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This essay mainly utilize theoretical tool of ¡§State Centralism¡¨ to observe fixed network industry development history in Taiwan. After 1980s, based on characteristics of fixed network, state monopolizes the industry. However, digital techniques develop rapidly from last 1970s, the legitimacy of traditionally state monopoly model is gradually decrease. In the meantime, authoritatrian regime reform and economic liberalization in Taiwan start from 1980s to make state autonomy decreasing and launch liberalization of fixed network industry. Nevertheless, state role in industry didn¡¦t disappear after fixed network liberalization. In this research, author point out fixed network liberalization process in Taiwan is one kind of state centralism model. The liberalization is an ¡§instrument¡¨ but ¡§object¡¨ for state to accelerate development of information society and industrial structure reform in Taiwan. After fixed network market open in 2000, the market almost still monopolized by Chunghwa Telecom Co. It never achieves ¡§competitive development¡¨ environment planed by state. For fixed network industry of Taiwan, though state have outline regulatory policy, how to achieve a competitive environment after liberalization is the most important challenge to state to face new age of digital convergence.

The Democratic centralism, Chinese communist traced up the soviet regime, is not only the main principle of communist party organizing in china but written on the Chinese constitution for directing the public behavior. Since china communist becoming the national ruler, comrades had devoted their efforts to make sure of the c Chinese communist party could be the only one political party ruler for eternity. The highest political organization is the people representative convention what adapts the way of one that combines the congress and executive department. No matter what the communist party¡¦ s political power or government¡¦ s executive power all have to obey the principle of the democratic centralism converging the political power from basic comrades and local parity organizations to top leadership. So the democratic centralism is not like western democratic, the minor obeys the mass, but the political powers are together upon the leadership. Even though the democratic centralism is helpful to maintain the party¡¦s assertion for the china communist party, the only one political ruler party. Because of political power of leadership has not been restricted resulting in what the regime legitimately has not been convicted. Mao was dead after the china culture revolution had ceased has left the china disarrangement and disable Chinese communist party. All things seemed went to bright side after the new successor, Den, held the leadership and drove whole Chinese economy and political more openness. Since 1978, China goes evolution and keeps the openness policy with two ways, economy and political. The time of planning economy was committed to replace the function of socialization, national distribution, curbing the production resources, all factors depended the Chinese communist party regime no matter what is labors in the city or the farmers in the country. Since openness policy, the marketing economy had replaced the panning economy becoming the main policy and the regime ceased to play the role in distribution of the national resources. People have to make life not depend the regime but maintain the right of political and fight for the political participation. Chinese communist party is afraid of losing her regime, therefore not dare to react the provoking of civilian political demand and consciousness. The dilemma situation turns the discrimination of content and process time table in political and economy comes up. People discontent force the Jiang secretary general to announce¡§ the inner party democracy is the spirit of communist party, demonstrating the public democracy ¡§ for response the requiring of people. Because of the regime losing the ability of introspecting and reacting the political power centralization make a tough problem Chinese communist have to face and try to solute. Through the remedy way of conciliation the relationship between nation and society intent to maintain the one political party authority and relieve regime¡¦s political crisis. Even though, the regime does suffer the turbulence of fighting between the conservative school and evolution school and could not conglomerate whole schools advance forward peaceful. So the regime uses the tiny political evolution in executive department as a buffer of comprising democracy evolution and defensive one party authority. This dissertation try to find out public democracy by the performance of Chinese communist inner democracy through the party¡¦s leader system, decisive, supervising, election, talent selection and political power inherit. The study find out Chinese communist party inner democracy spot on the perfect of executive system for up grade the executive ability and maintain the legitimately. As we knew there are no any relation between the party inner democracy and public democracy.

This thesis starts from Anderson¡¦s theory of ¡§Imagined Community¡¨, through the angle of ¡§Nationalism¡¨ and the ¡§Historical State Approach¡¨, to study the development of ethnic politics in Indonesia. In the analysis of historic events, this research hopes to represent the phenomenon of ethnic politics in Indonesia. According to the development of Indonesian Nationalism, this dissertation divides the political history in Indonesia into four stages, ¡§the independent stage¡¨, ¡§the national integration stage¡¨, ¡§the national cooperation stage¡§ and ¡§the democratic transformation stage¡¨, also there are two factors----¡§the state dominate¡¨ and ¡§the ethnic group politic mobilization¡¨ ---- being cross-compared their relations within the four historic stages. This thesis concludes: Indonesia as an ¡§imagined community¡¨, which leads the cleavage in the Indonesian national society. Lack of efficient institution for national integration at the beginning of the national independence, the cooperation politics in the New Order stage, both tended to build the inequality between different ethnic groups, which is the main reason for racial conflict after the democratization, and also the general factor affecting the ethnic politics in Indonesia. Individual factors affecting the ethnic politics in Indonesia include elements of the culture in religion, of the economy in region and the history in international politics, of the racial immigration and economy¡Kwhich form the ethnic consciousness and ethnic identity. Under the effects of the general and individual levels, nowadays the Indonesian ethnic politics presents itself as¡GA. Religion: Muslim parties contestation, the religious demonstration outside the institution, and the regional conflicts in religion. B. Region: secessionism, islanders demanding for regional autonomy or for federalism. C. Race: race violence against Indonesian Chinese, regional racial murders caused by the interior immigration policy. This dissertation concludes with elements of the above three levels, which show the phenomenon of contemporary ethnic politics in Indonesia.

The article presents the main features of the Peruvian radio and television market, and emphasizes the levels of concentration of advertising investment, frequency control and the regulatory framework tailored to the media groups. It also analyzes the possibilities of economic sustainability, growth and modernization of much of the local and regional media in a world context characterized by accelerated technological changes, and new habits and styles of consumption of the audiences. The paper also describes some strengths and strategies deployed by local and commercial radios and television stations with social development objectives (educational and community), aimed at enabling them to stay in the market and lay the groundwork for the complex transit towards the digitalization of production and distribution of multimedia content. / Este artículo expone los principales rasgos del mercado de la radio y la televisión de señal abierta en el Perú, y hace hincapié en los niveles de concentración de la inversión publicitaria, el control de las frecuencias y el marco regulatorio hecho a la medida de los grupos mediáticos más poderosos del país. También analiza las posibilidades de sostenibilidad económica, crecimiento y modernización de buena parte de los medios locales y regionales en un contexto mundial caracterizado por acelerados cambios tecnológicos y transformaciones en los hábitos y estilos de consumo de las audiencias. Asimismo, describe algunas fortalezas y estrategias desplegadas por las radios y televisoras locales, comerciales y con objetivos de desarrollo social (educativas y comunitarias), orientadas a posibilitar su permanencia en el mercado y sentar las bases para el complejo tránsito hacia la digitalización de la producción y distribución de contenidos multimedia.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T14:31:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Remane Selimane.pdf: 2063455 bytes, checksum: 2c9c29ae56c9d3dbc7bb124705819bfe (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-12-17 / Educational Supervision (E.S.) is the subject of this research. It assesses the possibilities of reducing bureaucracy, decentralization and democratization of this process in the context of the Education in Mozambique. The aim is to contribute to the promotion of strategies for concerted, coordinated, mutually influential and useful actions and their suitability to the current stage of the Education in Mozambique. Based on self-reflection on the search for a social identity of the supervisory function and action, we cast a look to the efforts of its replacement in the place that it deserves. Relying on critical theory and in formulations that articulate an ontology based on historical realism, in a transactional epistemology, both dialectic and dialogic, we search for a qualitative aspect, through bibliographic and documentary research; critical discourse analysis, which intersects with the approach of the Policy Cycle, observation and questionnaires, intermingled with the history of professional life. The dynamics of this research provides, in methodological discussions, through the theoretical framework, to literature review about the Educational Supervision, centralization versus decentralization, including reflections on the national systems of education, an interesting dialogue among several authors such as Enrique Dussel (2012), Dermeval Saviani (2014, 2010), Gimeno Sacristán & Pérez Gómez (1998), Michel Foucault (2014, 2011), Richard Bowe and Stephen Ball (1992), Formosinho et al (1999), Uwe Flick (2009), Norman Denzin & Yvonna Lincoln (2006); Alarcão (2014, 2013, 2001, 2000, 1996); Alonso (2010); Ferreira (2013a, 2013b, 2010,2002); Rangel (2013a, 2013b, 2011, 2010, 2008); Silva Júnior (2011a, 2011b, 2010). The research recovers the historical traditions of the E.S. in the country, its vertical joints, searching to peer at the developments of the hierarchical structure of the system and the horizontal, those that occur within the governing bodies, seeking to understand the joints amongst the sub-sectors of the subsystems, as well as between administrative aspects and also pedagogical aspects; it establishes the relationship between the adopted curriculum options and modalities and forms of developed Educational Systems, and also its relationship with the school pedagogical practices as well as the roles and responsibilities of the person in charge of the process and the relations with each other; together with documentary research and the content of what we are given by voice and turn of the persons in charge, in between with the revised theory, it outlines a practical layout of a desired Mozambican educational supervisor and extract the subjective theory it crystallized. The theoretical framework is in the key subject seeking to understand the supervisory action since its inception, its changes of the function, given its constant, permanent and continuous redefinition. In short, it render problematic the National Education System, that in fact does not seem to actually exist as such and, in addition to finding of a close relationship but dependence between a misconception of the curriculum, there are signs of disputes of the desirable supervisory function, which epicenter seems to lie precisely at the Ministry of Education, thus, this situation tends to keep the body of local management of education in a subordinate position, and consequently, their dependence on central bodies tend to be perpetuated. Besides, the research makes visible possibilities to face changes with regard to the place status and ways in which the activity is being developed in Mozambique / Supervisão Educacional (SE) é o tema desta pesquisa. Ela avalia as possibilidades da desburocratização, descentralização e democratização desse processo no contexto da Educação de Moçambique. Visa-se, com isso, contribuir na promoção de estratégias que permitam acções concertadas, coordenadas, mutuamente influenciáveis e profícuas, e ainda, a sua adequação ao estágio actual da Educação do país. Em um exercício de autorreflexão à busca de uma identidade social da função e acção supervisoras, lança-se um olhar aos esforços da sua recolocação no lugar que lhe merece. Apoiando-se na teoria crítica e em formulações que articulam uma ontologia baseada no realismo histórico, em uma epistemologia transacional, tanto dialéctica quanto dialógica, busca-se a vertente qualitativa, através da pesquisa bibliográfica e documental; da análise crítica do discurso, a que se cruza com a abordagem do Ciclo de Políticas, da observação e questionários, de permeio com a história de vida profissional. A dinâmica deste trabalho proporciona, nas discussões metodológicas, passando pelo referencial teórico, até à revisão da literatura acerca da Supervisão Educacional, Centralização versus Descentralização, incluindo as reflexões acerca dos Sistemas Nacionais de Educação, um interessante diálogo entre vários autores, tais como Enrique Dussel (2012); Dermeval Saviani (2014, 2010); Gimeno Sacristán & Pérez Gómez (1998); Michel Foucault (2014, 2011); Richard Bowe e Stephen Ball (1992); João Formosinho et al (1999); Uwe Flick (2009); Norman Denzin & Yvonna Lincoln (2006); Isabel Alarcão (2014, 2013, 2001, 2000, 1996); Myrtes Alonso (2010); Naura Ferreira (2013a, 2013b, 2010, 2002); Mary Rangel |(2013a, 2013b, 2011, 2010, 2008); Celestino da Silva Júnior (2011a, 2011b, 2010). O trabalho recupera as tradições históricas da SE do país, as suas articulações verticais, procurando flagrar os desdobramentos da estrutura hierárquica do sistema; e as horizontais, aquelas que ocorrem no interior dos órgãos gestores, buscando compreender as articulações entre os subsectores dos subsistemas, assim como entre os aspectos administrativos e os de índole pedagógica; estabelece a relação entre as opções curriculares adoptadas e as modalidades e formas de SE desenvolvidas e ainda, sua relação com as práticas pedagógicas escolares, bem como com os papéis e responsabilidade dos sujeitos do processo e as relações entre si; Conjugados a análise documental e o conteúdo do que nos é dado pela voz e vez dos sujeitos, de permeio com a teoria revisada, esboça-se um traçado prático do que seria o supervisor educacional moçambicano e se extrai a teoria subjectiva nele cristalizada. No enquadramento teórico imerge-se no tema chave procurando compreender a acção supervisora desde os seus primórdios, flagrando as mutações sofridas pela função, dada a sua constante, permanente e contínua ressignificação. Problematiza-se enfim, o chamado Sistema Nacional de Educação que a rigor não parece existir efectivamente como tal e, além de concluir da existência de uma intrínseca relação senão dependência entre uma concepção errónea de currículo flagram-se indícios de disputas de protagonismo pela apetecível função supervisora cujo epicentro parece situar-se precisamente, ao nível do Minedh, essa situação tende a manter os órgãos de gestão local da Educação em uma posição subalterna vendo assim, sua dependência em relação aos órgãos centrais tendendo a perpetuar-se. Apesar disso, o trabalho visibiliza possibilidades de encarar alterações no que concerne ao lugar estatuto e formas de praticar esta actividade em Moçambique

Last August marked 10 years since the start of the Camisea project, and it is undeniable the influence that it has had in Peru. However, it is also unquestionable that during the last decade, the country has suffered from critic mismanagement, called «centralism». In this context, the author gives an overview of the state of the natural gas industry in Peru. Finally, he makes reference to researches aimed at gaining access to natural gas outside the capital. / El pasado mes de agosto se cumplieron 10 años desde el inicio de operación del proyecto Camisea, y es innegable la influencia que ha tenido este proyecto en el Perú. Sin embargo, también resulta incuestionable que en esta última década el país ha padecido de una crítica mala gestión, llamada «centralismo». En este contexto, el autor hace un repaso de la situación de la industria del gas natural en el Perú. Finalmente, hace referencia a investigaciones destinadas a lograr el acceso al gas natural fuera de la capital.

Cette thèse s’attache à mettre en lumière l’organisation du système des beaux-arts et les conditions de production des œuvres d’art en Espagne entre 1853 et 1898, autour de trois pôles principaux : Madrid, Barcelone et Séville. Dans cette période de crise politique et économique, généralement envisagée sous le prisme du paradigme du retard ou de l’échec, la désillusion des artistes fut une réalité. Loin de conduire à la passivité, elle engendra un désir de « régénération » culturelle, de nombreuses controverses sur la manière d’encourager les arts ainsi que tout un jeu de comparaisons et de regards portés vers l’étranger. Ce bouillonnement intellectuel fut à l’origine d’un renouveau des structures de promotion des arts se traduisant par la création de musées, d’expositions, de concours ou par la concession de pensions. L’analyse des missions artistiques de la Maison royale, du ministère du Développement, des députations, des associations artistiques et des sociétés économiques des amis du pays s’appuie sur des études de cas et révèle les acteurs à l’œuvre : petits ou hauts fonctionnaires, artistes méconnus ou renommés, hommes politiques. Fondé sur un vaste travail de recherche en archives, ce parcours dans le paysage des arts espagnols permet de mieux comprendre quels furent les objectifs, les conséquences et les spécificités de l’encouragement public et privé de l’art, d’un point de vue régional et national, dans un contexte de construction de l’État-Nation. / This dissertation aims to bring to light the organization of the fine arts system and the conditions under which works of art were produced in Spain between 1853 and 1898, centering on three leading cities: Madrid, Barcelona, and Seville. During this period of political and economic crisis, usually understood through the lens of the paradigm of Spanish backwardness or failure, the artists’ disenchantment was considerable. However, far from driving them into passive resignation, this spurred a desire for cultural "regeneration," born of countless debates over the way in which the arts should be supported and a keen interest in comparison with what was happening abroad. This intellectual exuberance led to a renewal of the institutions promoting the arts, giving way to the creation of museums, exhibitions, contests, and grants. The analysis of the artistic missions of the royal household, the Ministry of Development, diputaciones (provincial governments), societies of artists, and the various Economic Societies of Friends of the Country, relies on case studies and reveals the agents at work: senior and junior civil servants, not-known or famous artists, and politicians. Rooted in broad archival research, this journey through the world of Spanish art enriches our understanding of the goals, consequences, and specific features of the public and private support of the arts on a regional and national scale and within the context of the construction of the nation-state.

法國歷史長期以來多樣性文化造成的地方特殊性，在旺代地區與羅馬公教信仰結合，成為宗教信仰與地方認同的綜合體——鐘聲文化。透過教堂與教堂的鐘，神職人員掌控居民的一切活動，創造與教堂密不可分的生活經驗，也以教堂為中心建立一個居民共享的文化空間。 　　法國大革命延續波旁王室追求中央集權與教權歸屬王權的目標，希望能夠創立全國性的國家認同，打破過去各地方獨立的地方特殊性，以及宗教干預政治的傳統，並將法國建構成一個想像的共同體。而在鐘聲文化之下，旺代則希望能夠維持地方情感，保護信仰，延續法國歷史上地方精神與中央精神的抗衡。旺代戰爭的意義在於突顯出法國並不是一個單一的概念，在法國一詞之下，包含的是各種各樣的文化與生活模式。 　　旺代的地方意識，顯現出法國歷史的延續性，並沒有因為革命發生而斷裂。而法國大革命所彰顯的國家認同，目的則在使法國能真正朝向一個民族國家前進，不再是分散的、對中央沒有依賴性的不緊密結構。延續與變遷，便構成法國大革命時期，旺代地區的認同糾葛。 　　本文所要探究的，即是從旺代地區在舊制度時期羅馬公教下鐘聲文化開始，進而探討大革命發生後，在旺代戰爭過程中，地方意識與中央集權的對抗，以及戰後國家認同的問題。 / In French history, cultural diversity influenced the identity of many different regions. In the case of Vendée, local identity, strengthened by the Roman Catholic Church, formed a special concept, which was described as “esprit du clocher”. The rhythm of daily life, as well as the general view of the world, was dominated by the church bell. Even after the French revolution, the French government followed the example from the ancien régime. They tried to replace this feeling of local identity with the spirit of a new nation. The general tendency of centralization continued. However, Vendée tried hard to maintain their long held approach. The Vendée War was a result of the cumulation of this tension. The outcome of this war proved that the new national identity was prevailing. In this thesis, the author wishes to examine the transition from the esprit du clocher to the esprit de la nation.

[pt] Com a engenhosa sobreposição constitucional de espaços políticos autônomos, de cidadãos comuns, num único território nacional, os Founding Fathers inauguraram o federalismo moderno. Tal revolução manifestou, em ato, a potência de uma multidão que desejou constituir novas realidades – mais comuns e plenas –, e novos modos de viver e decidir. Em sua fórmula original – de inspiração liberal, democrática, pluralista, igualitária e solidária –, o equilíbrio federativo confiou à União Federal apenas questões merecedoras de especial agilidade, unidade ou uniformidade – como, e.g., a declaração de guerra, a cunhagem de moedas, e padronização de pesos e medidas. Mantiveram-se descentralizadas todas as demais competências políticas das antigas colônias, recém-libertas. Desde então, uma tendência centralista e homogeneizadora, acentuada pelas exigências do Estado-social, desvia o federalismo da sua natureza limitadora do poder, protetora da liberdade, conciliadora de interesses gerais e específicos, e afirmativa de um locus privilegiado de cidadania. Nesta dissertação, o conflito irreconciliável entre a radicalidade inovadora do poder constituinte e as estruturas conservadoras que produz, a cada vez que altera a realidade, é o contexto em que se avalia eventual instrumentalidade da nossa jurisdição constitucional em relação a um federalismo centralizador, paternalista, quase nominal, no qual restariam aos entes subnacionais poucas e vigiadas liberdades. Nessa investigação, a recente fiscalização dos espaços políticos federativos pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal, à luz dos pressupostos teóricos, indica a posição da Corte nas disputas federativas de poder, e sua releitura, especialmente sob a perspectiva do princípio da subsidiariedade – expressão federativa das ideias de diversidade e solidariedade – revela outras possibilidades interpretativas. / [en] With the ingenious constitutional superposition of autonomous political spaces of common citizens into a single national territory, the Founding Fathers have inaugurated the modern federalism. This revolution has expressed, in act, the power of a multitude that wished to establish new realities – more common and full – and new ways of living and making decisions. In its original formula – from a liberal, democratic, pluralistic, egalitarian and caring inspiration – the federal balance entrusted to the Federal Government only issues deserving special promptitude, unity or uniformity – e.g., the declaration of war, coinage, and the standardization of weights and measures. All other political powers of the former colonies, recently freed, remained decentralized. Since then, a centralist and homogenizing trend, accentuated by the demands of the Welfare State, diverts the federalism from its power-limiting, protector of freedom, conciliator of general and specific interests, and guarantor of a privileged locus of citizenship nature. In this dissertation, the irreconcilable conflict between the groundbreaking radical nature of the constituent power and the conservative structures it produces every time it changes the reality is the context in which it is evaluated any possible instrumentality of our constitutional jurisdiction in relation to a centralized and paternalistic, almost nominal, federalism in which only a few and monitored freedoms would remain for the subnational entities. In this investigation, the recent surveillance of federal political spaces by the Brazilian Supreme Court, in light of theoretical assumptions, indicates the position of the Court in federative disputes for power, and their rereading, especially from the perspective of the principle of subsidiarity – federative expression of the ideas of diversity and solidarity – reveals other interpretational possibilities.