This thesis is purposefully limited to examining the status of China’s professional guohua (Chinese national painting) painters and their relation to the Party-State. It tackles the above subject by studying the contents of important official documents issued by the party-state, by retelling the interactions between professional guohua painters and the party-state in several crucial social-political contexts, and by analysing the experiences, opinions, observations and critiques of four professional guohua painters. The time span of this study extends from 1949 to the late 1990s, while acknowledging the year of 1978, when China officially launched its reform program, as a critical dividing juncture for comparative reasons. This thesis finds that a new favorable partnership was forged between the party-state and the professional guohua painters in the reform era. This was due to the impact of China’s political culture, changes in the ideology and policies of the ruling elite, the commercialization of art, and an emerging need to preserve guohua that is more instrumental to promote China’s cultural heritage and national soft power. It argues that the sustainability of such a partnership has been reinforced through a conscious differentiation between categories of art -- elite and non-elite, official and non-official, high and popular, public and non-public -- by Chinese cultural authorities as well as the artists themselves. This thesis further asserts that the significantly improved economic conditions and the social status that professional guohua painters enjoyed in the 1980s and 1990s did not reflect on their cultural and political autonomy. Most of them consciously chose to be part of the institutional establishments under the party-state and showed limited aspiration in the quest for cultural and political autonomy. The “organized dependence” of professional guohua painters prior to the reform era was replaced by “conformity” of these artists towards the party-state. Finally it suggests that, although China’s changing political environment will eventually give way to economics and the scale of ideological movements and cultural control will continue to decline, many professional guohua painters are likely to stay within the ideological and aesthetic boundaries set by the party-state and to be part of official arts agencies and institutions.

This thesis is purposefully limited to examining the status of China’s professional guohua (Chinese national painting) painters and their relation to the Party-State. It tackles the above subject by studying the contents of important official documents issued by the party-state, by retelling the interactions between professional guohua painters and the party-state in several crucial social-political contexts, and by analysing the experiences, opinions, observations and critiques of four professional guohua painters. The time span of this study extends from 1949 to the late 1990s, while acknowledging the year of 1978, when China officially launched its reform program, as a critical dividing juncture for comparative reasons. This thesis finds that a new favorable partnership was forged between the party-state and the professional guohua painters in the reform era. This was due to the impact of China’s political culture, changes in the ideology and policies of the ruling elite, the commercialization of art, and an emerging need to preserve guohua that is more instrumental to promote China’s cultural heritage and national soft power. It argues that the sustainability of such a partnership has been reinforced through a conscious differentiation between categories of art -- elite and non-elite, official and non-official, high and popular, public and non-public -- by Chinese cultural authorities as well as the artists themselves. This thesis further asserts that the significantly improved economic conditions and the social status that professional guohua painters enjoyed in the 1980s and 1990s did not reflect on their cultural and political autonomy. Most of them consciously chose to be part of the institutional establishments under the party-state and showed limited aspiration in the quest for cultural and political autonomy. The “organized dependence” of professional guohua painters prior to the reform era was replaced by “conformity” of these artists towards the party-state. Finally it suggests that, although China’s changing political environment will eventually give way to economics and the scale of ideological movements and cultural control will continue to decline, many professional guohua painters are likely to stay within the ideological and aesthetic boundaries set by the party-state and to be part of official arts agencies and institutions.

Submitted by Divisão de Documentação/BC Biblioteca Central (ddbc@ufam.edu.br) on 2018-03-21T14:28:56Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Tese_Gerson A. A. Ferreira.pdf: 2575666 bytes, checksum: f41e537cb807add26c4be751a35f59df (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Divisão de Documentação/BC Biblioteca Central (ddbc@ufam.edu.br) on 2018-03-21T14:29:09Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Tese_Gerson A. A. Ferreira.pdf: 2575666 bytes, checksum: f41e537cb807add26c4be751a35f59df (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-03-21T14:29:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Tese_Gerson A. A. Ferreira.pdf: 2575666 bytes, checksum: f41e537cb807add26c4be751a35f59df (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-11 / FAPEAM - Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Amazonas / The economic and cultural base of the Sateré-Mawé is linked to the guaraná culture, whether in its food or ritual use. However, more than an expression of this ethnicity, this fruit was metamorphosed into a brand of great commercial value of drinks and energy around the world, whose rapid popularization took place through the world commercial advertising channels articulated by Fair Trade and the Slow Food movement, which in theory proposes to promote self-sustaining forms, better conditions for exchanges, creation of alternative markets and the recognition of political guarantees related to the cultural characteristics of the collecting groups of the Southern Hemisphere. gives through multiple forms of organization, which includes export agents, commercial importers and a network with about 4,500 stores. However, in this research, we assume from the hypothesis that the mercantile relationship between the Sateré- Mawé and the Fair Trade agencies produced interferences in the political and economic organization of these. The object of the thesis is the interferences of this relation in the formation of the current leaders, in their sources of legitimation, marked in differentiated characteristics stimulated in the segmented participation in the global commerce. The central objective is to map the interference of fair trade in the Sateré-Mawé political and social organization. Its specific objectives are: 1) Inquire the foundations of the speeches and sources of legitimacy of the Project Waraná; 2) Explain the fundamentals of aggregate symbolic value in the form of consumption criteria or protocols for slow food as a consumer brand [green consumer]; 3) To present the effects of the Sateré-Mawé Integrated Development Project; 4) To study the political tensions between the Sateré-Mawé; 5) To problematize contradictions and ambiguities contained in the space of these exchanges of global scope. The method is ethnographic based on hermeneutics and has as its empirical field the definitions of four scenarios involving political struggles. Scenarios are developed and combined in essays that include the themes of autonomy and political recognition in the global trading circuit. Regarding the central hypothesis, we observe that alongside the authority of the Tuxauas, marked by actions of traditional bases or values, another model of leadership was instituted, whose legitimacy is not exclusively in the capacity to politically organize and lead the internal society, constituted by dynamics group of the most diverse. The concept of production is established as a priority category that divides the Mawé society between agroforestry producers and other groups. Such producers distinguish themselves by doing business with other global players. This relationship includes rearticulations between the local and the global, in addition to shared tensions within the field of struggle with transnational dimensions. Although with its own welldefined projects of political and economic emancipation, the autonomy project is still under construction. / A base econômica e cultural dos Sateré-Mawé está ligada à cultura do guaraná, seja em seu uso alimentar ou ritual. Todavia, mais que uma expressão indentitária desta etnia, este fruto foi metamorfoseado em marca de grande valor comercial de bebidas e energéticos em todo o mundo, cuja rápida popularização se deu pelos canais publicitários de comercialização mundial articulados pelo Comércio Justo (Fair Trade) e o movimento Slow Food – que, em tese, se propõem a promover formas autossustentáveis, melhores condições de trocas, criação de mercados alternativos e o reconhecimento de garantias políticas conexas às características culturais dos grupos de agricultores coletores do hemisfério do Sul, cuja articulação dos mesmos se dá por meio de múltiplas formas de organização, que inclui agentes exportadores, importadores comerciais e uma rede com cerca de 4.500 lojas. Contudo, nesta pesquisa, partimos da hipótese que a relação mercantil entre os Sateré-Mawé e as agências do Comércio Justo produziu interferências na organização política e econômica destes. O objeto da tese são as interferências desta relação na formação das atuais lideranças, em suas fontes de legitimação, marcadas em características diferenciadoras estimuladas na participação segmentada no comércio global. O objetivo central consiste em mapear as interferências do comércio justo na organização política e social dos Sateré-Mawé. Seus objetivos específicos são de: 1) Indagar os fundamentos dos discursos e fontes de legitimação do Projeto Waraná; 2) Explicar os fundamentos do valor simbólico agregado na forma de critérios ou protocolos de consumo do Slow Food enquanto marca do consumo [consumidor verde]; 3) Apresentar os efeitos do Projeto integrado de Etnodsenvolvimento Sateré-Mawé; 4) Estudar as tensões políticas entre os Sateré-Mawé; 5) Problematizar contradições e ambiguidades contidas no espaço dessas trocas de abrangência global. O método é etnográfico com base hermenêutica e tem como campo empírico as definições de quatro cenários que envolvem lutas políticas. Os cenários são desenvolvidos e combinados em ensaios que incluem os temas da autonomia e do reconhecimento políticos no circuito das trocas globais. Acerca da hipótese central, observamos que ao lado da autoridade dos tuxauas, assinalada por ações de bases ou valores tradicionais, instituiu-se outro modelo de liderança, cuja legitimidade não está exclusivamente na capacidade de politicamente organizar e liderar a sociedade interna, constituída por dinâmicas grupais das mais diversas. O conceito de produção se institui como uma categoria prioritária que divide – quebra – a sociedade Mawé entre os produtores agroflorestais e outros agrupamentos. Tais produtores se distinguem pelos negócios com outros agentes globais. Esta relação inclui rearticulações entre o local e o global, além de tensões compartilhadas no interior do campo de luta com dimensões transnacionais. Embora, com projetos próprios e bem definidos de emancipação polÍtica e econômica, o projeto de autonomia ainda está em construção.

L’objectif de cette thèse est double. Premièrement, il s’agira de comprendre l’impact que l’internet peut avoir sur la démocratie, c’est-à-dire de montrer ce que cette technologie change à la démocratie, en développant un cadre conceptuel précis et en m’appuyant sur un corpus empirique important. Il s’agira ensuite de développer un projet normatif, afin de montrer ce qu’il est nécessaire de faire afin de garantir que l’impact de l’internet sur la démocratie sera positif. Pour mener à bien ces objectifs, il me faudra d’abord disposer d’une conception claire de la démocratie. C’est pourquoi je proposerai dans une première partie de la comprendre à partir du concept d’autonomie politique dont je proposerai une analyse conceptuelle au premier chapitre. J’analyserai ensuite deux éléments centraux de ce concept, à savoir la vie privée et l’espace public. Je proposerai dans une deuxième partie une analyse à la fois précise et empiriquement fondée de l’impact de l’internet sur ces deux éléments, afin de présenter un argument qui ne sera pas simplement a priori ou spéculatif. Les conclusions que je présenterai ne vaudront, cependant, que pour l’internet tel qu’il est aujourd’hui, car il est certain qu’il peut évoluer. Il est alors tout à fait possible que ses propriétés cessent de permettre l’augmentation de l’autonomie politique que je décris au cours de ma deuxième partie. Il est donc important de mener à bien une réflexion normative afin d’identifier dans quelle mesure il pourrait être nécessaire de faire quelque chose afin de garantir l’impact positif de l’internet sur l’autonomie politique. Je montrerai donc dans une dernière partie qu’il est nécessaire d’assurer à l’internet une architecture non-discriminante, mais qu’il n’est pas nécessaire de protéger outre mesure la générativité de son écosystème. Je conclurai en montrant l’importance d’offrir à tous des éléments d’une littératie numérique, si l’on souhaite que tous puissent bénéficier des opportunités offertes par le réseau des réseaux. / My goal in this thesis is twofold. First I want to understand the impact the Internet can have on democracy, that is to say, I want to understand what this technology changes to democracy. In order to do this, it is necessary to possess a clear and precise conceptual framework of the meaning of democracy and to ground my analysis in empirical literature. Second, I want to give a normative account of what needs to be done to ensure that the impact of the Internet on democracy will stay positive. To accomplish these goals, one first needs to have a clear conception of democracy. That is why I will offer, in the first part of my thesis, an understanding of democracy as political autonomy. I will offer an analysis of this last concept in my first chapter. I will then analyze two of its central elements, namely privacy and public space. In the second part of my thesis, I will offer an analysis that is both precise and empirically grounded of the impact of the internet on these two elements, in order to present an argument that will not simply be a priori and speculative. It is important to notice that the conclusions that I reach are only of value if the Internet doesn't evolve. It is therefore quite possible that the internet ceases to allow for greater political autonomy as I explain in my second part. It is thus important to carry out the normative part of my project to identify to what extent it might be necessary to do something to ensure the positive impact of the Internet on political autonomy. So, in the last part of my thesis, I show that it is necessary to protect the non-discriminatory Internet architecture, but that it is not necessary to protect its generative ecosystem. I will conclude by showing the importance of providing all the elements of a digital literacy, if we want that all benefit from the opportunities offered by the Internet.

[pt] Com a engenhosa sobreposição constitucional de espaços políticos autônomos, de cidadãos comuns, num único território nacional, os Founding Fathers inauguraram o federalismo moderno. Tal revolução manifestou, em ato, a potência de uma multidão que desejou constituir novas realidades – mais comuns e plenas –, e novos modos de viver e decidir. Em sua fórmula original – de inspiração liberal, democrática, pluralista, igualitária e solidária –, o equilíbrio federativo confiou à União Federal apenas questões merecedoras de especial agilidade, unidade ou uniformidade – como, e.g., a declaração de guerra, a cunhagem de moedas, e padronização de pesos e medidas. Mantiveram-se descentralizadas todas as demais competências políticas das antigas colônias, recém-libertas. Desde então, uma tendência centralista e homogeneizadora, acentuada pelas exigências do Estado-social, desvia o federalismo da sua natureza limitadora do poder, protetora da liberdade, conciliadora de interesses gerais e específicos, e afirmativa de um locus privilegiado de cidadania. Nesta dissertação, o conflito irreconciliável entre a radicalidade inovadora do poder constituinte e as estruturas conservadoras que produz, a cada vez que altera a realidade, é o contexto em que se avalia eventual instrumentalidade da nossa jurisdição constitucional em relação a um federalismo centralizador, paternalista, quase nominal, no qual restariam aos entes subnacionais poucas e vigiadas liberdades. Nessa investigação, a recente fiscalização dos espaços políticos federativos pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal, à luz dos pressupostos teóricos, indica a posição da Corte nas disputas federativas de poder, e sua releitura, especialmente sob a perspectiva do princípio da subsidiariedade – expressão federativa das ideias de diversidade e solidariedade – revela outras possibilidades interpretativas. / [en] With the ingenious constitutional superposition of autonomous political spaces of common citizens into a single national territory, the Founding Fathers have inaugurated the modern federalism. This revolution has expressed, in act, the power of a multitude that wished to establish new realities – more common and full – and new ways of living and making decisions. In its original formula – from a liberal, democratic, pluralistic, egalitarian and caring inspiration – the federal balance entrusted to the Federal Government only issues deserving special promptitude, unity or uniformity – e.g., the declaration of war, coinage, and the standardization of weights and measures. All other political powers of the former colonies, recently freed, remained decentralized. Since then, a centralist and homogenizing trend, accentuated by the demands of the Welfare State, diverts the federalism from its power-limiting, protector of freedom, conciliator of general and specific interests, and guarantor of a privileged locus of citizenship nature. In this dissertation, the irreconcilable conflict between the groundbreaking radical nature of the constituent power and the conservative structures it produces every time it changes the reality is the context in which it is evaluated any possible instrumentality of our constitutional jurisdiction in relation to a centralized and paternalistic, almost nominal, federalism in which only a few and monitored freedoms would remain for the subnational entities. In this investigation, the recent surveillance of federal political spaces by the Brazilian Supreme Court, in light of theoretical assumptions, indicates the position of the Court in federative disputes for power, and their rereading, especially from the perspective of the principle of subsidiarity – federative expression of the ideas of diversity and solidarity – reveals other interpretational possibilities.

Geoffrey Brown Abstract: In 1919 the Rusyns of Subcarpathian Ruthenia and Rusyn immigrants living in the United States decided that joining the newly-created Czechoslovak Republic offered them the best possible conditions for a stable future. They agreed to the union on the condition that the Rusyns would be granted the widest possible degree of political autonomy, and this autonomy was then guaranteed by the Treaty of Saint Germain signed in September 1919. Once the territory of Subcarpathian Ruthenia had joined Czechoslovakia, the Government in Prague decided that the Rusyn people were incapable of meeting the responsibilities of governing their own territory, since at the end of World War One they had been among the poorest and least culturally developed of all the nations of Austro-Hungary. The Rusyn leaders, particularly the territory's first Governor, Gregory Zhatkovich, protested to no avail against the Czechoslovak government's refusal to grant the Rusyns their legal right to political autonomy. Prior to the war the Czech public had practically no knowledge of Rusyns or their territory of Subcarpathian Ruthenia. During the first three years of the Czechoslovak state, the Czech media published many newspaper articles which highlighted or exaggerated the primitive nature of the Rusyn people,...