I examine the current state of democracy in the United States and how it has evolved from its original, direct form. Present-day problems with democracy emerge in part because of a failure to exercise our autonomy, which is the very basis of our self-governance. To consistently improve the ways in which we organize ourselves in society, I suggest a civil duty to become informed about political issues and engage with others from different backgrounds. Because we exercise reason in order to determine governance, thoughtful deliberation provides opportunities to include more diverse opinions and ideas in political decision-making. I outline an ideal deliberative democracy that would better serve the interests of the constituents given the uniqueness of today’s challenges. To explore the value of deliberation, I examine Immanuel Kant’s text “What is Enlightenment?” and Michel Foucault’s text in response to Kant. I argue that if deliberation is carried out with intention, citizens in a democracy can help strengthen the system by fulfilling duties of civility. Foucault’s historicocritical examination of ourselves reinstates our autonomy and allows an emergence from a state of immaturity. Recognition of our condition in the present day is, I will argue, an achievement of progress towards a dynamic conception of personal and collective enlightenment.

Orientador: Renata Coelho Marchezan / Banca: Edna Fernandes Nascimento / Banca: Arnaldo Cortina / Banca: Juscelino Pernanmbuco / Banca: Luiz Antônio Ferreira / Resumo: Esta pesquisa propôs analisar as entrevistas dadas pelo ex-presidente Lula, ao programa de rádio "Café com o Presidente", e verificar como o éthos do ator Lula foi construído nas suas respostas e que diferenças podem ser verificadas na construção de sua imagem com relação ao período eleitoral de propagandas, do ano de 2006, analisadas em nossa dissertação de mestrado. O trabalho fundamenta-se na teoria semiótica de origem francesa, desenvolvida por Algirdas Julien Greimas, que tem como objeto de estudo o sentido, mais especificamente o "parecer do sentido". O corpus da análise foi selecionado levando em consideração o período anterior e posterior às eleições de 2006. O procedimento metodológico adotado consistiu em separar o corpus, delimitando as entrevistas do programa "Café com o Presidente" do primeiro semestre do ano de 2006 e do primeiro semestre de 2007. O éthos do ator Lula foi analisado juntamente com a figuratividade e a tematização de seu discurso, já que as figuras que recobrem seu discurso auxiliam na constituição de sua imagem. O gênero entrevista foi analisado separadamente, segundo os postulados teóricos do Círculo de Bakhtin. Com base nas análises foi possível comprovar que o ator Lula se constrói, nos dois momentos analisados, com um sincretismo de papéis temáticos de presidente e candidato e, por meio da alternância desses dois papéis temáticos, mostra-se como sujeito competente, para realizar a performance esperada e desejada pelo enunciatário. As análises demonstraram ainda que nos dois períodos analisados, o ator Lula, aspectualizado como presidente ou como candidato, evidencia a preocupação em construir e apresentar uma imagem de político compromissado e preocupado com seus eleitores e com o bem-estar da população brasileira. As figuras... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: This research aimed at analysing the interviews given by the ex-president Lula, to the radio programme called "Café com o Presidente" ("Coffee with the President"), and verifying how the ethos of the actor Lula was built through his answers and which differences could be checked in the construction of his image in relation to the electoral advertising period, form 2006, analysed in our masters degree dissertation. Based on the French semiotics theory, developed by Algirdas Julien Greimas, which aims at studying the sense, mainly, what the sense appears to be, the analysed corpus was selected taking into account the period before and the period after the 2006 elections. The adopted methodological procedure consisted in separating the corpus, and delimitating the interviews of the programme "Café com o Presidente" ("Coffee with the President") of the first term of 2006 and the first term of 2007. The ethos of the actor Lula was in a analysed together with the figurativization and thematization of his discourse, since the figures which recover his discourse help in his image constitution. The interview genre was analysed in a separate session, according to the theoretical assumptions of the Bakhtin Circle. Based on the analysis it was possible to confirm that the actor Lula is built, in both moments, with a syncretism of thematic roles of president and candidate and through the alternation of such roles, is seen as a competent subject, to achieve the waited and wanted performance by the enunciator. The analysis also demonstrated that in both periods, the actor Lula, aspectualised as president or candidate, evidentiates the worries in constructing and presenting the image of a politician committed and worried about his voters and the well-being of the Brazilian population. The figures used in his discourse... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Doutor

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Данная работа посвящена особенностям адаптации англоязычных заимствований общественно-политического дискурса в русском и испанском языках. Теоретическая часть исследования включает в себя определение терминологической базы и особенностей перевода общественно-политических текстов; выявление функций англоязычных заимствований в общественно-политическом дискурсе и формулировку основных способов адаптации англоязычных заимствований общественно-политического дискурса к нормам принимающего языка. В методологической части исследования представлен анализ существующих публикаций и научно-исследовательских работ, посвященных англоязычным заимствованиям, а также определены методы и методологические принципы настоящего исследования. Практическая часть посвящена отбору и интерпретации материала исследования, анализу способов и моделей адаптации англоязычных заимствований общественно-политического дискурса в русском и испанском языках на сформированном материале исследования, а также сравнительному анализу выявленных способов и моделей. В Заключении представлены основные выводы данной исследовательской работы. Результаты исследования могут быть использованы для анализа англоязычных заимствований в других языках-реципиентах и для анализа заимствований из других языков, а также для адаптации новой лексики, заимствованной из английского языка, к нормам русского и испанского языков. / This study is dedicated to English-language borrowings of socio-political discourse in Russian and Spanish and features of their adaptation to the receiving languages. The theoretical part of the study includes the definition of the study terminology and the description of the translation of socio-political texts and its main features; the identification of the functions of English-language borrowings in socio-political discourse and the elaboration on the main ways of English-language borrowing adaptation to the norms of the receiving languages. The methodological part of the study represents an analysis of the existing scientific publications and research papers on English-language borrowings, as well as the methods and methodological principles of the current study. The practical part is devoted to the selection and interpretation of the study material, the analysis of methods and models of English-language borrowing adaptation to the norms of Russian and Spanish languages based on the study material, as well as a comparative analysis of the identified methods and models of English-language borrowing adaptation. The main takeaways of this study are presented in the conclusion. The results of this study can be used to analyze English-language borrowings in other recipient languages and to analyze borrowings from other languages, as well as to adapt new vocabulary borrowed from English to the norms of Russian and Spanish languages.

This thesis analyzes the political discourse on skilled labour migration in Germany between 2005 and 2009 and investigates how and why skilled labour migration polices are negotiated in the Federal Republic of Germany. In particular the thesis highlights the significance of underlying policy maker motives within the policy formation process of Germany s 2009 Action Programme on Skilled Labour Migration as well as their ultimate imprint on the legislation. The critical discourse analysis of parliamentary debate in Germany between 2005 and 2009 in conjunction with interviews with relevant national policy makers, institutional actors, labour market stakeholder, and independent policy advisors reveals that there is a significant discrepancy between policy maker intent in regards to skilled labour migration legislation and the stated intent of the 2009 Action Programme. While the stated aim of the Action Programme is to facilitate and promote skilled labour migration to Germany, the analysis of relevant political debate and the stakeholder interviews reveals that German policy makers are primarily motivated to protect and promote preferential labour market access for domestic workers while at the same time restricting undesired labour migration to Germany. As a result, the policy measures of the 2009 Action Programme on Skilled Labour Migration have a strong protectionist and restrictionist emphasis. Moreover, the thesis reveals that the complex and multilayered power-negotiations over skilled labour migration legislation between the various policy makers, institutional actors, and labour market stakeholders are largely shaped and framed by domestic political considerations. Notwithstanding the widely acknowledged global competition over skilled workers and the need for German labour market to maintain competitive within the global economy, immigration policy makers in Germany are primarily motivated by factors that are firmly embedded within the national political sphere and that aim to control, limit, and restrict territorial access of foreign workers into the national labour market. This in turn highlights the need for migration scholars to reposition and re-conceptualize the role of the nation-state and as an active agent in shaping international labour migration flows.

In its function as a mediating body between the political decision-makers and the population, the media have the potential to influence the public opinion and subsequently, policy making. Representations of political discourses are opinion-shaping instruments and often not mere reflections of a given reality; they incorporate implicit and explicit, conscious and unconscious evaluations. In cross-cultural contexts where information travels across languages the media are highly dependent on translation. Despite its central role, media translation as part of the political process has only recently gained visibility in Translation Studies (TS) and remains widely neglected outside the discipline. Current research in TS often prioritises either the textual analysis or, more recently, the identification of the shaping factors in the news production process, and often fails to address diachronic aspects. This thesis investigates the translations of Goebbels’ speeches as published in the French and British press during the interwar period. It combines a synchronic and diachronic textual analysis, inspired by CDA with an in-depth study of context which draws on socio-historical research and the analysis of archival material. Thereby, the thesis is able to link the textual makeup to a wide variety of socio-political and historical variables via the concepts of ‘framing’ and ‘agenda-setting’. In doing so the thesis demonstrates on the one hand, how translation can function as a means of discourse mediation and, on the other hand, it provides evidence that ideology and political expediency alone cannot explain all textual changes introduced by the translator-journalists. Moreover, describing the development of the media images not only allows to add a translational perspective to the reception of the Third Reich but also contributes to a better understanding of the varying influence of contextual factors. The results of the diachronic analysis show that throughout the interwar period the British media published very little about Goebbels and, up until late in 1938, reports focused on the peaceful intentions he expressed. In contrast, Goebbels was frequently reported on in France and the regime was early on represented as an aggressor. Whilst trends in the quantity mirror the differing economic conditions of the newspaper markets, the quality, i.e. the actual realisation, of the media images seems to be a reflection of the differing socio-political positions of France and the United Kingdom after WW1. The development of the images clearly illustrates that the political ideology of appeasement was finally overridden in the UK in 1938 when political expediency forced the government to take a different course of action. However, the study of the editorial correspondence of the Manchester Guardian brings to light that the mosaic of factors influencing the news production process is more complex. The intervention of the involved governments, personal convictions of the foreign correspondents and the editors, spatial and temporal restrictions, issues of credibility, etc. all impacted on the particular make-up of the media texts. The synchronic textual analysis, on the other hand, reveals that the range of framing devices through which the media images were established was largely determined by text type conventions. The strategies applied range from selective-appropriation of text, repositioning of actors and labelling, to audience representation. The analysis clearly demonstrates that intersemiotic translation, i.e. the representation of the speech context, is equally important as inter- and intra-lingual instances of translation.

Ao longo das últimas décadas, o estigma relacionado a grupos minoritários em virtude da religião, etnia, sexualidade, gênero ou outras características tem consistido em tema de debate em diferentes lugares do mundo. O Brasil não constituiu exceção a essa tendência. Em 08 de dezembro de 2011, o Projeto de Lei da Câmara nº 122 (PLC 122/06), cujo objetivo principal era criminalizar a LGBTfobia no país, foi debatido na Comissão de Direitos Humanos e Legislação Participativa do Senado Federal. O projeto, proposto pela deputada federal Iara Bernardi, consistia em uma resposta aos alarmantes números da violência em função de identidade de gênero e orientação sexual no Brasil. Participaram do debate os senadores Paulo Paim, Marta Suplicy, Magno Malta, Marinor Brito, Cristovam Buarque, Lídice da Mata, Marcelo Crivella, Eduardo Suplicy e Sérgio Petecão. O registro e a transmissão do debate foram feitos pela TV Senado. O debate foi marcado por intensa discordância entre senadores favoráveis e contrários aprovação do projeto. O dissenso entre esses grupos marcou-se linguísticodiscursivamente de variadas formas, entre as quais destacamos a construção de analogias de que seus membros lançaram mão com o objetivo de justificar seus posicionamentos políticos e de argumentar em favor deles. A tese defendida neste trabalho é que as analogias, em virtude da seletividade que lhes é inerente, colaboram para a construção de conceptualizações da realidade, as quais podem ser manipuladas a depender dos objetivos argumentativos dos oradores. Pressupomos, pois, que as analogias utilizadas têm função argumentativa e podem influenciar a maneira como se conceptualiza o projeto de lei, seus defensores e aqueles que a ele se opõem a ele. Tendo isso em vista, este trabalho objetiva identificar e analisar qualitativamente as analogias empregadas, a fim de desvelar as representações do PLC 122/06 e dos debatedores com cuja criação elas colaboram. A fim de viabilizar a identificação e análise das analogias, procedeu-se à transcrição do registro do debate feito pela TV Senado, o qual ocupou aproximadamente 1h33 de uma sessão da comissão de Direitos Humanos e Legislação Participativa do Senado Federal. A transcrição do debate foi feita em conformidade com as orientações do Projeto de Estudos da Norma Linguística Urbana Culta de São Paulo (Projeto NURC-SP). Constituem a base teórica deste trabalho estudos nas áreas de Argumentação (PERELMAN & OLBRECHTS-TYTECA, 1996 [1958]), Estudos Cognitivos da Analogia (HOLYOAK, 2005; GENTNER & BOWDLE, 2008; GENTNER & FORBUS, 2011) e Estudos Críticos do Discurso (VAN DIJK, 2014, 2012, 2008, 2006), entre outros. A análise do corpus permitiu constatar que os grupos discordantes, por meio do recurso a analogias, negociam o significado da aprovação do PLC122/06 para a sociedade brasileira, ora defendendo uma pretensa aceitabilidade deste, ora negando-a. A análise permitiu, além disso, que se descrevessem os usos de analogias dos senadores em termos de nichos analógicos e amálgamas, os quais têm função estruturante e argumentativa no debate sob análise. / The stigma directed toward minority groups because of their religion, ethnicity, sexuality, genre and other features has been a debate topic in different parts of the world throughout the past decades. Brazil was no exception to that tendency. On December 8th, 2011, bill no. 122/2006, which aimed at outlawing prejudice against the LGBT community in Brazil, was debated by the Human Rights and Participative Legislation Committee of the Federal Senate. The bill, proposed by Federal Deputy Iara Bernardi, was a response to the alarming rates of crimes motivated by sex orientation and genre identity in Brazil. Senators Paulo Paim, Marta Suplicy, Magno Malta, Marinor Brito, Cristovam Buarque, Lídice da Mata, Marcelo Crivella, Eduardo Suplicy, and Sérgio Petecão participated in the debate, which was recorded and aired by TV Senado. The debate was characterized by profound dissensus between senators who were favorable and unfavorable to the approval of the bill. The dissensus between those two groups was marked linguistically and discursively in various ways, including analogies, which are used by senators to justify the political stands they take and to argument in favor of them. The thesis that is defended in this work is that, because analogies are intrinsically selective, they may create different conceptualizations of reality, which means that they may be manipulated to meet the argumentative objectives of the speakers. It is thus assumed that analogies in discourse have argumentative roles and may influence the way in which the bill, its supporters and its opponents are conceptualized. Considering that, the objective of this work is to identify and analyze qualitatively the analogies used by the senators, so that the conceptualizations of the project, its opponents and its supporters they suggest can be observed. The transcription of the debate has been done according to the guidelines published by the Project of Study of the Standard Urban Linguistic Norm of São Paulo (Projeto NURC-SP). The theoretical basis of this work is to be found in studies in the areas of Argumentation (PERELMAN & OLBRECHTS-TYTECA, 1996 [1958]), Cognitive Studies of Analogy (HOLYOAK, 2005; GENTNER & BOWDLE, 2008; GENTNER & FORBUS, 2011), Critical Discourse Studies (VAN DIJK, 2014, 2012, 2008, 2006), among others. The analysis of the corpus made possible to conclude that the two groups of senators, by means of analogies, negotiate the meaning of the approval of the bill for the Brazilian population, sometimes defending the acceptability of the bill, sometimes calling it into question. The analysis also allowed the proposal and description of the concepts of analogical niches and amalgams, which both structure the debate and are used for argumentation purposes.

Este trabalho tem como objetivo pesquisar o discurso político produzido pelo Estado Novo, sobretudo pelo seu órgão publicitário mais importante: o Departamento de Imprensa e Propaganda DIP. Ligado a isso, realiza-se também uma discussão conceitual sobre o papel das classes trabalhadores neste momento e seu relacionamento com o Estado, mostrando como elas inicialmente apareceram na literatura como agentes passivos ou massa, passando posteriormente a serem vistas como atores conscientes de suas ações. O trabalho realiza igualmente uma análise do discurso estadonovista, no qual se percebe como as imagens correntes do regime e a relação do Estado com a sociedade, foram elaboradas e debatidas por intelectuais ligados diretamente ao governo, numa revista oficial, a Cultura Política. Por fim, examina-se como esse discurso se tornava mais palatável, quando o Estado se dirigia diretamente às classes trabalhadoras, como nas festas de Primeiro de Maio. / The aim of this work is to analyze the political discourse produced by the Brazilian Government during the period known as Estado Novo. In particular, the role of DIP (the Department of Press and Propaganda) is investigated in the formulation of this discourse. The dissertation also brings a conceptual discussion about the role of the working classes in this period and their relationship with the State. In sum, the working classes were initially presented in most works as passive agents or masses, but later passed to be considered as conscious actors. Moreover this work analyses the Estado Novo discourse, noting how the images of the regime at the period as well as the manner with which the State related to society were elaborated and debated by intellectuals directly connected to the Government in an official magazine, Cultura Política. Finally the dissertation points out that the political discourse became more appealing in moments such as the May First Celebrations when the State addressed directly to the working classes.

Este trabalho tem como escopo analisar, sob o viés dos estudos do discurso e da linguagem, como se edificam discursivamente identidades para o povo leste-timorense. Para tanto, a partir do tratamento qualitativo dos elementos dos corpora, observamos os procedimentos linguístico-discursivos relacionados à ativação/construção/mobilização de frames, à construção de objetos de discurso e à patemização. Nossos corpora são compostos por dez discursos pronunciados por Xanana Gusmão em dois momentos distintos da história de Timor-Leste: no período em que atuou como guerrilheiro durante a ocupação indonésia (entre 1982 e 1993) e, posteriormente, quando ocupou o cargo de Presidente da República (entre 2001 e 2006). O desenvolvimento do trabalho está articulado em torno de cinco eixos de estudo: História, Identidade, Cognição, Análise Crítica do Discurso e Argumentação. Quanto ao aporte teórico, recorremos às pesquisas de Anderson (1993/2009), Chomsky (2015, 1999 e 1987), Durand (2009), Felgas (1956), Magalhães (1999), Ribeiro (2004), SantAnna (1997) e Thomaz (2008 e 2002), para tratar das questões de cunho histórico; no âmbito da identidade, buscamos subsídio, fundamentalmente, nos trabalhos de Moita Lopes (2006), Mendes (2005), Hall (2006, 2000) e Moscovici (2006); no que concerne aos estudos do discurso, relativamente à construção de objetos de discurso e aos frames, como elementos de natureza cognitiva, serviram-nos como fundamento as obras de Fávero (2009), Marcuschi (2007, 2005 e 2002), Aquino (2016 e 1991), Aquino e Palumbo (2018); Koch (2005, 2004, 2002 e 2001), Goffman (2006 [1974]), Fillmore (2009 [1982]) e Mondada e Dubois (2003 [1995]); por fim, no que concerne à argumentação e à análise crítica do discurso, recorremos aos trabalhos de Perelman e Olbrechts-Tyteca (1999 [1958]) van Dijk (2015, 2008, 1994 e 1983), Fairclough (2009) e Aquino (1997), respectivamente. As análises permitiram-nos identificar que os distintos projetos de construção de identidades leste-timorenses representados pelos discursos de Xanana Gusmão nos períodos analisados fundam-se em pelo menos dois frames proeminentes: o de Guerra e o de Família, durante o Período Indonésio, e o de Guerra e o de Povo Genérico, no momento Pós-Indonésio. Desse modo, observamos que a complexidade de que se reveste o conceito de identidade, para além das questões de ordem social e que se refletem nas discursivas, também se deve aos procedimentos discursivos e sociocognitivos que lhe dão forma. Os discursos de Xanana Gusmão, portanto, não apenas discorrem sobre a realidade e os anseios de transformá-la, mas atuam na construção dela, bem como na de seus personagens, atribuindo-lhes identidades que estejam em conformidade com seus projetos de dizer. / This work aims to analyze, as part of the study of discourse and language, how identities are discursively built for East Timorese people. Therefore, from the qualitative treatment of the elements of corpora, the linguistic-discursive procedures are observed related to the activation/construction/mobilization of frames, to the construction of speech objects and to pathemization. Our corpora are composed by ten speeches delivered by Xanana Gusmão in two different moments in the history of East Timor: during his period as a guerrilla during the Indonesian occupation (between 1982 and 1993) and later when he was the President (between 2001 and 2006). The development of this work is articulated around five pillars of research: History, Identity, Cognition, Critical Discourse Analysis and Argumentation. As for the theoretical contribution, we used the research of Anderson (1993/2009), Chomsky (2015, 1999 and 1987), Durand (2009), Felgas (1956), Magalhães (1999), Ribeiro (2004), Sant\'Anna (1997) and Thomaz (2008 and 2002), to deal with historical issues; in the scope of identity, we sought support, fundamentally, in the works of Moita Lopes (2006), Mendes (2005), Hall (2006, 2000) and Moscovici (2006); what concerns discourse studies, regarding the construction of discourse objects and frames, as elements of a cognitive nature, we made use of the works of Fávero (2009), Marcuschi (2007, 2005 and 2002), Aquino (2016 and 1991), Aquino and Palumbo (2018); Koch (2005, 2004, 2002 and 2001), Goffman (2006 [1974]), Fillmore (2009 [1982]) and Mondada and Dubois (2003 [1995]); finally, with regard to the argumentation and critical analysis of the discourse, we resorted to the works of Perelman and Olbrechts-Tyteca (1999 [1958]) van Dijk (2015, 2008, 1994 and 1983), Fairclough (2009) and Aquino (1997). The analyzes allowed us to identify that the distinct projects of construction of the East Timorese identities represented by Xanana Gusmão\'s discourses in the analyzed periods are based on at least two prominent frames: War and Family, during the \"Indonesian Period\" , and War and Generic People, in the \"Post-Indonesian\" period. Thus, we observe that the complexity of the concept of identity, beyond social issues and reflected in the discourses, is also due to the discursive and socio-cognitive procedures that shape them. The discourses of Xanana Gusmão, therefore, not only discuss the reality and the yearnings to transform it, but act in the construction of it, as well as of its characters, attributing to them identities that are in conformity with his speech project.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T19:34:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ismael Silva Candido.pdf: 856146 bytes, checksum: ba1c4b562a47bcd7855594428a10bd18 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-10-07 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The objective of this study is to analyze the application of rhetorical devices in the political discourse and training, over the years, the ethos of José Sarney. For the analysis, we made use of four speeches delivered in various moments of his political career. Support the analysis rhetorical studies of Aristotle (2005), Reboul (2004), Perelman and Tyteca (2005). Charaudeau (2005) provides the basis for the study of political discourse. We have used yet, contemporary works, mainly written by investigative journalists who reported facts occurred in private and public life of José Sarney, which show the gap between spoken and lived. Analyzed by the inductive method, talks by Sarney during his presidency of the Republic, candidate for president of the Senate and finally, his farewell speech to leave the chair Senator. In all his pronouncements it is evident intended to accentuate features fair, honest, competent, although unfavorable circumstances prove otherwise. Thus, the creation of your image is given by the three rhetorical proof: ethos, pathos and logos, but without a doubt what stands out is the ethos that, according to Aristotle is the most important, because it is the speaker's character. The relevance of this research lies in the fact that politicians are always concerned about your ethos in society, that is your audience, it is necessary to show the rhetorical tricks used in the speech, given that the speaker, the may speak, act and influence that audience. On the other hand, it is important to show the politicians the importance of shaping, cultivate and watch your image with your audience then, is it, your greatest asset in the camp of politics / O objetivo deste estudo é analisar a aplicação dos artifícios retóricos no âmbito do discurso político e a formação, ao longo dos anos, do ethos de José Sarney. Para a análise, fizemos uso de quatro discursos proferidos em momentos diversos de sua trajetória política. Sustentam a análise os estudos retóricos de Aristóteles (2005), Reboul (2004), Perelman e Tyteca (2005). Charaudeau (2005) fornece a base para os estudos sobre o discurso político. Valemo-nos ainda, de obras contemporâneas, principalmente escritas por jornalistas investigativos que relataram fatos ocorridos na vida pública e particular de José Sarney, que evidenciam o distanciamento entre o falado e o vivido. Analisamos pelo método indutivo, os discursos proferidos por Sarney durante seu mandato de presidente da República, candidato a presidente do Senado Federal e por fim, seu discurso de despedida ao deixar a cadeira de Senador. Em todos os seus pronunciamentos fica evidente a intenção de acentuar características de justo, honesto, competente, ainda que circunstâncias desfavoráveis demonstrem o contrário. Assim, a constituição de sua imagem se dá pelas três provas retóricas: ethos, pathos e logos, mas, sem sombra de dúvidas o que se destaca é o ethos que, segundo Aristóteles é a mais importante, por se tratar do caráter do orador. A relevância desta pesquisa encontra-se no fato de que se os políticos estão sempre preocupados com o seu ethos perante a sociedade, que é o seu auditório. Faz-se necessário mostrar as artimanhas retóricas utilizadas no discurso, haja vista que o orador, ao fazer uso da palavra, age e influencia esse auditório. Por outro lado, é importante mostrar aos agentes políticos a importância de se moldar, cultivar e zelar de sua imagem perante seu auditório pois, é ela, o seu maior patrimônio na seara da política