Master of Arts / Department of History / Andrew Orr / The end of the Second Boer War in 1902 gave rise to cultural and political action of Afrikaners within the colonial governments and among the South African people. These actions caused a rise in Afrikaner cultural and political nationalism. Though the British emerged victorious from the war, resentment for the British Empire was widespread in the South African colonies due to brutalities suffered by the Afrikaners during the war. This resentment would later be channeled by Afrikaner leaders and used as a political weapon. The British wished for appeasement with the Afrikaners and established terms at the end of the war that Afrikaner leaders were able to use to further Afrikaner culture through politics. The military victory for the British influenced many Afrikaners to trade violence for political and cultural means of resistance. Throughout the years 1902-1924 the Afrikaner people established strategies through politics, literary publications, and new political groups, developed in the years 1904-1908, to advocate for Afrikaner nationalism and cultural equality amongst the British in areas of law, commerce, and education. The war showed the futility of military resistance against the British, but inspired many to push for political and cultural resistance, unification, and eventual dominance. Afrikaner nationalist dominance in South Africa began with the efforts of the Afrikaner leaders and people in 1902 after the Second Boer War.

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This research project examined the diffusion of change within one Victorian TAPE Institute by engaging action research to facilitate implementation of e-mail technology. The theoretical framework involving the concepts of technology innovation and action research was enhanced with the aid of Rogers's (1983) model of the diffusion of the innovation process. Political and cultural factors made up the initiation phase of innovation, enabling the research to concentrate on the implementation phase of e-mail Roger's (1983) model also provided adopter categories that related to the findings of a Computer Attitude Survey that was conducted at The School of Mines and Industries Ballarat (SMB), now the University of Ballarat—TAPE Division since amalgamation on 1st January 1998. Despite management rhetoric about the need to utilise e-mail, Institute teaching staff lacked individual computers in their work areas and most were waiting to become connected to the Internet as late as 1997. According to the action research reports, many staff were resistant to the new e-mail facilities despite having access to personal computers whose numbers doubled annually. The action research project became focussed when action researchers realised that e-mail workshop training was ineffective and that staff required improved access. Improvement to processes within education through collaborative action research had earlier been achieved (McTaggart 1994), and this project actively engaged practitioners to facilitate decentralised e-mail training in the workplace through the action research spiral of planning, acting, observing and reflecting, before replanning. The action researchers * task was to find ways to improve the diffusion of e-mail throughout the Institute and to develop theoretical constructs. My research task was to determine whether action research could successfully facilitate e-mail throughout the Institute. A rich literature existed about technology use in education, technology teaching, gender issues, less about computerphobia, and none about 'e-mailphobia \ It seemed appropriate to pursue the issue of e-mailphobia since it was marginalised, or ignored in the literature. The major political and cultural influences on the technologising of SMB and e-mail introduction were complex, making it impossible to ascertain the relative degrees of influence held by Federal and State Governments, SMB's leadership or the local community, Nonetheless, with the implementation of e-mail, traditional ways were challenged as SMB's culture changed. E-mail training was identified as a staff professional development activity that had been largely unsuccessful. Action research is critical collaborative inquiry by reflective practitioners who are accountable for making the results of their inquiry public and who are self-evaluating of their practice while engaging participative problem-solving and continuing professional development (Zuber-Skerritt 1992, 1993). Action research was the methodology employed in researching e-mail implementation into SMB because it involved collaborative inquiry with colleagues as reflective practitioners. Thoughtful questions could best be explored using deconstructivist philosophy, in asking about the noise of silence, which issues were not addressed, what were the contradictions and who was being marginalised with e-mail usage within SMB. Reviewing literature on action research was complicated by its broad definition and by the variability of research (King & Lonnquist 1992), and yet action research as a research methodology was well represented in educational research literature, and provided a systematic and recognisable way for practitioners to conduct their research. On the basis of this study, it could be stated that action research facilitated the diffusion of e-mail technology into one TAPE Institute, despite the process being disappointingly slow. While the process in establishing the action research group was problematic, action researchers showed that a window of opportunity existed for decentralised diffusion of e-mail training,in preference to bureaucratically motivated 'workshops. Eight major findings, grouped under two broad headings were identified: the process of diffusion (planning, nature of the process, culture, politics) and outcomes of diffusion (categorising, e-mailphobia, the survey device and technology in education). The findings indicated that staff had little experience with e-mail and appeared not to recognise its benefits. While 54.1% did not agree that electronic means could be the preferred way to receive Institute memost some 13.7% admitted to problems with using the voice answering service on telephones. Some 43.3% thought e-mail would not improve their connectedness (how they related) to the Institute. A small percentage of staff had trouble with telephone voice-mail and a number of these were anxious computer users. Individualised tuition and peer support proved helpful to individual staff whom action researchers believed to be 'at risk', as determined from the results of a Computer Attitude Survey. An instructional strategy that fostered the development of self-regulation and peer support was valuable, but there was no measure of the effects of this action research program, other than in qualitative terms. Nevertheless, action research gave space to reflect on the nature of the underlying processes in adopting e-mail. Challenges faced by TAPE action researchers are integrally affected by the values within TAPE, which change constantly and have recently been extensive enough to be considered as a 'new paradigm'. The influence of competition policy, the training reform agenda and technologisation of training have challenged traditional TAPE values. Action research reported that many staff had little immediate professional reason to use e-mail Theoretical answers were submerged beneath practical professional concerns, which related back to how much time teachers had and whether they could benefit from e-mail. A need for the development of principles for the sound educational uses of e-mail increases with the internationalisation of education and an increasing awareness of cultural differences. The implications for conducting action research in TAPE are addressed under the two broad issues of power and pedagogy. Issues of power included gaining access, management's inability to overcome staff resistance to technology, changing TAPE values and using technology for conducting action research. Pedagogical issues included the recognition of educational above technological issues and training staff in action research. Finally, seventeen steps are suggested to overcome power and pedagogical impediments to the conduct of action research within TAPE. This action research project has provided greater insight into the difficulties of successfully introducing one culture-specific technology into one TAPE Institute. TAPE Institutes need to encourage more action research into their operations, and it is only then that -we can expect to answer the unanswered questions raised in this research project.

Democracy and tragedy were intrinsically linked during the time of the Athenian city-state. Yet this symbiosis, vital as it was then, is largely forgotten today. The dearth of serious political discussion is all the more puzzling since political scientists and international relations scholars write extensively on tragedy and democracy, often via a return to ancient Athens. However, these efforts have largely neglected the intrinsic links between democracy and tragedy; preferring instead to focus on either democracy or tragedy. Exploration of their essential links has, by and large, become confined to studies in philology and cultural history. The objective of this Thesis is to explore the contemporary political relevance of the ancient symbiosis of democracy and tragedy. It argues that the most politically important insight of this symbiosis today stems from tragedy’s so-called multivocal form: its ability to bring a variety of – otherwise marginalised – stories, characters and voices onto the public stage and into democratic debate. In particular, this Thesis explores two novel lessons that tragedy’s multivocal form can potentially teach contemporary democrats seeking to extend the institutions and procedures of democracy in the age of globalisation. The first is the understanding that the idea and practice of democracy should not be solely concerned with the institution of order in political life. Tragedy teaches us the lesson that while order is necessary for a stable and productive communal existence sites of disorder too provide insights into dilemmas posed by political instability, inequality, exclusion, and flux. A truly democratic order must seek to include and give voice to democratic disorder. Given this, the second lesson that this Thesis highlights from its study of Athenian tragedy’s multivocal form is the need to draw on both factual and fictional sources of knowledge in an effort to negotiate and overcome contemporary democratic dilemmas. Only by broadening the scope of reality, through a resort to fiction, can democrats hope to legitimate a variety of – otherwise marginalised – stories, characters and voices today.

Despite global progress on gender equality, women continue to be underrepresented in politics. One widely debated policy measure aimed at tackling this issue is gendered public funding – which has been adopted in more than 30 countries worldwide yet remains understudied in the literature on gender and politics. In this thesis, I address that research gap and examine the broader impact of electoral, political, and cultural factors on gendered political funding by conducting quantitative cross-national analyses. I used data from four different sources, such as the International IDEA Political Finance Database, the IDEA Quota Database, QOG, and V-Dem, to examine the relationship between these factors and the probability of gendered public funding adoption. It is evident from the findings of this thesis that the presence of quotas has a significant influence on determining the likelihood of adopting gender-specific public funding policies, with countries implementing quotas demonstrating a higher likelihood of adopting such policies. Contrary to theoretical expectations concerning electoral and cultural variables and earlier research, no significant effects are found. The thesis offers valuable insights into the interplay between political trends, electoral institutions, cultural dynamics, and financial mechanisms in shaping gender equality initiatives. While gender quotas may enhance the probability of gender public funding, exploring all relevant contextual factors is critical.

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Submitted by Fabio Sobreira Campos da Costa (fabio.sobreira@ufpe.br) on 2016-05-11T12:49:36Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) versão final-1.pdf: 1880980 bytes, checksum: 7a737a04cff6d3cbcef3b45db1d06d6d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-05-11T12:49:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) versão final-1.pdf: 1880980 bytes, checksum: 7a737a04cff6d3cbcef3b45db1d06d6d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-10-09 / CNPq / O leitmotiv deste trabalho é a formação de uma agenda de políticas públicas de cultura no Brasil direcionada aos povos indígenas. Partindo da ideia da politização da cultura como marca maior do nosso tempo e da institucionalização das políticas dirigidas à diversidade étnica e cultural brasileira, sobremaneira, desde os anos 2000, pretende-se demonstrar como Estado e povos indígenas podem se reinventar no âmbito de avanços democráticos que incluem a criação de espaços de participação e controle social destas políticas. Em tais espaços, as ideias de autonomia ou autodeterminação, protagonismo e empoderamento são tornadas moeda corrente nas relações estabelecidas entre povos indígenas, agentes e agências do Estado e da Sociedade Civil (atores sociais de advocacy). Na busca pela legitimação da imagem de garantidor de direitos, o Estado fomenta a produção de demandas culturais através de um “mercado de editais” fazendo surgir os “atravessadores burocráticos da cultura” que atuam na mediação entre povos indígenas e políticas e recursos do Estado. Povos indígenas, por sua vez, percebem nos ganhos sociais obtidos no campo cultural canais para o agenciamento de direitos como os territoriais, utilizando-se, para tanto, de diferentes políticas culturais (patrimoniais, museais e de valorização das expressões culturais da diversidade). Toma-se como exemplos para pensar estas questões programas e ações do Ministério da Cultura (MinC) como os programas Brasil Plural e Cultura Viva, baseando-se, em certa medida, nas experiências pataxó com seus Pontos de Cultura. Estas experiências apontam para algumas das fragilidades principais da política relacionadas aos entraves burocráticos da máquina administrativa do Estado dificultando o acesso aos seus recursos. Por fim, apesar dos avanços no que se refere ao reconhecimento dos direitos coletivos diferenciados dos povos indígenas e de sua inserção positiva na agenda pública de ações do Estado, repercutindo em suas mobilizações de reivindicação de direitos, desigualdades persistem entre eles e os maiores beneficiários dos recursos públicos no campo cultural. / The leitmotiv of this work is the formation of a public policy agenda of culture in Brazil directed to the indigenous peoples. Starting from the idea of the politicization of culture as a major brand of our time and the institutionalization of policies aimed at Brazilian ethnic and cultural diversity, greatly since the 2000s, is intended to demonstrate how State and indigenous people can reinvent themselves within democratic advances including the creation of spaces for participation and social control of these policies. In such spaces, the ideas of autonomy or self-determination, leadership and empowerment are rendered currency in relations between indigenous peoples, agents and agencies of the State and Civil Society (social actors of advocacy). In the quest for legitimacy image as guarantor of rights, the State encourages the production of cultural demands through an ‘edicts market’ giving rise to the ‘bureaucratic middlemen of culture’ that act in mediating between indigenous peoples and policies and funds State. Indigenous peoples, in turn, realize, social gains in the cultural field, channels for the rights agency as the territorial, using, therefore, of different cultural policies (heritage, museological and recovery of cultural expressions of diversity). Take as examples to think about these issues programs and actions of the Ministry of Culture (MinC) as “Brasil Plural” and “Cultura Viva” programs, based to some extent, in pataxó experiences with your Culture Points. These experiences point to some of the main weaknesses of the policy related to red tape of State administrative machinery hindering access to its resources. Finally, despite the progress made as regards the recognition of differentiated collective rights of indigenous peoples and their positive integration into the public agenda of State actions, reflecting on his right claims mobilizations, inequalities persist between them and the biggest beneficiaries of public resources in the cultural field.

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La transformation sociale des Antilles françaises qui se produit après la Seconde Guerre mondiale résulte d'un processus interactif historique. Celui-ci se produit entre 1946 et 1961 autour des nouvelles dynamiques de l'après-guerre. Il s'agit du statut départemental, de la décolonisation avec l'explosion des conflits sociaux, de la politique publique de "développement économique et social" avec la planification dans les départements d'outre-mer, et de l'accroissement démographique avec l'apparition d'une nouvelle génération "sociologique". C'est précisément cette interaction qui est à l'origine du nouveau type de société qui émerge aux Antilles à partir des années 1960 sans pour autant que leur structure sociale coloniale ne soit bouleversée. Cette construction qui prend le nom commun de "Départementalisation" est paradoxale car elle va générer des frustrations sociales "modernes", tout en maintenant des frustrations anciennes issues de la société de plantation. En induisant ainsi le passage d'un monde d'"habitation" à un monde de consommation, cette construction permet de comprendre un peu mieux, le maintien, au début du XXIe siècle, d'un malaise social latent dans ces départements en dépit d'une amélioration sensible et générale des conditions de vie. / The social change which takes place in the French West Indies after the Second World War ensues from a historical interactive process. It occurs between 1946 and 1961, within the frame of the new dynamic fostered in the aftermath of the war. Here we refer to he new political status of Department, the outbreak of social conflicts during the process of decolonization, the public policies and the planning of "the economic and social development" of the overseas departements. The dynamic also includes the population growth with the birth of a new generation from the sociological point of view. The aforementioned interaction instils the new type of society emerging in the French West Indies since the 1960's, without drastically changing their colonial social structure. This transformation named "Departmentalization" seems paradoxical because it will generate "modern" social frustrations, while maintaining existing frustrations that stemmed from the plantation society. this process led to the transition from a slave society to a consumer society. It allows us to understand the persistence of a latent social unrest in these departments, in spite of th overall significant improvement of the living conditions during the early twentieth century.

This thesis is concerned with the cultural shifts that have occurred in Lihir, Papua New Guinea, as Lihirians were drawn into greater engagement with the capitalist system, initially through the colonial labour trade and more recently through large-scale resource extraction. This research draws upon 15 months of fieldwork in the Lihir Islands from 2003 to 2004. This thesis is intended as a critical dialogue with world system theorists.World systems arguments are constructive for understanding how Lihirians have remained economically marginal.However, I reject the assertion commonly propounded in these approaches that the world capitalist system inevitably destroys ‘traditional’ cultures and remakes them to its own specifications. Working from Sahlins’ (1985, 1992) premise that there is always continuity in change, I have sought to illustrate those enduring structures and received cultural values that have shaped Lihirian engagement with the capitalist system. My concern iswith articulation rather than penetration; to capture the dialectic of global structural inequalities and Lihirian selective appropriation. This approach allows me to emphasise the heterogeneity of Lihirian culture, notonly prior to sustained European contact, or even mining activities, but specifically at the height of their engagement with the capitalist system. (For complete abstract open document)