Esta tese analisa o impacto de interferências políticas sobre o valor das empresas do Setor Elétrico Brasileiro (SEB) e propõe estratégias e métricas para interromper a destruição de valor econômico e bloquear o uso político. A observação de manifestações de interferência política ao longo de oito anos e o acúmulo de farta documentação possibilitaram o estudo empírico de duas empresas estatais submetidas ao uso político nas formas de populismo tarifário e loteamento político-partidário. A aplicação de uma metodologia concebida para avaliar hipóteses de manifestação de interferência política permitiu concluir que os dois tipos de uso político são explicados pela Teoria de Grupos de Pressão de Gary Becker. Além disso, a destruição de valor econômico devido aos usos políticos foi bilionária em ambas as empresas e os grupos de pressão beneficiados e prejudicados foram identificados. As estratégias propostas para bloquear tais usos políticos nas empresas do SEB envolvem a implementação de quatro etapas: imposição de critérios meritocráticos no recrutamento de gestores de empresas estatais; divulgação transparente de resultados econômico-financeiros; definição de indicadores e metas gerenciais objetivos; e implantação de mecanismos de incentivos e penalidades baseados em desempenho. O percurso metodológico adotado pode ser extrapolado para outros setores e países e oferece contribuições a gestores públicos, administradores privados e demais stakeholders. A primeira contribuição consiste na metodologia de teste de hipóteses de uso político de empresas e/ou setores econômicos com base em referenciais conceituais sólidos. A segunda contribuição é a oferta de alternativas de quantificação dos efeitos de usos políticos sobre o valor de empresas. E a terceira contribuição se concentra na exploração de indicadores e estratégias que minimizem ou bloqueiem usos políticos e maximizem a geração de valor em empresas vitimizadas por interferências políticas. / This thesis analyzes the impact of political interference on the value of companies in the Brazilian Electricity Sector (BES) and proposes strategies and indicators to interrupt economic value destruction and block political use. The observation of political interference manifestations over an eight-year period and the accumulation of vast documentation were the basis for the empirical study of two state-owned companies that were submitted to political use in the forms of tariff populism and distribution of managerial positions to allied political parties. One can conclude, via the application of a methodology conceived to evaluate hypotheses of political interference, that both types of political use can be explained by the Pressure Groups Theory developed by Gary Becker. Furthermore, the economic value destruction due to political use can be measured in billions of dollars in both companies and the pressure groups that were benefited and jeopardized were identified. The strategies aimed at blocking political use in the companies of the BES involve the implementation of four stages: the imposition of meritocratic criteria in the recruiting process of state-owned companies executives; the transparent divulging of economic-financial results; the definition of objective indicators and their respective goals; and the institution of incentives and penalties based on performance. The methodological approach of this thesis can be extended to other sectors and countries and offers several contributions to public and private officers and other stakeholders. The first contribution consists of a methodology for testing hypotheses of political use of companies and/or sectors based on solid conceptual references. The second contribution is the offer of alternatives to quantify the effects of political use on the value of companies. The third contribution is related to the exploration of metrics and strategies to block political use and maximize value generation in companies victimized by political interference.

La folie, dans les archives de la justice royale aux XIVe et XVe siècles, s’accompagne de deux effets de droit : l’incapacité dans les affaires civiles et l’irresponsabilité dans la sphère pénale. La démence (furor) est définie, de manière sommaire, comme une maladie relevant des lois de la nature, qui prive la personne de sa capacité à posséder une intention valable. Sur la base de ce canevas juridique, les descriptions de comportements fous sont assez diverses, car elles s’adaptent aux termes de chaque litige. L’argument de folie sert, en particulier, à excuser un crime, à faire annuler un contrat ou un testament, ou encore à empêcher un proche parent de dissiper les biens du lignage, en obtenant son interdiction et/ou sa mise en curatelle. Le pouvoir qui s’exerce sur l’individu déclaré fou est d’abord celui de la parentèle, qui l’empêche d’accéder au statut normal de l’adulte en raison de son désordre mental et qui, s’il est dangereux, le garde lié à domicile. Des usages coutumiers règlementent ces situations, mais le recours aux sentences des tribunaux royaux et aux règles du droit savant se développe au cours de la période. Le roi ne légifère pas sur ces affaires familiales, laissant certains acteurs intermédiaires, notamment urbains, réclamer la garde de ces sujets vulnérables. Ses gens de justice veillent néanmoins à rendre incontournable le recours à sa juridiction souveraine. / In the archives of the royal justice system of the 14th and 15th centuries, madness was distinguished by two distinct judicial attributes: full incapacity in civil proceedings and the exception from penal responsibility in judicial matters. Dementia (furor) was summarily defined as an illness, stemming from the laws of nature, which deprived the subject of his ability to express any valid intent. Within this legal framework, whether or not conduct was deemed mad depended in large part on the specific circumstances of each law suit. The insanity plea could be used, for example, to acquit a crime, to nullify a contract or a testament as well as to prevent a relative from squandering the possessions of the family line by either having him barred and/or placed under guardianship. Those who were regarded as insane found themselves placed, primarily, under the authority of their relatives who thus deprived them of the ordinary privileges associated to adulthood and, should they prove dangerous, kept them at home. If customary law was generally used to arbitrate these situations, more and more appeals to the royal courts and to the opinions of legal scholars were made during this period. Even if the king did not pass judgment on such family matters, he did deputize certain mid-level actors, such as the burghers, to take these vulnerable subjects in their custody. In turn, these lawmen remained particularly attentive to appeal systematically to his sovereign authority.

Cette recherche aborde la scène politique de deux pays d’Afrique de l’Est (Éthiopie-Kenya) en s’appuyant sur une analyse des enjeux politiques inhérents à la mise en place d’institutions mémorielles telles que les musées, les mausolées et autres lieux de mémoires. Notre thèse est que ces musées sont à comprendre avant tout comme des espaces intermédiaires de négociation entre les groupes qui les portent, l’État qui les finance ou les autorise, et les organisations internationales qui soutiennent et influencent les projets patrimoniaux des gouvernements. Cette recherche se concentre ainsi sur deux études de cas : le musée Konso en Éthiopie et le musée-mausolée de Koitalel Samoei au Kenya. Ces institutions s’inscrivent dans des contextes politiques particuliers au début des années 2000, à savoir l’application effective du pluralisme politique au Kenya et le renforcement de l’autoritarisme en Éthiopie. Au Kenya, la négociation autour de l’interprétation du passé en termes politiques se fait au sein même du musée-mausolée dédié au héros Koitalel Samoei, tandis que le cas éthiopien souligne plutôt que les rapports de pouvoir sont restructurés ou réorganisés par la présence d’un premier musée ethnographique en région, le musée Konso.L’apparition de musées communautaires témoigne, au Kenya comme en Éthiopie, d’un retour de l’identité ethnique en politique, qui est à la fois brandie comme une bannière par les gouvernements, mais également utilisée comme une catégorie opératoire ou une ressource par des acteurs particuliers, qu’on appellera ici des « entrepreneurs de patrimoine ». Par l’usage d’un nouveau capital, le patrimoine et sa préservation, ces « entrepreneurs de patrimoine » s’imposent ainsi à la fois comme des « entrepreneurs de soi » au sens de Michel Foucault, mais également comme des « entrepreneurs du nous » en politique, occupant une position graduelle dans les négociations et les prises de décisions publiques. Dès lors, il faut décentrer le regard pour s’intéresser à ce que le musée fait au politique, et non plus seulement à ce que la politique fait des musées.En incluant également l’analyse des usages politiques de la mémoire étatiques et internationaux, ce travail cherche à renverser la perspective en adoptant une entrée microsociologique et ethnographique en science politique, étudiant les déterminants et les modalités de la reconstruction nationale du point de vue des musées communautaires. Cette approche « par le bas », articulée aux niveaux d’analyse macro (État, idéologie, cadre institutionnel) et micro (les institutions et acteurs du patrimoine, les élites politiques locales) invite ainsi à une réflexion plus générale sur la construction, la qualification et les perceptions des régimes politiques, entamant une réflexion sur la nature de l’État qui se dévoile à travers ces nouvelles politiques mémorielles et patrimoniales, ainsi que sur le rôle joué par ces nouveaux « entrepreneurs de patrimoine » dans la reconfiguration de la compétition politique. / This dissertation aims at understanding the political scene in two East African countries – Ethiopia and Kenya – by analysing the political dynamics surrounding the creation of memorial institutions such as museums, mausoleums and other memory spaces. I argue that these institutions must be first and foremost understood as intermediary spaces of negotiation between groups that are supporting them; the State that is financing and / or authorising them; as well as international organisations that are assisting and influencing the countries’ patrimonial policies. The two case studies of this research - the Konso Museum in Ethiopia and the museum-mausoleum of Koitalel Samoei in Kenya – are institutions that relate to specific political context: in Kenya, where political pluralism has been effectively accepted in the 2000s, the negotiation surrounding the political interpretation of the past takes place within the mausoleum-museum. In Ethiopia, where authoritarianism has been reinvigorated, local power relations are structured and reorganised by the presence of the South region’s first ethnographic museum.Both in Kenya and Ethiopia, the contemporary emergence of community museums illustrates the growing salience of ethnic identities in the political sphere – used as a resource and category of action both by the State and “patrimonial entrepreneurs”. By using a new kind of capital – heritage and its conservation – the latter strengthen their position both as “self entrepreneurs” (in the sense of Michel Foucault) and “we-entrepreneurs”, occupying an intermediary position in negotiations and public decision-making. Thus, we must look not only at what politics do to museums but also how museums do impact on political dynamics.In my research, through the study of community museums, I analyse the political uses of State and international memories, thus aiming at understanding the determinants and modalities of nation (re)building. I have adopted a microsociological and ethnographic approach within the framework political science. This “bottom-up” approach, articulated with macro levels of analysis (the State, ideologies and institutions) as well as micro levels (institutions and actors of heritage, local political elite) leads my argumentation to a larger debate on construction, qualification and perceptions of political regimes, the nature of the State as well as the role played by these new “patrimonial entrepreneurs” in the reconfiguration of political competition

L'usage politique d'Internet et des réseaux socionumériques (RSN) ne cesse d'augmenter depuis plus d'une décennie. Le recours à des réseaux tels que Facebook, Youtube, Twitter, Skype, Instagram etc., se manifeste comme un passage obligatoire, tant pour les acteurs politiques que pour les citoyens « ordinaires ». La présente recherche retrace l'usage politique et les logiques de mobilisation et de la production de parole politique sur les RSN dans le contexte de la crise syrienne en 2011. Elle questionne, à travers l'analyse de cas de la page The Syrian Revolution 2011, les possibilités que ces RSN offrent aux usagers dans l'instauration d'espaces de mobilisations et d'interactions collectives. Notre analyse s'est organisée pour couvrir deux périodes : la première s'étale de 18 janvier au 14 mars 2011, quant à la seconde, elle s'étend du 15 mars au 30 avril 2011. Ce découpage permet de comprendre le passage d'un mode opératoire à un autre en fonction du changement du contexte politique et de la dégradation de la situation dramatique en Syrie. Notre recherche question également la place de la discussion politique en ligne dans l'élaboration des cadres d'action collective. Elle montre que ces derniers sont, activés, adoptés et diffusés à travers des logiques propres aux pratiques sociotechniques offertes par les RSN. Ainsi, notre étude peut apporter une contribution, nous l'espérons, originale dans le champ de l'analyse des RSN. Elle montre comment ces derniers peuvent constituer un espace de mobilisation d'information à travers duquel les usagers peuvent développer différentes pratiques communicationnelles. / During the last decade, the political use of the Internet and Social Network Sites (SNS) has tremendously increased. Using networks such as Facebook, Youtube, Twitter, Skype, Instagram, etc., has become a must for both political actors and ordinary citizens. Using as a framework the Syrian crisis in 2011, this research will follow the evolution of the political use of SNS in addition to the logics of mobilization and the production of the political speech in these networks. Through the analysis of the Facebook Page the Syrian Revolution 2011, it will question the possibilities that these SNS provide to the users to create mobilizations spaces and collective interaction. Our analysis covered two periods of time: the first one from January 18th to March 14th 2011, and the second from March 15th to April 30th 2011. This will help us better understand the change from one operational mode to another based on the change of the political context and on the degradation of the dramatic situation in Syria. Our research questions the place of the political discussion online and its parts on the creation of collective actions frames. It shows that these frames are activated, adopted and spread in ways that are specific to the social and technical practices provided by the SNS. From this perspective, we hope that our study can bring an original contribution in the analysis of the SNS field. It shows how these networks can be an area for mobilization of information that would help users develops various communication practices.

Esta tese analisa o impacto de interferências políticas sobre o valor das empresas do Setor Elétrico Brasileiro (SEB) e propõe estratégias e métricas para interromper a destruição de valor econômico e bloquear o uso político. A observação de manifestações de interferência política ao longo de oito anos e o acúmulo de farta documentação possibilitaram o estudo empírico de duas empresas estatais submetidas ao uso político nas formas de populismo tarifário e loteamento político-partidário. A aplicação de uma metodologia concebida para avaliar hipóteses de manifestação de interferência política permitiu concluir que os dois tipos de uso político são explicados pela Teoria de Grupos de Pressão de Gary Becker. Além disso, a destruição de valor econômico devido aos usos políticos foi bilionária em ambas as empresas e os grupos de pressão beneficiados e prejudicados foram identificados. As estratégias propostas para bloquear tais usos políticos nas empresas do SEB envolvem a implementação de quatro etapas: imposição de critérios meritocráticos no recrutamento de gestores de empresas estatais; divulgação transparente de resultados econômico-financeiros; definição de indicadores e metas gerenciais objetivos; e implantação de mecanismos de incentivos e penalidades baseados em desempenho. O percurso metodológico adotado pode ser extrapolado para outros setores e países e oferece contribuições a gestores públicos, administradores privados e demais stakeholders. A primeira contribuição consiste na metodologia de teste de hipóteses de uso político de empresas e/ou setores econômicos com base em referenciais conceituais sólidos. A segunda contribuição é a oferta de alternativas de quantificação dos efeitos de usos políticos sobre o valor de empresas. E a terceira contribuição se concentra na exploração de indicadores e estratégias que minimizem ou bloqueiem usos políticos e maximizem a geração de valor em empresas vitimizadas por interferências políticas. / This thesis analyzes the impact of political interference on the value of companies in the Brazilian Electricity Sector (BES) and proposes strategies and indicators to interrupt economic value destruction and block political use. The observation of political interference manifestations over an eight-year period and the accumulation of vast documentation were the basis for the empirical study of two state-owned companies that were submitted to political use in the forms of tariff populism and distribution of managerial positions to allied political parties. One can conclude, via the application of a methodology conceived to evaluate hypotheses of political interference, that both types of political use can be explained by the Pressure Groups Theory developed by Gary Becker. Furthermore, the economic value destruction due to political use can be measured in billions of dollars in both companies and the pressure groups that were benefited and jeopardized were identified. The strategies aimed at blocking political use in the companies of the BES involve the implementation of four stages: the imposition of meritocratic criteria in the recruiting process of state-owned companies executives; the transparent divulging of economic-financial results; the definition of objective indicators and their respective goals; and the institution of incentives and penalties based on performance. The methodological approach of this thesis can be extended to other sectors and countries and offers several contributions to public and private officers and other stakeholders. The first contribution consists of a methodology for testing hypotheses of political use of companies and/or sectors based on solid conceptual references. The second contribution is the offer of alternatives to quantify the effects of political use on the value of companies. The third contribution is related to the exploration of metrics and strategies to block political use and maximize value generation in companies victimized by political interference.