本研究旨在探討台北市國中生的家庭背景與民主價值的關連性研究，希望藉由政治社會化相關理論來瞭解不同家庭背景的政治文化差異是否影響國中生的政治社會化行為。 本研究是採分層及立意抽樣法，同時是研究者自行抽樣，礙於經費以及人力 的限制，所以根據研究者所研擬的研究架構自行抽樣，施測總人數為795人。依 據研究假設，筆者自行設計一份「臺北市國中生政治社會化問卷」，依本研究設 計，除於問卷開頭說明本問卷的調查目的、作答原則以及隱私之保密外，第一部 份為「政治興趣」、「家庭民主程度」、「家庭決策模式」、「家庭政治化程度」； 第二部分為「政治信任感」；第三部份為「國家認同」；第四部分為「民主價值」； 第五部分為「基本資料」。使用的統計方法採用描述性統計分析、信度分析、單 因子變異數分析、相關係數分析、迴歸分析等統計方法處理。 本研究共有以下幾點發現: 一、國中生家庭的民主程度及家庭的政治化程度與其政治興趣及民主價值有統計上的顯著相關。 二、國中生的年級高低會影響其政治興趣：在「年級」這個測量指標當中，高 年級的學生的政治興趣與低年級的學生的政治興趣具有顯著的差異，其中 高年級的政治興趣明顯高於低年級的政治興趣。 三、政治興趣與民主價值的關聯性:國中生的政治興趣高低會影響其民主價值高 低，國中生的政治興趣與民主價值兩者具有顯著的關聯性，而且在相對上 是對民主價值較具影響力的因素。 / The research aims at dealing with the relation between family background and democratic values of junior high school students in Taipei City. And hope to use the political socialization theory to understand whether the behaviors of political socialization of junior high school students will be influenced by different family backgrounds with political and cultural differences. The stratified and cluster sampling are applied, and purposive sampling sampling is conducted as well because of the limited budget and manpower. According to the research hypotheses, a questionnaire is designed and 705 valid questionnaires are returned out from 795 questionnaires. At the beginning of the questionnaire, the purpose of the research, the principles of answering questions and the promise of secrecy are explained. The first part focuses on “political interest,” “the level of democracy within the family,” “family strategy model,” “the level of politicization within the family; ” the second part focuses on “sense of political trust;” the third part focuses on“national identification,” and the fourth and fifth part focus on “democratic values” and “background information” respectively. The research uses the following analytical methods: the description covariance, reliability analysis, one-way ANOVA, correlation analysis and the regression analysis. Major findings from the research are as follows: First, statistics show that there is a positive relationship among the level of democracy within the family, the level of politicization within the family, political interest and democratic values for junior high school students. Second, among junior high school students, seniors have more intense political interest than juniors. Third, for junior high school students, there is a positive correlation between political interest and democratic values. Relatively speaking, political interest will be a more influential factor to democratic values.

Ce mémoire porte sur l’efficacité des campagnes sociales sur Internet afin d’encourager les jeunes adultes à voter. La constatation du déclin de la participation électorale des jeunes adultes nous a poussés à vouloir comprendre quels sont les enjeux qui touchent à cette problématique et comment les campagnes sociales incitatives au vote peuvent répondre à un certain besoin. La campagne électorale des élections générales canadiennes du 2 mai 2011, durant laquelle plusieurs outils Internet ont été développés pour inciter la population à voter, le plus connu étant la Boussole électorale, a constitué un contexte clé pour nous permettre d’explorer le sujet. À l’aide des théories sur l’influence des médias et de celles de la persuasion, nous allons mieux comprendre les possibilités qu’offre le Web pour la mobilisation sociale. Deux cueillettes de données ont été faites, soit une première quantitative par questionnaire pour voir le niveau de pénétration de ces outils Internet ainsi que leur appréciation, soit une deuxième qualitative par groupe de discussion afin d’approfondir la problématique de la désaffection politique et d’analyser la pertinence des campagnes sociales incitatives au vote. La mise en commun des résultats nous a permis de comprendre, entre autres, que les campagnes sociales sur Internet peuvent constituer un outil de conscientisation politique dans certaines circonstances et qu’elles peuvent bénéficier des réseaux sociaux comme Facebook et Twitter. Toutefois, le besoin d’éducation civique demeure une solution récurrente lorsqu’on parle d’encourager les jeunes adultes à voter. / This master thesis analyses the effectiveness of social campaigns on the Web that attempt to motivate youth to vote. Political apathy among young adults led us to try to understand how social campaigns reach their public and what stakes are involved in the process. The 2011 Canadian elections were a perfect opportunity to analyse such campaigns given that Internet tools were created to encourage Canadians to vote, the most notable being the Vote compass. With theories on the influence of medias and theories of persuasion, we will trace a portrait of how the Internet can help social mobilization. First, a survey allowed us to understand to what degree young adults were familiar with these Internet tools and if they appreciated them. Then, focus groups were conducted for a better understanding of political apathy and to evaluate the relevance of such social campaigns to motivate youth to vote. Results allowed us to conclude that social campaigns on the Internet could be used as educational tools to foster solid awareness of citizenship issues and that they can profit from social networks such as Facebook and Twitter.

Young male vocational students are in academia described as being less interested by politics and social issues and having less knowledge regarding democracy than other students. A culture of resistance is the appellation of the specific culture that emphasise the relations between young male vocational students. Deliberately arranged teaching with deliberate qualities has shown a positive impact on students’ learning as well as being a way of working with moral issues in school. The purpose of this study is to make researches into whether deliberately arranged teaching has an impact on  the political and social interest amongst young male vocational students. A questionnaire was conducted before and after the Civics A (social studies) course. Individual interviews, where the students’ ways of expressing themselves in regards to politics and social issues were in focus, were carried out. The deliberately arranged teaching was conducted once a week during one academic year. The students were then responsible for the content as well as ensuring that they abided by the set rules for the conversation. Limited alterations regarding the students’ interest for politics and social issues were identified in the questionnaire. However, the interviews revealed that some of the students have changed their way of looking at politics and their interest has increased. The culture of resistance that usually distinguishes the behaviour of vocational students in regards to core subjects was not found as a dominating factor. The students taking part in focus groups expressed a positive response to the deliberately arranged teaching stating it was the part of the course they enjoyed the most. To be able to express their views and listen to others was highly appreciated by the students who described themselves as serious and ambitious during classes. The teachers felt that this teaching style meant that there was a focus on relations and that the didactic question about content in the course were more complicated to execute.

In this study, the effects of CBRT monetary policy decisions on the consumer, automobile, housing and commercial loans of the banks during the period from the early of 2004 to the middle of 2011 are examined. In order to perform this study, it is benefited from weekly weighted average loan interest rate data of the banks, which is the data having the highest frequency that could be obtained from the electronic data distribution system of CBRT. Monetary policy instruments of Central Bank may change in the course of time or monetary policy could be executed by more than one instrument. Therefore, as the political interest rate would be insufficient in the calculation of the effect of monetary policy on loan interest rates of the banks, Government Dept Securities&rsquo / premiums are used instead of the political interest rates in this study to make it reflect the policies of central bank more clearly as a whole. Among the Government Dept Securities that have different maturity structure, benchmark bonds that are adapted to the expected political interest rate changes and that react to the unexpected interest rate changes at the high rate (reaction coefficient 0.983) are used. In order to weight the cointegration relation between interest rates, unrestricted error correction model is established and it is determined by Bound Test that there is a long-term relation between each interest rate and interest rate of benchmark bond. After a cointegration relation is determined among the serials, autoregressive distributed lag model is used to determine the level of transitivity and it is determined that monetary policy decisions affect the banking interest rate at 77% level and by 13 weeks delay on average.

Ce mémoire porte sur l’efficacité des campagnes sociales sur Internet afin d’encourager les jeunes adultes à voter. La constatation du déclin de la participation électorale des jeunes adultes nous a poussés à vouloir comprendre quels sont les enjeux qui touchent à cette problématique et comment les campagnes sociales incitatives au vote peuvent répondre à un certain besoin. La campagne électorale des élections générales canadiennes du 2 mai 2011, durant laquelle plusieurs outils Internet ont été développés pour inciter la population à voter, le plus connu étant la Boussole électorale, a constitué un contexte clé pour nous permettre d’explorer le sujet. À l’aide des théories sur l’influence des médias et de celles de la persuasion, nous allons mieux comprendre les possibilités qu’offre le Web pour la mobilisation sociale. Deux cueillettes de données ont été faites, soit une première quantitative par questionnaire pour voir le niveau de pénétration de ces outils Internet ainsi que leur appréciation, soit une deuxième qualitative par groupe de discussion afin d’approfondir la problématique de la désaffection politique et d’analyser la pertinence des campagnes sociales incitatives au vote. La mise en commun des résultats nous a permis de comprendre, entre autres, que les campagnes sociales sur Internet peuvent constituer un outil de conscientisation politique dans certaines circonstances et qu’elles peuvent bénéficier des réseaux sociaux comme Facebook et Twitter. Toutefois, le besoin d’éducation civique demeure une solution récurrente lorsqu’on parle d’encourager les jeunes adultes à voter. / This master thesis analyses the effectiveness of social campaigns on the Web that attempt to motivate youth to vote. Political apathy among young adults led us to try to understand how social campaigns reach their public and what stakes are involved in the process. The 2011 Canadian elections were a perfect opportunity to analyse such campaigns given that Internet tools were created to encourage Canadians to vote, the most notable being the Vote compass. With theories on the influence of medias and theories of persuasion, we will trace a portrait of how the Internet can help social mobilization. First, a survey allowed us to understand to what degree young adults were familiar with these Internet tools and if they appreciated them. Then, focus groups were conducted for a better understanding of political apathy and to evaluate the relevance of such social campaigns to motivate youth to vote. Results allowed us to conclude that social campaigns on the Internet could be used as educational tools to foster solid awareness of citizenship issues and that they can profit from social networks such as Facebook and Twitter.

The general view among researchers is that a well-functioning democracy rests in the handsof the political behaviour of citizens. In this behaviour, political interest is one of thecornerstones. Thus, there are reasons to regard it as a threat to democracy when young peopletend to have ever-lower levels of political interest. Therefore, to know how interest couldincrease, there is a need to know where it comes from and why it differs. There is yetuncertainty regarding this, notably since political interest as a concept rarely is used as adependent variable. Consequently, this thesis was aimed to explain why political interestdiffers among upper-secondary school students in Sweden. The focus was on the two types ofnational programmes, political socialization and socio-economic background. The findings of survey data (N=398) suggest that the average youth has low levels of politicalinterest. As hypothesized, there are, on average, higher levels of political interest amongstudents in preparatory academic programmes compared to vocational programmes. Alonethough, this pattern cannot explain variations of interest. Instead, agents of politicalsocialization have strong explanatory power, in particular friends and media. Also, family dohave a direct effect on political interest. However, this relationship appears to be dependent onsocio-economic background. The school as a political socialization agent cannot explaindifferences in political interest.

People in society with high levels of generalized social trust and political trust are more likely to engage in civic activism and participation. Therefore, people involved in social and political groups will likely have higher levels of generalized social and political trust than the general public. What lacks in this realm of scholarship is a solid comparison of trust among people involved in social and political groups. This case-study analysis of generalized social trust and political trust among social and political groups shows the trust that is not only generated within each group, but also which types of groups are more effective at developing citizens that participate in society. Using a researcher-designed survey instrument, two social groups and two political groups have been evaluated and compared to demonstrate members' propensity to trust others in society and those in political office at all levels of government. Sample size is 115 respondents. Among other demographic data analyzed and compared to a larger population data set in the World Values Survey, six hypotheses have been tested. Typical analysis shows demographic data or group membership as the independent variable with trust values acting as the dependent variable. Graphic and cross-tabular data show that social groups recorded higher levels of political trust than political groups. This is probably due to the ideological leanings of the political groups. Political groups showed higher levels of generalized social trust than social groups. Political group members probably feel that their actions are benefiting the greater good. Additionally, participation variables showed that not only are political group members more interested in politics than social group members, but they also have higher levels of registering to vote and to participate in the voting process. They are probably seeking to make significant change in the political system through their actions. The research conducted does not seek to provide a comprehensive analysis of trust among members of social and political groups. However, it is intended to promote the analysis of trust among people in society that have a predisposition to trust as they have shown through the act of participating in a social or political group. As foci for the development of trust, analysis of social and political groups provides a shortcut for scholars interested in the development and proliferation of trust in society. This research provides analysis of four case-study groups at one point in time. Further research using larger sample sizes and time-series analysis could advance trust analysis among social and political groups.

Career and Technical Education (CTE) teachers have long been active in lobbying the federal and state governments in support of CTE through their professional organizations, but these are not traditionally considered interest groups. This study sought to determine if the formal relationships—dues agreements—between the two largest national professional organizations, and their state affiliates had an impact on state funding for CTE. The impacts of professional organization unity, membership rates, and lobbying expenses on state-level CTE funding were analyzed through the lens of interest group theory, a subfield of political science. Within this population (N = 13), 1) a link was found between dues agreement type and funding; 2) Agricultural educators joined their professional organization(s) at higher rates than other CTE teachers; 3) a low relationship was discovered between professional organization membership percentages and funding; and 4) a high degree of relationship was found between lobbying expenses and funding.

Cette thèse étudie certains des facteurs liés au développement de l'intérêt pour la politique chez les adolescents à l'aide de trois articles. J'utilise des données provenant d'une enquête par questionnaires, conduite durant trois ans auprès de jeunes Montréalais étudiant au secondaire. Le premier article examine le rôle du réseau social (parents, amis et enseignants) dans le développement de l'intérêt. Je démontre que les parents qui discutent souvent de politique sont plus susceptibles d'avoir des enfants intéressés par la politique et dont l'intérêt se développera. Cependant, le rôle des autres agents de socialisation ne devrait pas être sous-estimé. Les amis ont souvent un effet similaire aux parents lorsqu'il s'agit du changement dans l'intérêt, et les résultats suggèrent que les enseignants, à travers certains cours comme ceux d'histoire, peuvent jouer un rôle civique important. Le deuxième article aborde la question de la causalité entre l'intérêt politique et trois attitudes: le cynisme, l'attachement partisan et le sens du devoir. Il s'agit de voir quel effet la présence de ces attitudes chez les adolescents a sur le développement de leur intérêt politique, et inversement, si l'intérêt a un effet sur le changement dans ces attitudes. Je démontre qu'il existe une relation de réciprocité entre l'intérêt et le cynisme, de même qu'entre l'intérêt et le sens du devoir. Cependant, dans le cas de l'attachement partisan, l'effet est unidirectionnel: le fait d'aimer un parti n'est pas lié à la présence d'intérêt ou de désintérêt politique, alors que cette attitude influence le développement de l'intérêt pour la politique. Le troisième article aborde la question du développement de l'intérêt à l'aide d'entrevues. Treize jeunes ayant répondu aux trois vagues de l'enquête par questionnaires ont été rencontrés et leurs commentaires permettent de répondre à trois questions de recherche: les jeunes ont-ils une image négative de la politique? Les jeunes fuient-ils la controverse? Leurs amis occupent-ils une place prépondérante dans le développement de leur intérêt? Ces jeunes expriment une opinion très nuancée de la politique, de même qu'un goût pour les débats et autres images concrètes de la politique. Par contre, leur intérêt ne se reflète pas dans un engagement soutenu. Enfin, leurs parents sont plus importants que leurs amis lorsqu'il s'agit du développement de leur intérêt pour la politique. / This dissertation studies factors linked to the development of political interest among teenagers through three articles. I use panel data from questionnaires distributed each year for three years to Montreal high school students. The first article examines the role of the social network (parents, friends, teachers) in the development of political interest. I demonstrate that parents who often discuss politics have children who are more interested in politics and who are more likely to develop political interest. The effect of other agents of socialization should not be underestimated, however, as friends were often found to be on par with parents concerning their influence on change in political interest, and results concerning teachers suggest that some classes, history in this case, can play an important civic role. The second article addresses the question of causality between political interest and three attitudes: cynicism, party attachment and civic duty. I investigate the extent to which these attitudes have an effect on change in political interest, and, conversely, the extent to which political interest affects change in these attitudes. Analysis of the data shows a reciprocal relationship between cynicism and interest, as well as between civic duty and interest. In the case of party affinity, however, the effect is unidirectional. Party affinity does not emerge as a result of political interest or disinterest, while this attitude was found to influence the development of political interest. The third article uses interviews to address the question of the development of political interest. Thirteen teenagers, each of whom participated in all three waves of the panel survey, were interviewed. Their comments were analyzed in light of three research questions: Do young people have a negative image of politics? Are they conflict-averse? Are their friends central in the development of their political interest? Teenagers express a moderate opinion of politics, often devoid of the cynicism attributed them, as well as a taste for debates and other concrete practices of politics. Their interest, however, does not reflect strong engagement. Finally, their parents are more important than their friends when it comes to the development of their political interest.

Cette thèse étudie certains des facteurs liés au développement de l'intérêt pour la politique chez les adolescents à l'aide de trois articles. J'utilise des données provenant d'une enquête par questionnaires, conduite durant trois ans auprès de jeunes Montréalais étudiant au secondaire. Le premier article examine le rôle du réseau social (parents, amis et enseignants) dans le développement de l'intérêt. Je démontre que les parents qui discutent souvent de politique sont plus susceptibles d'avoir des enfants intéressés par la politique et dont l'intérêt se développera. Cependant, le rôle des autres agents de socialisation ne devrait pas être sous-estimé. Les amis ont souvent un effet similaire aux parents lorsqu'il s'agit du changement dans l'intérêt, et les résultats suggèrent que les enseignants, à travers certains cours comme ceux d'histoire, peuvent jouer un rôle civique important. Le deuxième article aborde la question de la causalité entre l'intérêt politique et trois attitudes: le cynisme, l'attachement partisan et le sens du devoir. Il s'agit de voir quel effet la présence de ces attitudes chez les adolescents a sur le développement de leur intérêt politique, et inversement, si l'intérêt a un effet sur le changement dans ces attitudes. Je démontre qu'il existe une relation de réciprocité entre l'intérêt et le cynisme, de même qu'entre l'intérêt et le sens du devoir. Cependant, dans le cas de l'attachement partisan, l'effet est unidirectionnel: le fait d'aimer un parti n'est pas lié à la présence d'intérêt ou de désintérêt politique, alors que cette attitude influence le développement de l'intérêt pour la politique. Le troisième article aborde la question du développement de l'intérêt à l'aide d'entrevues. Treize jeunes ayant répondu aux trois vagues de l'enquête par questionnaires ont été rencontrés et leurs commentaires permettent de répondre à trois questions de recherche: les jeunes ont-ils une image négative de la politique? Les jeunes fuient-ils la controverse? Leurs amis occupent-ils une place prépondérante dans le développement de leur intérêt? Ces jeunes expriment une opinion très nuancée de la politique, de même qu'un goût pour les débats et autres images concrètes de la politique. Par contre, leur intérêt ne se reflète pas dans un engagement soutenu. Enfin, leurs parents sont plus importants que leurs amis lorsqu'il s'agit du développement de leur intérêt pour la politique. / This dissertation studies factors linked to the development of political interest among teenagers through three articles. I use panel data from questionnaires distributed each year for three years to Montreal high school students. The first article examines the role of the social network (parents, friends, teachers) in the development of political interest. I demonstrate that parents who often discuss politics have children who are more interested in politics and who are more likely to develop political interest. The effect of other agents of socialization should not be underestimated, however, as friends were often found to be on par with parents concerning their influence on change in political interest, and results concerning teachers suggest that some classes, history in this case, can play an important civic role. The second article addresses the question of causality between political interest and three attitudes: cynicism, party attachment and civic duty. I investigate the extent to which these attitudes have an effect on change in political interest, and, conversely, the extent to which political interest affects change in these attitudes. Analysis of the data shows a reciprocal relationship between cynicism and interest, as well as between civic duty and interest. In the case of party affinity, however, the effect is unidirectional. Party affinity does not emerge as a result of political interest or disinterest, while this attitude was found to influence the development of political interest. The third article uses interviews to address the question of the development of political interest. Thirteen teenagers, each of whom participated in all three waves of the panel survey, were interviewed. Their comments were analyzed in light of three research questions: Do young people have a negative image of politics? Are they conflict-averse? Are their friends central in the development of their political interest? Teenagers express a moderate opinion of politics, often devoid of the cynicism attributed them, as well as a taste for debates and other concrete practices of politics. Their interest, however, does not reflect strong engagement. Finally, their parents are more important than their friends when it comes to the development of their political interest.