Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-05-09T13:40:17Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Ana Cristina Alves Balbino.pdf: 3166881 bytes, checksum: 93b0eda175156109920849b8b3df0546 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-09T13:40:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ana Cristina Alves Balbino.pdf: 3166881 bytes, checksum: 93b0eda175156109920849b8b3df0546 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-23 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / The recent history of our country is formed by institutional violence and disregard for the rule of law. The experiences of those who have faced dictatorial impositions should be examples of the struggle for a better country. In this way, Raphael Martinelli's memoirs become important for the understanding of the period for this research, from 1939 to 1973. Trade unionism, especially in the Santos Jundiaí railroad, and the struggle against the civil-military dictatorship established after 1964, are examples of topics to be reflected and observed, so that we can review concepts and values today. This work attempts to trace a biography of political activist Raphael Martinelli, who has his life summarized in: a quick pass for youth football, the team of the São Paulo Athletic Club, current National Athletic Club, the experience of being a railroad in the São Paulo Railway, the presidency of the Railroad Workers' Union in São Paulo and the National Federation of Railroad Workers, head of the CGT, political persecution with the 1964 coup, participation in the National Liberation Action (ALN) and imprisonment in 1971, in Operation Bandeirante (Oban). The documentation used for this research is summarized in the biography “Iron Stations: Raphael Martinelli”; documents from your personal collection, such as police records, videos, interviews. To know the history of Martinelli is to get in touch with moments of political and social changes of our country. Its context of life is marked by four central points, that divided the chapters of this thesis: soccer, railroad, syndicalism and armed struggle. The themes are discussed from their experiences and memories. Through them we can see other possibilities, from a country that at the moment when it was learning to discuss democratic issues, such as the Basic Reforms, proposed by President João Goulart; and the relations between workers through their main representation, the union, suffered a heavy blow, with the seizure of power by the military, backed by civilian sectors, as wealthy landowners / A história recente de nosso país é formada pela violência institucional e pelo desrespeito ao estado de direito. As experiências daqueles que enfrentaram as imposições ditatoriais devem ser exemplo da luta por um país melhor. Dessa maneira, as memórias de Raphael Martinelli tornam-se importantes para o entendimento do período destinado à esta pesquisa, 1939 a 1973. O sindicalismo, em especial na ferrovia Santos Jundiaí, e a luta contra a ditadura civil-militar, instaurada a partir de 1964, são exemplos de temas a serem refletidos e observados, de maneira que possamos rever conceitos e valores nos dias de hoje. Nesse trabalho, tentamos traçar uma biografia do militante político Raphael Martinelli, cuja vida pode ser resumida em: uma passagem rápida pelo futebol na juventude, no time do São Paulo Athletic Clube, atual Nacional Atlético Clube; a experiência de ser ferroviário na São Paulo Railway; a presidência do Sindicato dos Ferroviários, em São Paulo; e da Federação Nacional dos Ferroviários; dirigente do Comando Geral dos Trabalhadores (CGT); a perseguição política com o golpe de 1964; a participação na Ação Libertadora Nacional (ALN); e a prisão em 1971, na Operação Bandeirante (Oban). A documentação que utilizamos para essa pesquisa resume-se na biografia “Estações de Ferro: Raphael Martinelli”; em documentos de seu acervo pessoal, tais como: fichas policiais, vídeos, entrevistas. Conhecer a história de Martinelli é entrar em contato com momentos de mudanças políticas e sociais de nosso país. Seu contexto de vida é marcado por quatro pontos centrais, que dividiram os capítulos desta tese: futebol, ferrovia, sindicalismo e luta armada. Os temas são discutidos a partir de suas experiências e memórias. Por meio delas, torna-se possível observarmos outras possibilidades de um país que – no momento em que estava aprendendo a discutir questões democráticas, como as Reformas de Base, propostas pelo presidente João Goulart, e as relações entre trabalhadores, por meio de sua principal representação, o sindicato – sofreu um duro golpe, com a tomada do poder pelos militares, apoiados por setores civis, como ricos proprietários

El règim de la Restauració (1875-1898) no va ser pas, com en ocasions s’ha afirmat, un període de pau, estabilitat i consens social. El seu caràcter oligàrquic i no democràtic, la seva voluntat de marginar del sistema les forces polítiques dissidents (carlins i republicans), i la voluntat de no atendre les aspiracions de les classes subordinades, es va traduir en una multiplicació dels conflictes i dels desordres públics, l’anàlisi dels quals ha estat un dels principals eixos del meu treball. Altre eix important ha estat l’anàlisi de la resposta governamental davant aquests conflictes, constatant-se que aquesta es va dur a terme tant a través de pràctiques extremes de control social, com a través d’una política d’ordre públic dirigida a reprimir violentament qualsevol acció contraria al règim. Aquesta repressió es va veure emparada per tot un arsenal legal que li va donar cobertura i va pretendre legitimar les accions de les forces d’ordre, permetent pràctiques com la suspensió abusiva de les garanties constitucionals o la declaració directa de l’estat de guerra. Davant la multiplicació dels conflictes no es va optar per un model de seguretat basat en unes forces d’ordre públic de caire civil, sinó que es va optar per un model de seguretat militaritzat, situació gens aliena al fet que l’Exèrcit mostrés en tot moment la intenció de mantenir la seva preeminència com a garant de l’ordre públic, tal i com venia succeint amb anterioritat al període restauracionista, i certificant, en definitiva, que les suposades pretensions civilistes de la Restauració no van ser més que un miratge que la realitat va acabar diluint. L’opció pel militarisme quedaria palesada en la decisió que l’Exèrcit i la Guàrdia Civil, un cos militaritzat, fossin els principals agents de la repressió, emprant sovint una violència indiscriminada davant de qualsevol revolta, aldarull, motí, protesta o vaga, amb actuacions no sempre legítimes i, en ocasions, il•legals, posant també en evidència la manca d’accions preventives i dissuasòries eficaces. Aquesta militarització de la política de l’ordre públic es va intensificar durant l’última dècada del període davant l’augment de les demandes més organitzades de les classes subordinades, a través de vagues, revoltes, mítings polítics, l’esclat d’artefactes contra interessos patronals i mobilitzacions com les del Primer de Maig, fins arribar a la màxima expressió del conflicte contra l’Estat i les oligarquies dominants amb fenòmens com el terrorisme anarquista de la propaganda pel fet. Atemptats com el patit pel general Martínez Campos, el del teatre del Liceu barceloní i el de Canvis Nous van tenir la seva resposta més contundent en l’elaboració de lleis especials contra l’anarquisme, que certificaven la militarització de l’ordre públic i el predomini de la jurisdicció militar sobre l’ordinària. A més, van proliferar les actuacions governamentals fora de la legalitat, com les detencions indiscriminades, l’aplicació de tortures als detinguts i els judicis sense garanties, com el tristament famós procés de Montjuïc, contestat, per una banda, amb una intensa campanya de denúncies de les tortures patides pels processats i, d’altra banda, amb l’assassinat del president Cánovas del Castillo. / PUBLIC ORDER POLICY AND REPRESSION DURING THE RESTORATION PERIOD (1875-1898) The Restoration period (1875-1898) had never been, as it has sometimes been stated, a period of peaceful consensual stability. The oligarchic and non-democratic nature of the regime, its tendency to marginalise the opposing political forces (the carlists and the republicans) and not to attend the subordinate classes’ aspirations resulted in an increase of struggles and public disorders. The analysis of the latter forms one of the principal elements of this thesis. Another important element in my work has been the analysis of the government’s response facing these conflicts. It has been demonstrated that its actions were carried out not only through extreme social control but also by public order policies that led to violent repression of any action against the regime. This repression was covered by a number of laws which intended to legitimate the Public Forces’ actions such as outrageous suspension of constitutional rights or direct declaration of the state of war. Facing an increase in the number of conflicts, the regime did not opt for a security model based on civilian forces; instead chose to follow a model based on military order. This choice was not strange considering that, at that time, the Army was showing a clear intention of holding to a preeminent role as guarantor of the public order, as it had been before the Restoration period. This demonstrated that the supposed civilian intentions of the Restoration period were no more than an illusion blurred by the reality. The militarization option was evidenced by the decision of making the Army and the Guardia Civil, a militarized institution, the main agents of repression. They often used indiscriminate violence when facing any uprising, disturbance, riot, protest or strike. Their actions were not always legitimate and, on occasions, they were illegal, demonstrating the lack of preventive and deterrent measures of the regime. The militarization of the public order policy was intensified as a consequence of the increase of more organized subordinate social classes’ claims during the last decade of the period. These would manifest in strikes, organized riots, political meetings, setting off explosive devices against the employers’ interests and demonstrations such as the one of the 1st May. The struggle against the State and dominant oligarchies reached its climax putting into practice the propaganda by the deed of anarchist terrorism.

On May 16 2006 the government of Zimbabwe embarked on a clean-up programme of urban centres, destroying informal human settlements and informal businesses. This operation, which the government called operation "Restore Order", resulted in the displacement of nearly one million people and left thousands of families homeless. This study is a discussion and an analysis of the coverage of the clean-up operation by two of Zimbabwe's leading Sunday newspapers, The Sunday Mail and The Standard. The Sunday Mail is owned by the Zimbabwe government and The Standard is privately owned and perceived to be oppositional to the current Zimbabwe government. The two newspapers, therefore, covered the clean-up operation from different perspectives and often presented conflicting reports explaining why the clean-up operation was carried out and the extent of its impact on the lives of millions of Zimbabweans. The chosen research approach is the Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) framework as developed by Fairclough (1995). Using CDA, this study seeks to find out and expose the underlying ideological struggles for hegemony between different social and political groups in Zimbabwe and how the newspapers became actors in this process. This process is made possible by looking at how news reporting is organised in the two newspapers, issues of language use, sourcing and external factors that influenced the coverage of the operation.

The investigation of political delinquency of Czechoslovakian military personnel in the years 1948 - 1989 Abstract The primary objective of this dissertation is to reconstruct the investigation of political delinquency in the environment of military forces. The text is focused on the persecution of military personnel in the years 1948 - 1989. The key issue is described in the broader context of the socialistic legal system and contemporary structure of power and political development of the Czechoslovakian state. The author used methods of legal history, the roots of which are interdisciplinary and lie on the boundary of legal and historical science. The text is integrating the recent material and procedural criminal law, which is considered to be a part of public law. Moreover, this theses draws out of archival sources and files created by military investigating organs and organs of military prosecution. The author also used rare historical sources, which are typical for contemporary history. We are talking about film documents and memories of participant. Basic stated algorithm is bet in the context of Czechoslovakian political progress after events in February 1948. Implemented research showed the fact, that political delinquency of military personnel was its special form. Consequently, this topic...

The study was designed to determine the influence of politics in policing in Ethiopia generally pre-1991 and post-1991 as this is the period that characterise the Ethiopian political system, which underwent tremendous changes taking along various initiatives in its move towards democratisation. It is important to note how policing was figured and reconfigured during this period in view of its critical role in the social and political system of the country. In fact, during turbulent and peaceful political changes in the country it was often used as an arm to safeguard or brutalise people. The study also indicates the extent to which the Ethiopian police as an institution has been mandated to maintain law and order while at the same time has undergone various structural and organisational changes in an attempt to move it away from undue political influence. Furthermore, the study indicates the extent to which policing is embedded into politics which by itself is a challenge because the police are expected to be professionally independent in order to uphold the rule of law while at the same time guaranteeing the safety and security of all the inhabitants of the country. This indicates the interconnectedness of policing and politics as the police are required to enforce the laws that are enacted by the government and influenced by the ruling party. Government policies are politically driven and formulated by the party in power, thus making politics to create and direct police institutions in the fulfilment of peace and security in the country. Despite the fact that the police should operate within certain degree of independence, they still have to take orders and direction from the politically established government. That is why the determination of the degree of influence is essential as it indicates whether there is undue influence or not. In view of the above inter-related issues, this thesis aims to analyse the influence of politics in policing in Ethiopia indicating how this has influenced policing in various eras. / Police Practice / D. Litt. et Phil. (Police Science)

This thesis was inspired by the question of how the state addresses irregular challenges for its survival and reputation. It used an example of the confrontation between illegal armed groups (IAGs) operating in the North Caucasus and the Russian state in 2007-2014. Investigation started by asking to what extent do repressive and reconciliatory counter tactics decrease the level of violence produced by illegal armed groups? The thesis was situated in-between of deterrence and backlash theories to examine (in)effectiveness of repressive and reconciliatory policies. It accounted for (in)effectiveness by investigating whether the policy decreases or increases the level of insurgency-related violence; namely, whether it causes deterrence or backlash, in the case of repression or, alternatively, whether it causes conformity or backlash in the case of reconciliation. The thesis operationalised its main variables by disaggregating the strategy into separate repressive and reconciliatory tactics. It considered, on the one hand, three types of IAGs tactics: armed assault, bombings (suicide bombing, vehicle bomb, bomb placement, bomb tossing, firing, fake bomb) and hostage taking. One the other hand, the state tactics were divided into four categories: repressive indiscriminate (regime of counterterrorist operation, clash, and shelling), repressive discriminate (special operation, shooting, arrest, seizure, and detection), reconciliatory indiscriminate (involvement of civil society through dialogue, and socio-economic development), and reconciliatory discriminate (amnesty and reintegration). The thesis expected targeted repressive operations to suppress active IAGs members, whereas socio-economic incentives to contribute to maintaining the success of violent repressive operations. To test these hypotheses, the thesis relied on large empirical data, specially collected from the open sources, including 3270 episodes of IAG-initiated violence and 6114 governmental repressive actions. Data for reconciliatory efforts was taken from official statistics. The thesis used a generalized linear negative binomial and a generalized additive negative binomial model to assess the relationship between governmental policies and the level of violence. The thesis found that discriminate violence does indeed decrease attacks. However, it causes an immediate strong backlash effect at first, and only with considerable time and magnitude of repression eventually leads to the reduction of violence. The more discriminate repression is applied the less backlash it causes. Unlike repression, reconciliatory tactics produce a decrease in attacks. Thus, the thesis found partial support for both deterrence and backlash models. It, however, showed that deterrence effect overcomes initial backlash reaction.

The Master's thesis "The Life Afterwards. The Return of Czechoslovak Political Prisoners to Society" is concerned with the topic of the re-integration of Czechoslovak political prisoners of the 1950s back into society after their release from prison. In the conceptual framework I provide the political and historical background of the Communist Czechoslovakia during the 1950s. I discuss the concept of political prisoner and describe the living conditions in prisons and labor camps. As observed from their narration, I also briefly outline the various strategies employed by political prisoners in their attempts to deal with imprisonment. Although the descriptions of the respondents' arrests and events that had led up to them are topics not directly concerned with the primary topic of my thesis, they are included, because they are vital in understanding the existential and other re-integration-related problems these prisoners faced. In my research, I employ the qualitative method of oral history. I focus on the time period when the interviewees were released from prison and try to describe the numerous issues they faced and had to deal with. More specifically, I focus on family and friendship relations, which had been often disrupted and the issue of seeking a new employment, an area of life in which...

After a general overview of the persecution of Gypsies (Roma) during World War II, this thesis focuses on the situation of Gypsies on the territory of Serbia and Croatia. The two republics are chosen because of their unique structures during the years 1941 to 1945. Both republics had puppet regimes set up by Germany; however, Croatia was an ally to Germany and strove to mirror the Third Reich in all its policies. The regime's head, Ante Pavelic, was known as one of the most brutal and merciless men on the territory of Yugoslavia, and with him Croatian paramilitary forces committed great atrocities in concentration camps established in Croatia. Serbia was divided up among Germany and its allies, and its racial policies varied depending on the occupying forces. In Croatia, all Gypsies were annihilated, but in Serbia many survived because of the protection provided by local peasantry and occupying forces from Hungary, Bulgaria or Italy. The thesis points at four main findings: (1) the negligence toward the Gypsies' plight and persecution; (2) the fact that, according to Nazi definitions, the persecution of Gypsies was based on their race rather than their style of living; (3) the fact that there were multiple concentration camps throughout the territory of Yugoslavia, with the most brutal camp at Jasenovac in Croatia; and (4) the fact that the Holocaust was far more than a Jewish phenomenon. Examining the two regions and highlighting them, the thesis proves that the fate of Gypsies in German-occupied territories of Yugoslavia was the same as the fate of Jews, that they were persecuted under superficial excuses, but with racial sentiments as the primary motivation. This new material, along with little known facts, documents, and stories show how marginalized Gypsies have been since the end of the war, and how little scholarly attention has been paid to their suffering. These new and some unpublished materials also help depict the brutality of Jasenovac, the Auschwitz of the Balkans, and prove that the atrocities during World War II were not committed only by German soldiers, but that they reached their peak among people of other nationalities as well. Finally, the thesis claims that Gypsies deserve to be placed in the study of the Holocaust along side of Jews, and to receive the rights and remembrance that Jews have been afforded.

Orientador: Michael McDonald Hall / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-04T19:26:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silva_RodrigoRosada_M.pdf: 2447945 bytes, checksum: b399743e3d50183d6064b0dff535de86 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / Resumo: Fruto de pesquisa junto aos acervos do Departamento Estadual de Ordem Política e Social de São Paulo (DEOPS) e aos jornais anarquistas compilados por militantes e depositados no Arquivo Edgard Leuenroth na UNICAMP, esse trabalho demonstra, para além da sobrevivência do anarquismo nos anos 1930, suas atividades relacionadas à prática sindical, política e cultural. Tendo os periódicos libertários e os prontuários da polícia política como fontes privilegiadas, aponta, por um lado, a vigilância e repressão exercida contra a imprensa anarquista, e por outro a resistência às arbitrariedades policiais em voga durante a ditadura de Getúlio Vargas. Durante a pesquisa ficou evidente a intensa agitação anarquista dos primeiros anos pós-golpe de 1930, passando pelas ondas repressivas de 1935 a 1937, chegando até meados da década de 1940. As ações de apoio aos prisioneiros levadas a cabo pelo Comitê Pró Presos Sociais colocava em prática a solidariedade tão cara aos anarquistas. Discute-se o conceito de crime político e de crime de Estado, para melhor compreender as práticas ilegais vigentes na época / Abstract: As a result of researches through the DEOPS (State Department of Political and Social Order) and the anarchist newspapers compiled by militants and deposited in Edgard Leuenroth¿s Archive (AEL) in the UNICAMP, this work demonstrate, beyond the survive of the anarchism in the 1930¿s, its activities related to trade-union, political and cultural practices. Taking libertarians periodics and political police documents as selected source, points the surveilance and the repression against the anarchist press, and on the other hand the resistance to police arbitrariness of the Getúlio Vargas dictatorship. During the research appears the intense anarchist agitation on the first years after the 1930¿s coup d¿etat, pasing throgh the repressives waves of 1935 and 1937, going to middle 1940¿s. Support actions to the prisoners taken by the Pro Social Prisoners Committee put in practice the anarchist solidarity. Discussing the concept of political crime and the state crime, try to understand the ilegal actions in existence on that period / Mestrado / Historia Social do Trabalho / Mestre em História

L’opposition au coup d’État de 1973 au sein des forces armées chiliennes a été significative. En effet, un nombre symptomatique d’officiers, tout comme un nombre considérable des membres de la troupe, ont répondu « Non » à l’ordre de renverser le gouvernement légitime. Ces militaires légitimistes ont été particulièrement actifs dans la Marine, institution qui vit un conflit entre sa structure archaïque et le statut social de technicien acquis par les marins. Ce derniers perçoivent, avant d’autres secteurs de la société, le danger d’un coup d’État et vont tenter de s’organiser, tout d’abord pour informer les autorités et ensuite pour tenter de le faire avorter. <p>Notre objectif est de retracer l’histoire du mouvement des marins légitimistes et notre hypothèse de travail est que le coup d’État de 1973 n’est pas l’œuvre de l’armée mais d’une fraction de celle-ci.<p><p>Nous avons consulté quatre catégories de sources :<p>1) La presse :6 quotidiens et 2 hebdomadaires opposés au gouvernement d’Allende; 4 quotidiens, 2 hebdomadaires et un bimensuel proches du gouvernement ou de gauche. <p>2) Les essais, documents politiques, témoignages et mémoires, particulièrement les mémoires des quatre amiraux organisateurs du coup d’État. <p>3) Les procès entamés contre les marins dès la fin du gouvernement d’Allende, dont les 6.000 pages du célèbre procès 3926 contre les marins de la flotte.<p>4) Nous avons interviewé 30 marins, ce qui correspond à environ un tiers des marins condamnés par les tribunaux navals sous la dictature. En outre, nous avons interviewé, des militants, des avocats, un procureur, un général de l’aviation opposé au coup d’État, un officier de la Marine opposé au coup d’État et un officier de la Marine favorable au coup d’État. Au total 52 interviews qui totalisent un bon millier de pages.<p><p>L’introduction présente le sujet et explique sa pertinence :les réunions entre les marins et les dirigeants politiques restent un événement souvent cité dans l’historiographie qui justifie le coup d’État.<p>Le ch. I est un travail de compilation sur l’histoire des révoltes de marins au XXe siècle, pour identifier les éléments communs entre elles.<p>Le ch. II tente de situer la Marine chilienne dans son contexte historique et social, rappelant les conflits qui ont secoué la force navale et sa réorganisation lors du début de la Guerre froide et décrivant le contenu de l’enseignement donné à l’École navale des officiers. <p>Le ch. III décrit la vie sociale dans la Marine de 1970 –l’année de l’élection présidentielle– surtout les relations difficiles entre la troupe et les officiers. Celles-ci se manifestent à travers des réactions contradictoires au résultat de l’élection. Pendant les premiers mois du gouvernement d’Allende, un nombre croissant d’officiers manifeste son opposition, alors que des « hommes de mer » (la troupe) s’organisent pour le défendre.<p>Les ch. IV et V couvrent la période qui va de 1971 jusqu’à la première tentative de coup d’État le 29 juin 1973 (el Tanquetazo). Elle est marquée d’une part par l’adhésion de la plupart des officiers aux thèses putschistes, et d’autre part, par un notable développement des groupes de marins antiputschistes. Nous décrivons les relations structurelles entre les officiers et civils conjurés et l’établissement des relations entre des groupes de marins et certains partis politiques de gauche. Ce travail décrit la réunion secrète où plusieurs groupes de marins, tentent d’établir une coordination et discutent s’il faut agir avant que le coup d’État ne soit déclenché ou seulement en réaction à celui-ci.<p>Le chapitre VI couvre les cinq « semaines décisives » qui s’écoulent entre la tentative de putsch du 29 juin et l’arrestation des marins de la flotte, le 5 août 1973. Dans la Marine, la préparation du coup d’État arrive à sa phase finale, avec un affairement perceptible. Beaucoup de marins craignent d’être forcés à y participer. Dans ce contexte, le groupe de marins de la flotte formule une ébauche de plan d’occupation des navires et organise des réunions avec des dirigeants de gauche pour tenter une action qui ferait avorter le coup d’État imminent. Nous avons pu retracer ce plan ainsi que les célèbres réunions avec les dirigeants du PS, du MAPU et du MIR, grâce à plusieurs témoignages de marins et de « civils » présents dans ces réunions.<p>Le chapitre VII décrit la période entre l’arrestation des marins et les semaines qui suivent le coup d’État, décrivant les premières tortures, la difficile situation du gouvernement d’Allende, qui attaque en justice les marins « infiltrés », et le débat politique et juridique suscité par les arrestations et tortures, un des derniers débats démocratiques. <p>Le chapitre VIII expose la poursuite des procès sous la dictature. Parmi les avocats pro deo qui se contentent d’une timide défense pour la forme, nous avons trouvé une défense exceptionnelle des marins sur le plan politique :« le devoir de tout militaire est de défendre le gouvernement légitime », affirme l’avocate Lidia Hogtert, une dame de 75 ans, qui, en 1975, ose défier la justice militaire. En 1988, à la fin de la dictature, lorsque l’ancien secrétaire du MAPU Oscar Garretón se présente devant la justice navale, le cas connaît un nouveau retentissement :après plusieurs condamnations par des tribunaux militaires, Garreton obtient une victoire complète à la Cour Suprême. Il est acquitté de toute accusation pour « sédition et mutinerie ». / Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished