This report examines the legacy of “mirrors for princes” literature, or advice literature for kings, in Iranian political thought, particularly in the modern period. While most scholars have studied ‘mirrors’ literature as a predominantly medieval phenomenon, this report argues that the genre and the ideals of kingship it articulates continued to flourish well into the modern period in Iran. Through an analysis of themes found both in the medieval Persian texts and the ‘mirrors’ composed in the Safavid and Qajar periods, this report demonstrates a remarkable continuity in the genre and in the ideology of kingship throughout centuries of dynastic and structural changes in Iran. Moreover, although the genre of ‘mirrors’ appears to have faded with the Qajar dynasty, this report shows how its ideology of kingship continued to influence the rhetoric of political legitimacy in the Pahlavi period. Muhammad Reza Shah in particular relied on the office of the king and his duties of executing justice and protecting Islam to justify both the necessity of the monarchy and his right to the throne. / text

This thesis is concerned with jurisdictionally evasive European corporations in the Atlantic region. In the wake of renewed interest in trading companies in the historical literature on empires and colonies, this study explores the claims of corporations to foreign lands, the dispossession of pre-existing populations, and the emergence of legal conflicts out of these events and other related extra-European processes. To that end, this thesis engages with medieval legal and economic history, to explain the origin of the modern corporate form, the changing patterns of landholding and commerce across Europe, and the response of canonistic and civilian legal traditions to these developments. After emphasising the importance of the coastal region stretching from Lisboa to St. Petersburg, where trading companies thrived, each of the individual corporations involved in the colonisation of America is introduced. An intellectual history is then presented, covering relevant legal thought; here, the focus moves from patents and jurisdiction to the Roman law of property and in particular the idea of prescription, to contracts, and finally to war. These, I argue, are the ideological contexts most relevant in a legal history of corporations and early modern imperialism. The narrative which then follows is based upon primary research conducted in archives from across the globe. Here, special attention is given to English, French, Dutch, and Swedish corporate activity in the early modern ‘Atlantic World’ (1603-1673). Regionally, the main focus is drawn towards Ireland, North America, and South Africa, where corporations established their claims against other Europeans and against indigenous communities through a combination of separate means. Private law was more practical on the ground, while public law justifications tended to be more spurious and ambivalent, even if there was never a clean formula adoptable when it came to the acquisition of territory by European corporations away from Europe, and might was invariably right. This argument is presented before returning, finally, to the European context. The legal history of colonialism in the seventeenth-century Atlantic has never been presented so stringently from the corporate perspective for the purpose of contrast to the European diplomatic context; the result of such an approach is a new way to consider the origins of private international law in world history.

<p>During the civil rights era, the two African American political traditions Black conservatism and Black nationalism substantively overlapped. Surveying the literature on Black radicalism and the long civil rights movement, however, mention of this, let alone of a well-articulated strain of conservatism within the African American community during the period, is few and far between. Understanding why Black conservatism has been left out of these conversations comprises my research question. I argue that it is the significant differences between the two ideologies that largely explain this. Namely, Black conservatives’ practice of condemning Blackness, whether during the civil rights era or today, answers why they are left out of the scholarship on Black nationalism and civil rights. It draws a sharp line between Black conservatives, not only from Black nationalists, but mainstream African American identity, too.</p>

FundaÃÃo Cearense de Apoio ao Desenvolvimento Cientifico e TecnolÃgico / RESUMO Este trabalho analisa a formaÃÃo e o desenvolvimento do pensamento polÃtico do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) no perÃodo compreendido entre sua fundaÃÃo em 1980 à realizaÃÃo de seu 1Â. Congresso Nacional em 1991. A escolha desse tema se deu ao refletir sobre como o PT construiu o seu corpo simbÃlico ou o seu capital polÃtico no decurso de sua trajetÃria de lutas e como se capacitou para efetivÃ-lo atravÃs do conjunto partidÃrio. Tal dÃvida se manifestou quando analisava documentos (resoluÃÃes de encontros, congressos, reuniÃes etc.) dessa organizaÃÃo, inclusive de suas vÃrias tendÃncias e percebia como enfatizavam o fato do PT ter incorporado ânovas teoriasâ, ânovas prÃticasâ, ânovos rumosâ durante sua trajetÃria e por isso, ser um ânovo partidoâ ou um partido diferente do projeto originÃrio. A inquietaÃÃo com tal leitura me levou a refletir sobre uma premissa que considero fundamental para a vida das organizaÃÃes sociais como um todo, qual seja, que toda organizaÃÃo polÃtica necessita de uma referÃncia teÃrica sÃlida para formar-se e desenvolver-se. E claro isso advÃm de um processo de produÃÃo e de re-significaÃÃo de idÃias e prÃticas que de forma alguma sÃo absolutamente ânovasâ, mas que se articula com experiÃncias vividas por outras organizaÃÃes polÃticas em meio a novas realidades, a novos contextos sociais e tambÃm, a determinados tempos histÃricos. Os dados da pesquisa foram coletados nas resoluÃÃes partidÃrias aprovadas desde o surgimento do Movimento prÃ-PT, passando pelos 07 encontros nacionais e um extraordinÃrio e pelo 1Â. Congresso Nacional. Contudo, foram consultados tambÃm artigos de militantes petistas, boletins, folhetos de propaganda eleitoral, programa de governo do PT e outros materiais. Ao todo foram analisados 53 documentos partidÃrios. Como procedimento teÃrico-metodolÃgico optei pela anÃlise das categorias bÃsicas do pensamento petista, dos fenÃmenos sociais privilegiados por ele, da ontologia de suas idÃias, de sua pretensÃo crÃtica, das escolas de pensamento e Ideologia ao qual o PT se identificava. Para analisar o material coletado me orientei pela perspectiva teÃrico-metodolÃgica de Antonio Gramsci sobre sua concepÃÃo de partido polÃtico. Mas tambÃm a instrumentaÃÃo fornecida pela AnÃlise de Discurso (AD) foi fundamental. A conclusÃo deste estudo fornece indicaÃÃes sobre a construÃÃo do pensamento polÃtico petista em meio à conturbada dÃcada de 80, percebendo-o como uma sÃntese de rupturas, de superaÃÃo e ao mesmo tempo de continuidade com o pensamento dos partidos de esquerda que o precederam demonstrando assim, caracteres ambÃguos, conflituosos e contraditÃrios que concretamente incidiram para a prÃtica petista. / RESUMO Este trabalho analisa a formaÃÃo e o desenvolvimento do pensamento polÃtico do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) no perÃodo compreendido entre sua fundaÃÃo em 1980 à realizaÃÃo de seu 1Â. Congresso Nacional em 1991. A escolha desse tema se deu ao refletir sobre como o PT construiu o seu corpo simbÃlico ou o seu capital polÃtico no decurso de sua trajetÃria de lutas e como se capacitou para efetivÃ-lo atravÃs do conjunto partidÃrio. Tal dÃvida se manifestou quando analisava documentos (resoluÃÃes de encontros, congressos, reuniÃes etc.) dessa organizaÃÃo, inclusive de suas vÃrias tendÃncias e percebia como enfatizavam o fato do PT ter incorporado ânovas teoriasâ, ânovas prÃticasâ, ânovos rumosâ durante sua trajetÃria e por isso, ser um ânovo partidoâ ou um partido diferente do projeto originÃrio. A inquietaÃÃo com tal leitura me levou a refletir sobre uma premissa que considero fundamental para a vida das organizaÃÃes sociais como um todo, qual seja, que toda organizaÃÃo polÃtica necessita de uma referÃncia teÃrica sÃlida para formar-se e desenvolver-se. E claro isso advÃm de um processo de produÃÃo e de re-significaÃÃo de idÃias e prÃticas que de forma alguma sÃo absolutamente ânovasâ, mas que se articula com experiÃncias vividas por outras organizaÃÃes polÃticas em meio a novas realidades, a novos contextos sociais e tambÃm, a determinados tempos histÃricos. Os dados da pesquisa foram coletados nas resoluÃÃes partidÃrias aprovadas desde o surgimento do Movimento prÃ-PT, passando pelos 07 encontros nacionais e um extraordinÃrio e pelo 1Â. Congresso Nacional. Contudo, foram consultados tambÃm artigos de militantes petistas, boletins, folhetos de propaganda eleitoral, programa de governo do PT e outros materiais. Ao todo foram analisados 53 documentos partidÃrios. Como procedimento teÃrico-metodolÃgico optei pela anÃlise das categorias bÃsicas do pensamento petista, dos fenÃmenos sociais privilegiados por ele, da ontologia de suas idÃias, de sua pretensÃo crÃtica, das escolas de pensamento e Ideologia ao qual o PT se identificava. Para analisar o material coletado me orientei pela perspectiva teÃrico-metodolÃgica de Antonio Gramsci sobre sua concepÃÃo de partido polÃtico. Mas tambÃm a instrumentaÃÃo fornecida pela AnÃlise de Discurso (AD) foi fundamental. A conclusÃo deste estudo fornece indicaÃÃes sobre a construÃÃo do pensamento polÃtico petista em meio à conturbada dÃcada de 80, percebendo-o como uma sÃntese de rupturas, de superaÃÃo e ao mesmo tempo de continuidade com o pensamento dos partidos de esquerda que o precederam demonstrando assim, caracteres ambÃguos, conflituosos e contraditÃrios que concretamente incidiram para a prÃtica petista.

My doctoral thesis examines the intellectual and political relationship between England and the general councils of the Church from the Council of Pisa until the Council of Trent. It illuminates the hitherto unexplored features of the revolution that was the end of universal papal authority. With the transfer of spiritual authority to Henry VIII, the heads of England’s Protestant regimes inherited the papacy’s distrust of the general council, which had the potential to interfere with the course of the reformation in England. At the same time, the thesis examines the changing nature of public commitment to universal decision-making in the Church in the face of resistance by hierarchs (papal or royal). It finds a widespread support for the general council over the period, but also a plurality of views about how conciliar government could be reconciled with monarchical rule in the Church. In the fifteenth century, conciliarism had to contend with the suspicions of those who wished to shore up the Church hierarchy against Wycliffite attacks. In the sixteenth century, there was still competition between the establishment’s defence of an hierarchical Church, directed by the monarchy, and theories which stressed the importance of conciliar government. These arguments took different shapes when used by popular rebels in favour of traditional religion grounded on conciliar consent, or by Protestants in favour of synodal government by the godly. But they were both outcomes of enduring instabilities in the ideology of Church government, which had their roots in the fifteenth century.

The concept of compassion has recently held a controversial role in political thought. Critics have tied it with the condescension and latent self-interest of pity, while proponents have asserted it as the ethical posture from which to approach the suffering of others. This thesis looks at the role of compassion in the political sphere, arguing that political compassion involves a decentring of oneself as the primary subject of political action, looking instead to forego one’s own desire and to replace it with the desire of another. It pays particular attention to the thought of Hannah Arendt, who excludes this self-sacrificing compassion from the political sphere, due to the importance of speech to political action, and in turn, the importance of muteness to compassion. To Arendt, political speech intends to performatively bring one’s uniqueness into the world, whereas compassion performatively denies this subjectivity and is fundamentally unpolitical. She asserts that not only do public displays of compassion destroy their very value, but moreover, that a focus of compassion and suffering in the political sphere overshadows the need for cool, sober discourse between equals. I argue that, even in accepting Arendt’s definition of the political, there is space for compassion as a political labour. While Arendt asserts the need for speech and action in the political sphere, she conflates the free will involved in the plurality and uniqueness of the content of speech with the uniform, natural will to speak. Her articulations of the political realm, which require one to make oneself heard among equals, invoke at that same moment an immediate need for the labour of others foregoing their own desire to speak and act, to instead passively listen. Instead of being a realm exclusively to manifest one’s will, the political instead requires a reciprocity of desire, and its abnegation. / Graduate / 0615 / 0422 / 0681 / charlebois@u.northwestern.edu

<p>This dissertation seeks to identify what makes Cicero’s approach to politics unique. The author's methodology is to turn to Cicero’s unique interpretation of Plato as the crux of what made his thinking neither Stoic nor Aristotelian nor even Platonic (at least, in the usual sense of the word) but Ciceronian. As the author demonstrates in his reading of Cicero’s correspondences and dialogues during the downward spiral of a decade that ended in the fall of the Republic (that is, from Cicero’s return from exile in 57 BC to Caesar’s crossing of the Rubicon in 49 BC), it is through Cicero's reading of Plato that the former develops his characteristically Ciceronian approach to politics—that is, his appreciation for the tension between the political ideal on the one hand and the reality of human nature on the other as well as the need for rhetoric to fuse a practicable compromise between the two. This triangulation of political ideal, human nature, and rhetoric is developed by Cicero through his dialogues "de Oratore," "de Re publica," and "de Legibus."</p> / Dissertation

No amplo contexto social, político e religioso da França quinhentista, as \"Guerras de Religião\", sobretudo a Saint-Barthélemy, motivarão a produção de textos revolucionários pelos huguenotes. Surgem ali os grandes escritos monarcômacos franceses. Dentre todos estes, três se destacam justamente porque conseguirão transcender as questões político-religiosas e realizar uma abordagem sistematizada de temas mais universais da manifestação política do poder. Dessa forma, conseguirão superar em muito o âmbito da controvérsia então desenvolvida e lançar uma renovada visão em aspectos estruturais do regime de governo, sendo até chamados de \'triunvirato monarcômaco\' por um dos especialistas no assunto. São eles a Franco-Gallia, da autoria de François Hotman, Du Droit des Magistrats, de Théodore de Bèze, e as Vindiciae contra Tyrannos, de Philippe Du Plessis-Mornay. Eles abordarão de maneira significativa os temas da limitação dos poderes reais, o direito de resistência à tirania e a teoria contratual nas relações entre governantes e súditos. As numerosas edições e publicações destes trabalhos e os comentários de influentes pesquisadores transmitem o valor destas obras. Dessa forma, torna-se um imprescindível desafio ampliar os estudos desses livros e realizar uma análise do seu conteúdo para se ter uma clara noção do desenvolvimento do pensamento político monarcômaco. / In the broad context social, political and religious of the renaissancist century (XVI) in France, the \"Wars of Religion,\" especially the Saint-Barthélemy, motivated the production of texts by the revolutionary Huguenots. There arose the great writings French \"monarcomachs\". Among all these, three stand out precisely because they will achieve the issues transcend political and religious and conduct a systematic approach to more universal themes of the demonstration of political power. Thus, succeed in overcoming the very scope of the controversy developed and then launch a renewed vision in structural aspects of the system of government, and even called \"monarcomach triumvirs\" by one of the experts on the subject. They are the Franco-Gallia, by Francois Hotman, Du Droit des Magistrats, by Théodore de Bèze, and the Vindiciae contra Tyrannos, by Philippe Du Plessis-Mornay. They address in a meaningful way the issues limitation of real powers, the right of resistance against tyranny and the theory of contract in relations between rulers and subjects. The numerous editions and publications of these works and the comments of influential researchers transmit the value of these books. Thus, it becomes a crucial challenge expand the studies of these books and do an analysis of their content to have a clear concept of the development of political monarchomach thought.

Cette thèse est inspirée d’un phénomène paradoxal dans l’histoire politique récente de la Russie, soit le soutien d’un grand nombre de figures célèbres de l’intelligentsia libérale, au début des années 1990, à la concentration des pouvoirs dans les mains d’une élite « éclairée », contribuant ainsi à l’épuisement de la démocratie qu’ils cherchaient à consolider. Sur la base d’une étude contextualiste de la pensée politique d’auteurs qui sont au cœur des débats de la perestroïka, cette recherche met en lumière la perspective morale de l’intelligentsia libérale soviétique. Elle montre aussi comment ces postulats et idéaux moraux sont mis à l’épreuve de l’émergence de la vie politique pluraliste à partir de 1989. L’une des principales conclusions de cette étude est de remettre en question une fréquente présomption de similarité entre la pensée politique des libéraux soviétiques et le libéralisme tel qu’il est communément défini en Occident. Le projet moral de la perestroïka porté par les libéraux soviétiques, en effet, ne vise pas à assurer l’indépendance individuelle par la neutralité de l’État : c’est un projet perfectionniste confié à un pouvoir étatique réformateur visant à l’épanouissement d’un bien moral substantiel par le démantèlement du système communiste. Cela ne signifie, pour autant, que la vision politique des libéraux soviétiques soit simplement « immature » ou « utopique », comme on leur reproche parfois. Leur réflexion sur le renouvellement moral nécessaire à la démocratisation s’inscrit au contraire dans une riche tradition de réflexion, dans la philosophie politique occidentale, sur les conditions morales et institutionnelles de la fondation de la liberté. / This dissertation is inspired by a paradoxical phenomenon in recent Russian political history: the support for the concentration of power in the hands of an “enlightened elite” by a large numbers of distinguished figures of the liberal intelligentsia, who thus favored the conditions of the demise of their own political project. Based on a contextual study of the political thought of authors who were at the heart of the debates at the time, this research sheds light on the specific moral perspective of the liberal intelligentsia. It also demonstrates how these moral assumptions and ideals were challenged in the crucible of pluralist politics, from 1989 on. One of the main conclusions of this study is to question a pervasive presumption of similarity between the ideas of Soviet liberals and the Western liberal canon. Indeed, the moral project of perestroika, as it was conceived by Soviet liberals, did not aim at the guarantee of individual independence and state neutrality about the definition of the good. It was rather a perfectionist project in which the reformers were expected to create the political and economical conditions of the thriving of a substantial good, by way of the dismantling of the administrative and ideological control of the communist system. This does not mean, however, that Soviet liberals were merely ‘immature’ or ‘utopian’ in their understanding of politics, as they are also accused of. We argue that it is more fruitful to situate their association of democratization with moral renewal in a long tradition of reflection, in Western political philosophy, on the institutional and moral conditions for the foundation of freedom.

A problemática relação entre as obras de Caio Prado Jr. e Celso Furtado consiste numa das mais interessantes polêmicas de nossa historiografia. Sabe-se que em Formação Econômica do Brasil, principal obra de Furtado, não há referências explícitas à obra de Caio Prado Jr., mesmo que a influência do pensamento do historiador marxista na obra do economista cepalino seja mais do que evidente. A questão, longe de estar pacificada, despertou a atenção de nomes como Chico de Oliveira, Paul Singer, Roberto Schwarz e Tamás Szmerecsányi. Para além da polêmica, parece haver razoável interesse na comparação mais ampla do pensamento de ambos. Partindo daí, o presente trabalho coteja o pensamento dos autores entre dois momentos temáticos bem definidos, o de seus livros de Formação, de meados das décadas de 1940 e 1950 e o momento da Revolução, já nos idos da década de 1960. Nesse marco cronológico e temático, procura-se situar os autores no contexto intelectual mais amplo de que fazem parte. O marxismo de matriz comunista, no caso de Caio Prado Jr. e a economia política da CEPAL para Celso Furtado. Em seguida, a comparação é realizada em torno de três eixos temáticos mais amplos. O primeiro, a respeito do uso que realizam da tipologia de contrários das colonizações de exploração e povoamento. O segundo, que trata da maneira como abordam a difícil transição, ainda inconclusa, entre colônia e nação, que em Caio Prado Jr. adquire a forma de impasses do inorgânico e em Furtado, nas ideias que levaram à criação da SUDENE. Por fim, compara-se as respostas de ambos ao conturbado contexto político da década de 1960, quando as análises convergem para a defesa de uma Revolução, ou Pré-Revolução, vista não como ruptura, mas como um processo mais amplo de transformação social. / The problematic relation between the works of Caio Prado Jr. and Celso Furtado is one of the most interesting polemics of our historiography. It is known that in the Formação Econômica do Brasil, Furtado\'s main work, there are no explicit references to the work of Caio Prado Jr., even though the influence of the thought of the Marxist historian on the work of the ECLAC economist is more than evident. The issue, far from being pacified, attracted the attention of names like Chico de Oliveira, Paul Singer, Roberto Schwarz and Tamás Szmerecsányi. Beyond the controversy, there seems to be reasonable interest in the broader comparison of the thinking of both. From this point of view, the present work contrasts the authors\' thinking between two well-defined thematic moments, that of their books of \"Formation\", from the mid-1940s and 1950s and the moment of the \"Revolution\", already in the 1960s In this chronological and thematic framework, we seek to locate the authors in the broader intellectual context of which they are part. Communist matrix Marxism, in the case of Caio Prado Jr. and the political economy of ECLAC for Celso Furtado. Then, the comparison is carried out around three broader thematic axes. The first one, regarding the use that they make of the typology of opposites of colonização de exploração e colonização de povoamento. The second, which compares the way they deal with the difficult, and still unfinished transition between colony and nation, which in Caio Prado Jr. acquires the form of \"impasses do inorgânico\" and in Furtado, in the ideas that led to the creation of SUDENE. Finally, their responses are compared in the troubled political context of the 1960s, when the two analyzes converge to defend a Revolution, or Pre-Revolution, seen not as rupture, but as a broader process of social transformation.