Legal forms of political persecution in the Czechoslovak Republic in the period of communist totalitarian régime This thesis Legal forms of political persecution in the Czechoslovak Republic in the period of communist totalitarian régime is divided into five chapters. In the theoretical part of the thesis (chapter No. 1) the author defines examined period to be between years 1948-1960, defines political persecution as a legal term and desribes the ideological basis of communist law. In the end of this chapter there is a categorisation of legal forms of political persecution that is reflected in the core part of this work. In the second chapter author depicts causes of political persecution in the Czechoslovak Republic in the period of communist totalitarian régime that are based on legal and political developement between years 1945 and 1948. In the scope of this chapter author also offers a general characteristics of the period of so called Third republic. Constitutional developement in the Czechoslovak Republic after second world war and the system of Popular Front of Czechs and Slovaks are also depicted here. This chapter also includes assessment of the constitutional system of the Czechoslovak Republic between years 1948 and 1960 and of the political situation in the years 1945-1948. The...

Daily event data on a group of sub-Saharan African nations from 1975 to 1982 are analyzed to determine the nature of the short term relationship between acts of regime repression and dissident reaction. The results support the Relative Deprivation prediction of an "Inverted U" relationship between acts of repression and acts of Turmoil. Conversely, the concurrence of "U-shape" and "Negative Linear" relationships between repression and acts of Internal War suggest that a mixture of frustration-aggression and cost-benefit analysis may affect dissident behaviour. Moreover, the simultaneous strength of the deprivation indicators and the weakness of the mobilization indicators support the conclusion that a synthesis of the two main approaches to the study of social movement behaviour is in order.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2007. / Title from first page of PDF file. Includes bibliographical references (p. 212-230).

Orientador: Michael McDonald Hall / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas. Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-20T02:13:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marchetti_OlavoBaldi_M.pdf: 1674286 bytes, checksum: 64a85c6cd29b17cab6d4e05409491bbe (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: Durante a década de 1930 o governo de Getúlio Vargas adotou uma série de medidas de controle social, visando garantir o apoio e afastar as oposições ao seu projeto de Estado. Essas medidas tinham como objetivo influir também sobre a comunidade estrangeira instalada no país, e a partir de 1938 foram promulgados decretos especificamente elaborados para conter os possíveis problemas que o governo acreditava que o elemento estrangeiro poderia trazer. Dentre esses problemas a atuação política era ponto central. Neste período a comunidade italiana no Brasil sofria fortes influências do governo fascista, que desde a década de 1920 investia na propaganda do regime entre os súditos emigrados, a fim de elevar o seu prestígio internacional e assim conseguir também apoio para a implementação de seus projetos de governo. Para tanto, inventivou a organização de seus súditos através de associações dos mais diversos tipos, da imprensa e de outros meios. Os esforços de implementação dos projetos de ambos governos atingiram a comunidade italiana do estado de São Paulo. Em meados da década de 1930, quando as relações diplomáticas entre os dois países eram boas, os italianos aqui instalados conseguiram manter uma expressiva rede de associações de caráter étnico. Mas, à medida que as relações Brasil/Itália foram se desgastando, devido às disputas no cenário internacional, a situação dos italianos passou a ser menos favorável para a expressão de sentimentos nacionalistas e de pertencimento étnico, situação esta agravada pela entrada do Brasil na Segunda Guerra ao lado do bloco Aliado. Diante das medidas, os italianos de São Paulo vão procurar maneiras de reagir e se adaptar. Assim, tanto a elaboração do projeto de controle dos estrangeiros, quanto as ações policiais para colocá-lo em prática e a reação da comumidade italiana têm muito a nos dizer sobre as intenções e os posicionamentos do Estado brasileiro no período, sobre suas formas de atuação perante a sociedade e também sobre a relação desses italianos com a etnicidade, a política, com o grupo e com a sociedade brasileira / Abstract: Throughout the 1930?s, Getulio Vargas?s government took several measures of social control to obtain wider support and weaken the opposition to his State project. These measures also aimed to better control the foreign community here installed, and from 1938 the government started publishing decrees especially prepared for dealing with problems that the government believed the foreigners were likely to bring. Among these problems, political activity was a central one. During that period the Italian community suffered the influence of the fascist government that had been investing in political propaganda targeting the emigrant community since the 1920?s, with the intention of elevating Italy?s international prestige and also gaining support for their project. In order to do that, they invested in the organization of their subjects through associations of all sorts, the press and other institutions. The efforts to implement both State projects affected the Italian community of São Paulo. In the mid 1930?s, when the diplomatic channels between both countries were open, the Italians here installed were able to maintain an expressive ethnic association network. But, with the tensions between both nations rising because of the international agenda, the conditions for the Italians to manifest their nationalist and ethnic sentiment of belonging got tougher, a situation aggravated by Brazil?s decision to join the Allies in World War II. Against Vargas's measures of foreign control, the Italian community of São Paulo sought ways to react and adapt. The setting of Brazil?s foreign control project, the police actions to run the project and the Italian community?s reaction have much to say about the intentions and political standings of the Brazilian State at the time and about its manners of dealing with the national society. It also reveals the relationship of the Italian community with their national and ethnical feelings, with politics, with their own group and, last but not least, with Brazilian society / Mestrado / Historia Social / Mestre em História

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Text in English / The study was designed to determine the influence of politics in policing in Ethiopia generally pre-1991 and post-1991 as this is the period that characterise the Ethiopian political system, which underwent tremendous changes taking along various initiatives in its move towards democratisation. It is important to note how policing was figured and reconfigured during this period in view of its critical role in the social and political system of the country. In fact, during turbulent and peaceful political changes in the country it was often used as an arm to safeguard or brutalise people. The study also indicates the extent to which the Ethiopian police as an institution has been mandated to maintain law and order while at the same time has undergone various structural and organisational changes in an attempt to move it away from undue political influence. Furthermore, the study indicates the extent to which policing is embedded into politics which by itself is a challenge because the police are expected to be professionally independent in order to uphold the rule of law while at the same time guaranteeing the safety and security of all the inhabitants of the country. This indicates the interconnectedness of policing and politics as the police are required to enforce the laws that are enacted by the government and influenced by the ruling party. Government policies are politically driven and formulated by the party in power, thus making politics to create and direct police institutions in the fulfilment of peace and security in the country. Despite the fact that the police should operate within certain degree of independence, they still have to take orders and direction from the politically established government. That is why the determination of the degree of influence is essential as it indicates whether there is undue influence or not. In view of the above inter-related issues, this thesis aims to analyse the influence of politics in policing in Ethiopia indicating how this has influenced policing in various eras. / Police Practice / D. Litt. et Phil. (Police Science)

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-05-08T11:33:15Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Jussaramar da Silva.pdf: 2370521 bytes, checksum: 37bbc5a72b0346472d4366ee888da000 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-08T11:33:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jussaramar da Silva.pdf: 2370521 bytes, checksum: 37bbc5a72b0346472d4366ee888da000 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-04-20 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This thesis deals with the repressive connections in the Southern Cone between the 1960s and 1990s, looking at how these countries have transformed their security systems into what can be called a singular repressive system, based on the articulation between agents and unity in Modus operandi adopted among various nations of this sub-continent, creating the practice of State Terror. Such connection merged the Counterrevolutionary War Doctrine with the National Security Doctrines, both practiced by external orientation, either French, or North American; Creating an International System of Repression. The strategies and tactics adopted in the persecutory actions against the "internal enemy" prove this connection; Demonstrating the financing of National States with this practice through the creation of training centers in order to standardize such actions or with the involvement of military attachés, whose most terrifying face is evident in the extermination practices, torture and extrajudicial actions that involved The official armed forces or their illegal arms, such as paramilitaries and death squads / Esta tese versa sobre as conexões repressivas no Cone Sul entre as décadas de 1960 a 1990, verificando como esses países transformaram seus sistemas de segurança no que se pode denominar um sistema repressivo no singular, tendo como fundamento a articulação entre os agentes e a unidade no modus operandi adotado entre as diversas nações deste sub-continente, criando a prática do Terror de Estado. Tal conexão fundiu a Doutrina de Guerra Contrarrevolucionária com as Doutrinas de Segurança Nacional, ambas praticadas por orientação externa, seja francesa, seja norte-americana; criando um Sistema Internacional de Repressão. As estratégias e táticas adotadas nas ações persecutórias contra o “inimigo interno” comprovam tal conexão; demonstrando o financiamento dos Estados Nacionais com tal prática, através da criação de escolas de formação, a fim de uniformizar tais ações, ou com o envolvimento de adidos militares, cuja face mais tenebrosa se evidencia nas práticas de extermínio, torturas e ações extrajudiciais que envolveram as forças armadas oficiais ou seus braços ilegais, como paramilitares e esquadrões da morte

Aquesta tesi doctoral documenta els actors principals i secundaris del fenomen del revisionisme històric i del negacionisme en relació a la història de la persecució política de la llengua catalana i analitza els arguments del revisionisme des de la transició democràtica espanyola fins als nostres dies, amb especial èmfasi en la relativització de la política lingüística de la dinastia borbònica en els segles XVIII i XIX, l’edulcorament de la repressió cultural de la dictadura de Miguel Primo de Rivera i la minimització de l’intent de genocidi cultural franquista. Aquesta anàlisi del discurs revisionista finalitza amb unes conclusions que expliquen el rerefons profund d’aquest fenomen en l’actualitat. / Esta tesis doctoral documenta los actores principales y secundarios del fenómeno del revisionismo histórico y del negacionismo en relación con la historia de la persecución política de la lengua catalana y analiza los argumentos del revisionismo desde la transición democrática española hasta nuestros días, con especial énfasis en la relativización de la política lingüística de la dinastía borbónica en los siglos XVIII y XIX, el edulcoramiento de la represión cultural de la dictadura de Primo de Rivera y la minimización del intento de genocidio cultural franquista. Este análisis del discurso revisionista finaliza con unas conclusiones que explican el trasfondo profundo de este fenómeno en la actualidad. / This thesis documents the leading and supporting protagonists of the historical revisionism and denial phenomenon regarding the history of political persecution of the Catalan language and analyzes the arguments for revisionism from the transition to democracy in Spain until the present day, with special emphasis on the playing down of the language policy of the Bourbon dynasty in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the easing of the cultural repression of the Miguel Primo de Rivera dictatorship and the minimization of the attempted cultural genocide of the Franco regime. This revisionist discourse analysis reaches conclusions to explain the deep background of this phenomenon.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 2001. / Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Jan. 31, 2007). Vita. Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 74-85).

The focus of this study is to establish how victimization through violence has affected the families who are interviewed. The purpose is to describe how the family’s world has changed in different moments during the political strife in South Africa. The different context or moments are those of political inactivity, the struggle years, the period after the struggle when the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was constituted and the new world order in which the families continue with their lives. Using a phenomenological approach, the experiences of families subjected to different forms of political violence, such as disappearances of victims, torture in detention and death in detention, are discussed. The literature review on violence in the South African context situates any discourse which occurred within the broader social, historical and political context. Systems Theory, Social Identity Theory and an Integrated Theory of Political Violence are used as theoretical perspectives in understanding the interconnectedness between violence which affected the families in the present study and the whole society. The qualitative research interview method postulated by Kvale (1996) has been used to collect data from the families. This procedure has enabled the researcher to study the data as it emerged thus allowing an understanding of the essential meanings implicit in the participants’ descriptions of their experiences. The data consists of audio taped interviews conducted with twenty-two members from ten families. This resulted in twenty-two protocols which were transcribed and analysed. The analysis of the protocols, though used differently from the situated structure identified by Wertz (1983), brought essential themes common to all participants. The research findings reveal themes which demonstrate that experiences of the families subjected to political violence had an impact on their lives. They remember living routinely before the struggle against the apartheid structures. This is remembered as a very long time. The struggle years brought disintegration of the family unit as people fled their homes into exile. Others disappeared, were detained, tortured and dies in prison. The relationship between the families and their children was that of concern, as parents discouraged their children to participate in the political activities. The effects of violence culminated in hardship for many families as they experienced an absence of a helpful community, alienation from political organizations, and distrust of the State during the time that missing family members could not be traced by the security police. This distrust also existed among the communities who were experiencing suffering through incidents of black on black violence. The introduction of the TRC, as a major these with sub-themes of healing and forgiveness, is perceived positively by these families. At last, they feel that through this process their suffering of loss of their children, husbands and wives is acknowledged. However, there are divergent opinions about this acknowledgement, as research findings point to an incomplete sense of individual healing for these families though they have told their stories of pain and suffering. This is a controversial issue which needs further research to explicate if individual experience off the victim is perceived to be similar to the collective experience of the broader community. The performance of rituals and memories on behalf of their dead fulfils an important healing role for the families. There is ambivalence about forgiveness for many families as they feel that perpetrators who seek amnesty have not made full disclosures about their activities. There is polarization that surfaces between the present government and the families who testified with regard to reparation which was included as a clause in the TRC process. The families in the present study perceive that in order to continue with the new world order, they have to be compensated for their suffering. Further research should investigate if reparations to individuals who testified before the TRC would be healing, before implementing processes that would heal the whole nation. / Thesis (DPhil (Psychotherapy))--University of Pretoria, 2007. / Psychology / unrestricted