiro momento, e percorrendo-o parte por parte, no caso da fração que rachou no segundo momento. / The aim of this Master\'s dissertation is to construct a causal mechanism hypothesis of leftism in the Latin American renovation of left-wing governments. This will be reviewed in two parts: starting with the case study of the split in the left of the Frente Amplio (FA) party of Uruguay, and furthermore to test the hypothesis with the case study of the split in the left of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) of Brazil. Using theory- building process-tracing from literature about political parties, three hypotheses of parts of causal mechanism were elaborated and tested in the Uruguayan case, which established that: (i) the movement towards the center made by the FA to achieve electoral objectives was part of the causal mechanism of the split of the fraction 26M; (ii) crisis situations with the government of President Tabaré Vázquez were part of the causal mechanism of the split of 26M; and (iii) the reduction of 26M\'s opportunities to influence FA decision-making process, combined with the loss of zones of uncertainty within the party, became part of the causal mechanism of fracture of this fraction. The evidences presented for each hypothesis withstood the Hoop test, which gave a high confirmatory power to the hypotheses, however, they did not allow for the disregard of alternative hypotheses. Based on the results in the case of Uruguay, a hypothesis of causal mechanism of the leftist processes in the Latin American renovation of left-wing governments was constructed, which contains 8 parts, the entities (actors) and actions involved in each one of them. Finally, using theory-testing process-tracing, notes were made on the functionality of the hypothesis in the process of fractions that broke with the PT and formed the Partido Socialismo e Liberdade (PSOL). The evidence presented in this case was not subjected to empirical tests, however, in general, it did not diminish our confidence in the causal mechanism hypothesis. Even if there was a divergent trajectory between the fractions that resulted in the structuring in two moments of PSOL, it was not necessary to add parts to the mechanism ad-hoc, because the causal forces were transmitted to the parties in it, shortening it in the case of the fractions that broke initially, and going part by part, in the case of the fraction that broke after.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-03-30T13:29:16Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Frediano José Momesso Teodoro.pdf: 1139298 bytes, checksum: ebf17440a2c7d2ed851eef35214f80b8 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-30T13:29:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Frediano José Momesso Teodoro.pdf: 1139298 bytes, checksum: ebf17440a2c7d2ed851eef35214f80b8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-20 / The relentless struggle for power has prompted political parties and their members to pursue resources whose amounts are increasingly staggering. The illegal provenance of campaign funds has been revealed in recent years, demonstrating that irregularities in political parties funding are tied to a wide range of previous crimes. The economic power abuse is such in political-electoral campaign across the globe that democratic representativeness is seriously compromised, mainly by unfair electoral competition process and by popular sovereignty relativization. Faced with the urgency of the lawless political financing issue and the ineffectiveness of the current rule, it is recognized the imperativeness of declare it as criminal offense. Consequently emerges the need to justify the criminalization of offensive actions against democratic representativeness, free democratic elections and others equally democratic institutes. In order to achieve such an aim, it is proposed to acknowledge the referred democratic institutes as assets protected against the economic power abuse by the criminal law. Through the application of harm principle theory, as guiding the present study, it is possible to justify the criminalization of democratic regime violations by the economic power abuses / A implacável luta pelo poder tem levado os partidos políticos e seus membros a perseguirem recursos cujas cifras são cada dia mais surpreendentes. A procedência ilícita de fundos para as campanhas eleitorais vem sendo revelada nos últimos anos, demonstrando que, muitas vezes, as irregularidades no financiamento dos partidos políticos estão atreladas a uma vasta gama de delitos antecedentes. O abuso do poder econômico é de tal ordem nas campanhas político-eleitorais de todo o globo, que a representatividade democrática está seriamente comprometida, principalmente pela concorrência desleal no processo eleitoral e pela relativização da soberania popular. Diante da urgência do tema do financiamento irregular de partidos políticos e da ineficácia da lei vigente, reconhece-se a imperatividade de sua criminalização. Consequentemente, surge a necessidade de justificar a tipificação penal de condutas atentatórias à representatividade democrática, à livre concorrência democrática no processo eleitoral e a outros institutos igualmente democráticos. Para se alcançar tal intento, propõe-se o reconhecimento dos aludidos institutos democráticos como bens jurídicos penalmente tuteláveis contra o abuso do poder econômico. A partir da aplicação da teoria de proteção do bem jurídico, como norteadora do presente estudo, é possível justificar a criminalização das condutas de abuso do poder econômico, violadoras do regime democrático

Esta dissertação é um estudo antropológico a respeito do Partido Progressista Brasileiro-PPB, em Porto Alegre, durante as eleições municipais de 1996. Pretendendo ser uma contribuição para a temática da antropologia da política. O trabalho teve como objetivo desvelar os mecanismos de representação e práticas políticas do grupo de candidatos a vereador. Analisou-se como as biografias dos candidatos estão articuladas com as ações rituais do partido. O presente estudo possibilitou discutir, no âmbito das sociedades contemporâneas, os referenciais do ritual na política moderna, a família e sua importância como instituição na ação política, enfim as questões que são levadas em conta quando alguém quer se tornar candidato. / This dissertation is an anthropological study about the Progressive Brazilian Party (Partido Progressista Brasileiro - PPB) during the municipal election of 1996 in Porto Alegre, RS, Brazil. As a contribution to Political Anthropology, this research had as its goal to reveal the mechamisms of representation and the political practices of the candidates running for city councilors. The biographies of the candidates are compared with the ritual actions of the party. This study has made a discussion of the points to be considered when one wants to become a candidate, in the realm of contemporary societies, of the ritual references in modern politics, in the family and its importance as an active political institution.

Régulièrement décrite comme le fruit d'un conflit identitaire déclenché par des interventions extérieures, la guerre civile irakienne est d'abord le résultat d'une intense compétition partisane. À travers une enquête de terrain menée de 2010 à 2017 au sein du gouvernorat de Kirkouk, cette thèse montre la manière dont les partis irakiens pénètrent l'État et produisent la société. En particulier, notre travail interroge la manière dont les partis captent les ressources étatiques qui leur permettent la mise en place de politiques d'ingénieries démographiques, la violence étant par ailleurs une modalité d'action centrale du jeu politique. En conséquence, une nouvelle hiérarchie communautaire s'installe qui modifie les structures socio-économiques et la vie quotidienne de la population. À partir de 2011, les inégalités qui résultent de ces transformations encouragent des protestations unanimistes (et non communautaires), mais la violence interdit le développement de ce mouvement et la marginalisation des Arabes sunnites facilitera finalement l'émergence de l'État islamique. Entre 2014 et 2017, la guerre contre l'EI radicalise encore les projets politiques de l'ensemble des partis, mais aboutit paradoxalement à un renforcement de l'État qui revient par le biais d'une politique de décharge milicienne et parvient à reprendre Kirkouk aux partis kurdes irakiens en octobre 2017. / Regularly described as the result of an identity conflict triggered by external interventions, the Iraqi civil war is first and foremost the result of intense partisan competition. Through an investigation conducted from 2010 to 2017 in the Kirkuk governorate, this thesis demonstrates how Iraqi parties penetrate the state and produce society. In particular, my work questions how parties capture the state resources that enable them to implement demographic engineering policies, violence being also a central modality of action in the political game. As a result, a new identity hierarchy is emerging that is changing the socio-economic structures and daily lives of the population. From 2011, the inequalities resulting from these transformations will encourage unanimous (and not sectarian) protests, but violence ultimately prohibits the development of this movement and the marginalization of Sunni Arabs will ultimately facilitate the emergence of the Islamic State. Between 2014 and 2017, the war against lS further radicalizes the political projects of all political parties, but paradoxically leads to a strengthening of the State, which returns through a devolution of power in favor of militias and, in October 2017, manages to take Kirkuk back from the Iraqi Kurdish parties.

This thesis compares the public policies of campaign finance in Canada with those in the U.S. and the U.K. in the period 2000-2011. The majority of the Canadian literature on party finance demonstrates a belief in the efficacy and necessity of the enterprise. This dissertation suspends this disposition and offers a critical approach to the regulation of money in Canadian elections. This thesis situates the discussion of party finance regulation in the context of contending models of democracy. Campaign finance rule changes are conceptualized within a new institutionalist framework. Changes in campaign finance rules are seen as changes in incentives and are seen to work in configurations, that is, interacting with existing formal and informal constraints. New institutionalism provides the avenue of inquiry into the position of political parties on the boundary of the public and private spheres and how campaign finance regulation may shift that boundary. This thesis adopts a mixed-method approach, incorporating the results of 65 semi-structured interviews with academics and political practitioners with primary document research. This thesis demonstrates that campaign finance rule changes interact with other electoral rules, types of parties and the nation’s historic institutions. The need to meld Quebec’s statist and civil-code traditions with Westminster democratic traditions, the introduction of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms and the role of subsequent court decisions, and the role of Elections Canada in its political finance oversight capacity, constitute major catalysts for Canadian party finance rule changes and for understanding the impact of rule changes. Contrary to the majority of literature on campaign finance reform, this thesis demonstrates that there may be diminishing marginal returns to additional campaign finance regulations, at least in a mature democracy such as Canada. Campaign finance rules reveal preferences for different models of democracy. As such, they must be carefully monitored.

This thesis compares the public policies of campaign finance in Canada with those in the U.S. and the U.K. in the period 2000-2011. The majority of the Canadian literature on party finance demonstrates a belief in the efficacy and necessity of the enterprise. This dissertation suspends this disposition and offers a critical approach to the regulation of money in Canadian elections. This thesis situates the discussion of party finance regulation in the context of contending models of democracy. Campaign finance rule changes are conceptualized within a new institutionalist framework. Changes in campaign finance rules are seen as changes in incentives and are seen to work in configurations, that is, interacting with existing formal and informal constraints. New institutionalism provides the avenue of inquiry into the position of political parties on the boundary of the public and private spheres and how campaign finance regulation may shift that boundary. This thesis adopts a mixed-method approach, incorporating the results of 65 semi-structured interviews with academics and political practitioners with primary document research. This thesis demonstrates that campaign finance rule changes interact with other electoral rules, types of parties and the nation’s historic institutions. The need to meld Quebec’s statist and civil-code traditions with Westminster democratic traditions, the introduction of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms and the role of subsequent court decisions, and the role of Elections Canada in its political finance oversight capacity, constitute major catalysts for Canadian party finance rule changes and for understanding the impact of rule changes. Contrary to the majority of literature on campaign finance reform, this thesis demonstrates that there may be diminishing marginal returns to additional campaign finance regulations, at least in a mature democracy such as Canada. Campaign finance rules reveal preferences for different models of democracy. As such, they must be carefully monitored.

This study examined the process of gender policy reform. It sought to explain how and when gender policy reform has taken place in Venezuela across time. The study entailed observations of gender policy reform during specific periods of Punto Fijo democracy (1958-1998) characterized by democratic consolidation and deconsolidation, and during the transition towards a new type of hybrid democracy, the Chávez era (1999-2007). The policies considered were the ones addressing women’s equality at home and at work, reproductive rights, women’s economic rights, and political participation. The analysis showed that the likelihood of gender policy reform depends on the combination of certain institutional configurations that provide women access to the decision-making process of the state, but most importantly to women’s groups’ capacity to organize a broad coalition of women from civil society and from within the state apparatus behind to push for a reform by using frames based on international agreed norms that legitimized their struggle. In addition, the analysis reveals the negative influence of religious groups with decision-making power on the process of gender policy reform.

[Truncated introduction] This thesis will introduce Petra Karin Kelly, former Green politician and campaigner for social justice and environmental issues to an English-speaking audience as an important figure in the development of ideas relating to ecofeminism, nonviolence, and Green politics and utopias. Kelly, born in 1947 in Germany, spent the latter half of her childhood in the United States, and attended university there before returning to Europe. While working with the European Community in Brussels, Kelly became involved in grassroots politics in Germany and was one of the co-founders of the German green party, Die Grunen, (literally: the Greens) in 1979. She was to become a formidable politician through her passion for grassroots politics, nonviolence and feminism and her excellent leadership skills. Later ostracised by the party, due in part to her inability and unwillingness to conform to party rules, Kelly worked independently, giving speeches and promoting peace and the importance of human rights. However, at the age of 44, she was murdered by her partner, Gert Bastian, who then shot himself. It should be noted that texts so far written on Petra Kelly have been essentially biographies, which, while encompassing much of her academic and political life, focus heavily upon her personal life, in particular her relationships with married men, and her long term relationship with former NATO General Gert Bastian ... Therefore, the aim of the dissertation is not to ignore the importance of personal matters, rather to ensure a professional approach towards them. For this reason, the focus of this sociopolitical and sociohistorical thesis is upon the elements of ecofeminism, nonviolence and utopia as they relate to Petra Kelly’s politics, both within her role with Die Grunen and in her political life outside of German parliament.

En combinant une sociologie historique du politique et des rapports entre intellectuels et le champ politique, cette thèse revient sur la création et les quelques mois d’activité du Rassemblement Démocratique Révolutionnaire. Créé en février 1948 par des écrivains et journalistes, des parlementaires de la S.F.I.O. et des militants syndicalistes et politiques, le R.D.R. devait rassembler autour d’un discours de refus du positionnement en fonction de l’alternative entre les « blocs » atlantistes et soviétiques. Il s’agissait pour un certain nombre de ses membres exerçant une profession intellectuelle d’inventer une position au sein du champ politique.A partir d’une biographie collective du groupe, complétée par une sociographie, ce travail met en évidence les particularités sociales de son recrutement et les positions qu’occupaient ses membres en 1948. La perméabilité entre les champs politiques et de production des biens symboliques permet d’expliquer la tentation partisane collective au principe de la création du Rassemblement.L’étude précise de la mobilisation en train de se faire montre que les multiples tentatives d’institutionnalisation du groupe se heurtent finalement à l’impossible stabilisation d’un répertoire de l’action collective. Tout se passe comme si la mobilisation autour du R.D.R. n’était aboutit que pour ses membres intellectuels et qu’à défaut de constituer une entreprise politique légitime, ce parti avait surtout fonctionné comme un « intellectuel collectif ». La réinscription de l’engagement au sein du R.D.R. dans une histoire longue des rapports entre champ politique et de production des biens symboliques souligne comment la conjoncture spécifique allant de la libération du territoire au début de la « guerre froide » a rendu possible une telle tentative de subversion des frontières symboliques au sein du champ du pouvoir.En renonçant à une analyse univoque du RDR comme un « échec », ce sont les enjeux liés à l’intervention politique des intellectuels que ce travail donne à voir. / From a combination between historical sociology of politics and sociology of interaction between intellectuals and political field, this thesis looks back at the creation and the few months of existence of the Rassemblement Démocratique Révolutionnaire. Launched on February 1948 by authors, commentators, socialist parliamentarians and political and union activists, the R.D.R. aimed at rallying around the refusal of taking sides between soviet and Atlantic bloc. Based on a collective biography complemented by a statistic and sociographical approach, we brought to light the social particularity of its members as well as their respective status in 1948. Permeability between the political field and this of symbolic properties production, explains the collective partisan temptation underlying the R.D.R.’s creation. The thorough study of the mobilization in the process shows that the multiple attempts to institutionalize the group failed to stabilize a repertoire of contention. It is as if the R.D.R.’s mobilization was only efficient for its intellectual members and as if, instead of a political party, they only succeeded in creating a “collective intellectual”. Contextualizing the R.D.R. in an extensive history of the relationships between political and intellectual fields reveals how the specific situation between France's liberation and the “cold war” allowed such an attempt to overstep the symbolic boundaries within the field of power. Given up the exclusive approach of the R.D.R. as a failure, it is the matters related to the political involvement of intellectuals that this thesis unveils.