This thesis focuses on liberal peace building in the DRC. The thesis takes a critical approach which emphasises local agencies and their engagements with liberal peace building. However, it seeks to bring this critique back to the institutions with which liberal peace building is preoccupied, by focusing on the hidden local that operates within these institutions. This approach seeks to give new meaning to processes of institution building without rendering institutions irrelevant as a top-down approach. Focusing on the first legislature of the Congolese Third Republic (2006-2011) this thesis provides a case study of how local agencies consume liberal democracy within the National Assembly, and make it their own. It discusses current liberal peace building practices as a process of mutual disengagement, in which both the local and liberal intervention seek to disengage from each other. Although this results in a lack of legitimacy of the peace building project both locally as well as with liberal interventions, it also creates hybrid space in which local agencies consume liberal democracy. The thesis conceptualises these local agencies as being convivial, in other words, they are enabled by people's relations. The thesis therefore focuses on MPs relations with their electorate, as well as with the executive and other MPs in their party or ruling coalition. In through these interactions local agencies consume liberal democracy – it is accepted, rejected, diverted, substituted, etc. The thesis concludes that through these practices of consumption local agencies negotiate liberal democracy. The liberal democratic framework is kept intact, but it is not enabled to function as foreseen, because local agencies are responsive to a moral matrix of the father-family. However, the liberal democratic framework itself provides new tools through which local agencies also renegotiate the unwritten rules of the moral matrix of the father-family.

The change in regional governance in Sweden is regularly understood in terms of a shift from ’government’ to ’governance’, from a redistributive policy to a policy that aims to encourage regional innovation, competitiveness and growth. This shift also includes the adoption of global policy models, such as ’clusters’.  In the literature on the global spread of policies it has been argued that a market for global policies has developed. This is not least evident through the expansion of global consultancy firms, international policy organisations as well as a cosmopolitan elite of travelling policy technocrats. Theoretically and methodologically this study contributes to scholarly discussions of how new forms of governance can be analysed, and especially how governmentality studies can be utilised and combined with analyses of the messy political practices of specific policies and programs. The study analyses the discursive shift in regional policy in Sweden: contested elements erased, conflicts concealed and the political order produced. By empirically departing from a ’cluster policy network’ lodged within a Swedish region, cluster policy is analysed as an assemblage of global circuits of knowledge, expertise and local relations of power. A broad range of materials for analysis have been generated through interviews, participant observations and documents. The production of policy knowledge is an overarching political rationality of contemporary forms of regional governance, translated into technologies such as benchmarking, regional comparisons, competitions, evaluations and best-practice. Based on the empirical analyses it is argued that the lack of power critique and a hyper-rational representation of knowledge produce an international market for legitimacy. It is further argued that five characteristics of the policy regime (’the regional cluster orchestra’) contributes to the reproduction of the policy regime, and relations of domination. / Baksidestext Avhandlingen tar sin utgångspunkt i vad som har beskrivits som en marknad för globala policymodeller. I Sverige har klusterbegreppet, med ursprung i ekonomisk och geografisk teoribildning, fått stort genomslag i regionalpolitiken. I den samtida regionalpolitiken har också produktionen av olika former av policykunskap utvecklats till centrala styrningsteknologier: benchmarking, best practice, utvärderingar, uppföljningar, mätningar och konkurrensutsatta tävlingar om regionala utvecklingsmedel. Genom kunskap och ständigt lärande ska Sveriges regioner frälsas. I avhandlingen studeras den scen där ett regionalt förankrat policynätverk agerar och den kunskap som produceras. Regionalpolitikens rationalitet innebär att det blir centralt för regionerna att agera som enhetliga aktörer och visa upp en lyckad och framgångsrik fasad. Det argumenteras för att bristen på maktanalys, och en hyperrationell syn på kunskap i regionalpolitiken innebär att regionalpolitikens styrningsteknologier producerar en internationell marknad för legitimitet som i sin tur reproducerar ordningen och döljer dominansrelationer.

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / A presente pesquisa tem o objetivo de resgatar e analisar as relaÃÃes de poder e prÃticas polÃticas dos gestores do municÃpio de Pereiro, situado na regiÃo do Vale do Jaguaribe, estado do CearÃ, no perÃodo 1936 a 2012. Nossa anÃlise apoia-se no referencial teÃrico do mandonismo local de Maria Isaura Pereiro de Queiroz e na tese do sistema coronelista de Victor Nunes Leal. TambÃm nos apropriamos dos resultados de estudos e pesquisas de historiadores, cientistas sociais, sociÃlogos e cientistas polÃticos cearenses contemporÃneos que versam acerca da polÃtica cearense. Foi por intermÃdio do entrelaÃamento desse referencial teÃrico, entrevistas e outras fontes, que fizemos a reconstituiÃÃo das relaÃÃes, do exercÃcio do poder e das disputas polÃticas entre as facÃÃes polÃticas do municÃpio. Por meio de descriÃÃo e anÃlise qualitativa, destacamos a forma que o prefeito ascende ao poder, como governa, como se sustenta no poder e o porquà de ter perdido tal poder. Para compreendermos esses aspectos, foi necessÃrio fazer a ligaÃÃo da polÃtica local com os fatos, mudanÃas e rupturas econÃmicas e polÃticas decorrentes no Ãmbito nacional e estadual, que replicaram no Ãmbito municipal, influenciando a ascensÃo ou derrocada do governante municipal. A partir dessas percepÃÃes, observamos que o municÃpio passou por vÃrios ciclos de comando ou domÃnio polÃticos. Desde sua fundaÃÃo, em 1842, atà o ano de 1930, o municÃpio foi dirigido pela classe dirigente composta de colonizadores da regiÃo, fazendeiros e oficiais da Guarda Nacional de Pereiro. ApÃs a revoluÃÃo de 1930, nasce a elite polÃtica dirigente, formada por bacharÃis, fazendeiros e comerciantes. A partir de 1936, chefes polÃticos das famÃlias Nogueira de Queiroz e DiÃgenes dominariam a polÃtica local atà o fim de 1988. Desde entÃo, uma eletividade de fatores decorrente no paÃs provocaria significativa ruptura na polÃtica do estado, estendendo-se ao interior, provocando mudanÃas do sistema coronelista para o sistema democrÃtico de cunho empresarial. Levando-nos a defender a tese que os coronÃis perderam seu prestÃgio, enquanto profissionais liberais e empresÃrios ascenderam, de modo que a violÃncia material na polÃtica foi substituÃda por outros mecanismos, ou seja, a polÃtica deixou de ser resolvida à bala, como acontecia em alguns casos atà o final da dÃcada de 1980 no CearÃ. / The thesis analyzes power relations and political practices of local power elites in the municipality of Pereiro situated in the Jaguaribe Valley in the state of CearÃ, between 1936 and 2012. It withdrew its main theoretical references from the works of Maria Isaura Pereira de Queiroz on âmandonismo localâ (local despotism) and Victor Nunes Leal on âcoronelismoâ (political bosses). In addition, it surveyed recent studies by anthropologists, historians, political scientists and sociologists on the state of Cearà politics. From the review of theory and literature, it established a typology of local political power to guide qualitative field research. Through observations, and extended interviews, it described the exercise of municipal power and struggles for leadership between different factions of local political elites. It highlighted how mayors sustained different cycles of power through election. It also showed how changes and economic disruptions at the state and national levels replicated in the municipality, influenced the rise and fall of local elites. Based on these insights, it established that the municipality had gone through several political cycles. From its founding in 1842 until 1930, the first colonizers composed of farmers and officials of the National Guard ruled Pereiro. The 1930 revolution gave birth to a new ruling elite formed by a mixture of barristers, landowners and merchants. From 1936 to 1988, two political bosses representing two distinct extended local families alternated in power. However, national and state political democratic changes disrupted the oligarchic rule when it affected the traditional landownership system and forced transition to a business-based social relation. The conclusion made the case against the thesis of the survival of traditional politics. It argued that the âcoronÃisâ lost prestige to new groups composed of liberal professionals and businesspersons. Consequently, new forms of economic domination and symbolic violence replaced violence and coercion that characterized traditional politics. Since then, money and economic influence replaced guns and bullets as the means of political domination in the state of CearÃ.

This case-study provides a critical evaluation of the effects of neo-liberal (market-driven) reforms in achieving the goal of human security in Sierra Leone after the civil conflict in 2002. In the context of Sierra Leone, there are fundamental questions about the basic security of the population. This mean the ability to live without fear of conflict and the security to do with the ordinary lives of Sierra Leoneans. This is absolutely central to the post-war reconstruction of that country. It represents a major concern for the international community, the Sierra Leone Government, foreign government donors as well as the NGO communities. Underlying these issues is the subject of which development paragon is best suitable in addressing these questions, and what impact will it have on the people. To understand this, the study has framed the issues of education and health, the two aspects which this thesis focuses upon, as a commitment to human security. Human security has become a dominant theme for many development organisations around the world because of it connection with security and development. Education and health are important because they are crucial social and basic human right that should be provided without any form of unfairness by the state. Because of their multiplier effect, they assist in eradicating poverty and further the attainment of human security. The reforms, which includes privatisation and decentralisation, has been imposed primarily by the World Bank and the IMF to transform the education and health system in order to improve the human security of the Sierra Leonean people. Proponents of these reforms argued that it would provide equal access, make the system more efficient, provide more choices for the population, and enhances accountability and citizens’ participation in governance. As a result of these, the study is important for three reasons: first, it assesses the success of these reforms; second, it offers a better understanding of socio-economic development related to education and health as they are now viewed as a commodity; and third, it suggests ways of enhancing the performance of its delivery intended to assist the population. The evaluation is informed by critical theory, the theoretical framework because: of its usefulness in understanding the concept of power/knowledge, ideology and governance, as neo-liberalism has become a discourse of global common sense that frames policy options as though they were natural or not to be questioned, and yet serve to reinforce the interests of dominant groups. Critical theory enable us to make sense of the hidden power relations in the way knowledge/policy is constituted. Second, critical theory is also a qualitative approach and hence comes as a way of critiquing quantitative methodology. The study argues that it is very problematic to imagine that this strategy (neo-liberal reforms) is actually for the great masses of people living in poor conditions, while it does not address their needs and does nothing to deal with the security of their lives. The study found that the reforms were considered undemocratic, and has led to unequal access thus augmenting fears of stratification on the basis of an individual being rich or poor. Therefore, the study recommends that if the goal of human security is to be achieved, it is important to strengthen citizens’ and other local actors’ voices in governance to develop effective local policies; and government intervention and commitment is also needed to improve the performance of public schools and health care institutions in order to make them more competitive so that they can co-exist with their private counterparts. Key Words: Neo-liberalism, critical theory, education policy, health policy, human security, privatisation, decentralisation, social justice, socio-economic development.

This thesis describes and analyses the politics of the Australian DIY anarcha-punk scene and the ethos of the culture's participants. Eschewing the orthodox sub-cultural approach which situates 'punk' within a structuralist hegemony / resistance paradigm, the thesis uses participant observation and textual analysis techniques to understand the role played by zines (hand made publications) in fostering the intellectual and ethical capacities needed to participate in the Australian DIY anarcha-punk scene. The zines, in their deviation from classical anarchism, often invoke concepts of power and 'the political' analogous with those of poststructuralist theory, yet DIY anarchist politics also diverge from poststructuralism. I therefore address DIY anarchist politics by questioning the significance of these inconsistencies with Theory. In doing so I am led to suggest that the zines may be more usefully approached as elements in the ethico-political practice of DIY anarchism, which nonetheless draws on the 'conceptual vocabulary' of much poststructuralism, as well as other theoretical approaches. Thus I re-describe DIY anarchism as an ethos which seeks to argue for its agendas and values on non-foundational terms. Further, I demonstrate that by pursuing an ethos of 'autonomy', the culture's participants seek to develop their intellectual and ethical capacities through a self-consciously 'developmental' engagement of power relationships, in the form of DIY 'prefiguration' or exemplification. Following the preoccupation with gender politics in the zines and the wider scenes, I describe the approach to gender politics in similarly ethico-political terms, drawing likewise on various elements of poststructuralist and other theories. I show this feminist ethical practice to be based on assumptions about gender which embody a certain poststructuralist approach to 'gender', one that is predicated on the material effects of a discursively congealed gender structure, but forms part of an ethos aiming to deconstruct this structure. By re-describing the political approaches of these zines in reference to various theoretical perspectives and ethico-political practices, I am able to offer perspectives to the culture in question, as well as to the interdisciplinary academic context within which I am writing.

Submitted by Valquíria Barbieri (kikibarbi@hotmail.com) on 2017-09-28T20:12:40Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DISS_2014_Silmara Dencati Santa Rosa.pdf: 1479890 bytes, checksum: 87d2bfc1f7d7445cb2845b6d28a5566f (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Jordan (jordanbiblio@gmail.com) on 2017-10-02T16:04:37Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DISS_2014_Silmara Dencati Santa Rosa.pdf: 1479890 bytes, checksum: 87d2bfc1f7d7445cb2845b6d28a5566f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-10-02T16:04:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DISS_2014_Silmara Dencati Santa Rosa.pdf: 1479890 bytes, checksum: 87d2bfc1f7d7445cb2845b6d28a5566f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-05-26 / CAPES / Esta pesquisa tem como objeto de estudo a história política de Mato Grosso, da cultura política e suas práticas entre as elites mato-grossenses, com a transição do regime imperial para o regime republicano em 1889, estendendo-se até a ―Revolução‖ de 1892. A República trouxe alterações no interior das elites políticas e, no momento de inserção de um novo modelo de administração política, a reestruturação partidária era de fundamental importância para estas facções. O uso das técnicas e do capital simbólico disponível para que se organizasse e constituísse uma nova elite consiste no conjunto de práticas que serão atuantes no campo de representação de cada oligarquia. O estudo deste período compreende entender as causas e consequências que fizeram o regime imperial desmoronar, destacando entre essas causas: a Abolição da escravidão, a insatisfação do Exército e a criação do Partido Republicano em 1870, uma geração que ficou conhecida como a ―geração de 70‖ e que lutava principalmente por mudanças políticas, modernização econômica e a laicização do Estado. A historiografia regional destaca que, durante a Primeira República, uma das práticas muito utilizada foi a violência. Contudo, no período a que nos dedicamos no estudo das práticas políticas destas elites oligarcas, evidenciamos que as mais utilizadas foram às práticas da estratégia e do coronelismo. E que, utilizando destas práticas, se destaca duas famílias importantes no cenário político regional: Ponce e Murtinho. / This research has as object of study the political history of Mato Grosso, the political culture and its practices among elites from the state of Mato Grosso, with the transition from imperial regime to the republican regime in 1889, extending to the "Revolution" of 1892. The Republic brought changes within the political elite and in the moment of insertion for a new political administrative model, the party restructuring was of fundamental importance for these factions. The use of techniques and symbolic capital available to be organized and constituted the new elite are the set of practices that will be active in the representing field of each oligarchy. The study of this period comprises understand the causes and consequences that made the imperial regime collapse, highlighting among these causes: the Abolition of Slavery, the dissatisfaction of the army and the creation of the Republican Party in 1870, a generation that became known as the "generation of 70" and who fought primarily for political changes, economic modernization and the secularization of the state.. The regional historiography highlights that one of the practice was widely used during the First Republic was the violence, but in the period that we dedicated to the study of political practices of these oligarchical elites, we showed that the most frequently used were the practices of strategy and colonels. And that using of these practices, two important families are featured in the regional political scene: Ponce and Murtinho.

BEZERRA JÚNIOR, Raimundo. Relações de poder e práticas políticas no município de Pereiro-CE. 2015. 257f. – Tese (Doutorado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Sociologia, Fortaleza (CE), 2015. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2015-05-04T14:46:47Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2015_tese_rbjunior.pdf: 3495299 bytes, checksum: 91ea4870af40b7aa9a1d6f3f548f64ec (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2015-05-05T10:53:01Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2015_tese_rbjunior.pdf: 3495299 bytes, checksum: 91ea4870af40b7aa9a1d6f3f548f64ec (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-05T10:53:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2015_tese_rbjunior.pdf: 3495299 bytes, checksum: 91ea4870af40b7aa9a1d6f3f548f64ec (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / The thesis analyzes power relations and political practices of local power elites in the municipality of Pereiro situated in the Jaguaribe Valley in the state of Ceará, between 1936 and 2012. It withdrew its main theoretical references from the works of Maria Isaura Pereira de Queiroz on “mandonismo local” (local despotism) and Victor Nunes Leal on “coronelismo” (political bosses). In addition, it surveyed recent studies by anthropologists, historians, political scientists and sociologists on the state of Ceará politics. From the review of theory and literature, it established a typology of local political power to guide qualitative field research. Through observations, and extended interviews, it described the exercise of municipal power and struggles for leadership between different factions of local political elites. It highlighted how mayors sustained different cycles of power through election. It also showed how changes and economic disruptions at the state and national levels replicated in the municipality, influenced the rise and fall of local elites. Based on these insights, it established that the municipality had gone through several political cycles. From its founding in 1842 until 1930, the first colonizers composed of farmers and officials of the National Guard ruled Pereiro. The 1930 revolution gave birth to a new ruling elite formed by a mixture of barristers, landowners and merchants. From 1936 to 1988, two political bosses representing two distinct extended local families alternated in power. However, national and state political democratic changes disrupted the oligarchic rule when it affected the traditional landownership system and forced transition to a business-based social relation. The conclusion made the case against the thesis of the survival of traditional politics. It argued that the “coronéis” lost prestige to new groups composed of liberal professionals and businesspersons. Consequently, new forms of economic domination and symbolic violence replaced violence and coercion that characterized traditional politics. Since then, money and economic influence replaced guns and bullets as the means of political domination in the state of Ceará. / A presente pesquisa tem o objetivo de resgatar e analisar as relações de poder e práticas políticas dos gestores do município de Pereiro, situado na região do Vale do Jaguaribe, estado do Ceará, no período 1936 a 2012. Nossa análise apoia-se no referencial teórico do mandonismo local de Maria Isaura Pereiro de Queiroz e na tese do sistema coronelista de Victor Nunes Leal. Também nos apropriamos dos resultados de estudos e pesquisas de historiadores, cientistas sociais, sociólogos e cientistas políticos cearenses contemporâneos que versam acerca da política cearense. Foi por intermédio do entrelaçamento desse referencial teórico, entrevistas e outras fontes, que fizemos a reconstituição das relações, do exercício do poder e das disputas políticas entre as facções políticas do município. Por meio de descrição e análise qualitativa, destacamos a forma que o prefeito ascende ao poder, como governa, como se sustenta no poder e o porquê de ter perdido tal poder. Para compreendermos esses aspectos, foi necessário fazer a ligação da política local com os fatos, mudanças e rupturas econômicas e políticas decorrentes no âmbito nacional e estadual, que replicaram no âmbito municipal, influenciando a ascensão ou derrocada do governante municipal. A partir dessas percepções, observamos que o município passou por vários ciclos de comando ou domínio políticos. Desde sua fundação, em 1842, até o ano de 1930, o município foi dirigido pela classe dirigente composta de colonizadores da região, fazendeiros e oficiais da Guarda Nacional de Pereiro. Após a revolução de 1930, nasce a elite política dirigente, formada por bacharéis, fazendeiros e comerciantes. A partir de 1936, chefes políticos das famílias Nogueira de Queiroz e Diógenes dominariam a política local até o fim de 1988. Desde então, uma eletividade de fatores decorrente no país provocaria significativa ruptura na política do estado, estendendo-se ao interior, provocando mudanças do sistema coronelista para o sistema democrático de cunho empresarial. Levando-nos a defender a tese que os coronéis perderam seu prestígio, enquanto profissionais liberais e empresários ascenderam, de modo que a violência material na política foi substituída por outros mecanismos, ou seja, a política deixou de ser resolvida à bala, como acontecia em alguns casos até o final da década de 1980 no Ceará.

A ameaça de remoção feita pelos governos municipais as moradoras de comunidades, vilas ou favelas é uma das marcas da habitação de famílias e sujeitos nesses locais. As narrativas sobre o cotidiano nesses territórios parecem ser tecidas cuidadosamente sob o signo da resiliência, que não raro é sintetizado na categoria luta, que nesse caso expressa a experiência de viver na comunidade, e que vincula, casa, corpo, diferentes relações sociais. A partir de alguns relatos elaborados nessa condição de resiliência, conhecemos outras marcas intrínsecas a trajetória dessas mulheres e como elas chegam e vivem nesses territórios, em meio a confrontos armados, coação feita por funcionários da prefeitura, e diversas outras violências. Sacrifícios e sofrimentos que compõem os seus argumentos mais profundos de permanência naquele espaço, já que nenhuma delas gostaria de ser removida dali. Nos aproximamos dessas mulheres através do percurso de uma pesquisa de campo realizada em Porto Alegre e no Rio de Janeiro, em meio a uma rede de contestação às obras dos megaeventos no Brasil– Copa do Mundo e Olimpíadas – que se fortalece a partir de 2010 quando as obras preparatórias se iniciam nas cidades sede. As contestações que aparecem nos relatos remontam a um esgotamento político profundo e a um fosso generoso entre algumas conquistas sociais conquistadas desde 1988 e sua efetivação. A moradoras diante desse cenário são compreendidas através de uma cidadania insurgente que tem, no exercício efetivo da luta, a resiliência como uma prática política que lhe garante a dignidade. / The threat of removal houses made by municipal governments for the residents of communities, towns or favelas is a hallmark of housing in these locations. The narratives about everyday life in these areas seem to be woven carefully under the sign of resilience, which often is synthesized in the struggle, which in this case expresses the experience of living in the community, and linking: home, body, different social relations. Witnessing some narratives prepared under this condition of resilience, I met other intrinsic marks the trajectory of these women and how they come and live in these territories, amid armed confrontations, threats made by city officials, and several other violence. The sacrifice and suffering that constitute their arguments deeper to stay in that space, since none of them would like to be removed from thence. This women are part of this field survey conducted in Porto Alegre and Rio de Janeiro, amid a network of opposition to construction of megaevents in the Brazil World Cup and Olympics - started from 2010, when preparatory works begin in the host cities. The disputes that appear in the narratives, are components to a deep political exhaustion and a generous gap between some social gains won since 1988 and its implementation. The residents in this scenario are understood through an insurgent citizenship, which has in the effective exercise of struggle, resilience as a political practice that ensures dignity.

In this thesis, focused attention is given to the idea of task solvers as active participants in mathematical practices. The theoretical assumptions of the study, reported in this thesis, are inspired by socio-political concerns. The aim of the study is to investigate the underlying view of participation in mathematical practices, as understood in a nationwide teacher professional development programme, the Boost for Mathematics, in Sweden. To be more precise, the study is arranged to problematise ways of encouraging students as active participants. This aim is approached by means of the following research questions: (1) What messages do mathematical tasks in the Boost for Mathematics send about people as participants in mathematical practices? and (2) What is the role of multiple representations in these messages? An empirical study is reported. The data of the study, i.e., three collections of problems, are drawn from the Boost for Mathematics. Data processing is conducted by using a modified version of a pre-existing data processing framework, focusing on mathematical practices as socio-political practices. The empirical study uncovers an implicit view of task solvers in mathematical practices and especially a detachment between students, as potential task solvers, and the social contexts where mathematical ideas and concepts are embedded. This implicit view is challenged from the assumption that it is motivating for a student to conceive him/herself as someone who is ‘qualified’ to take part in mathematical practices.

A ameaça de remoção feita pelos governos municipais as moradoras de comunidades, vilas ou favelas é uma das marcas da habitação de famílias e sujeitos nesses locais. As narrativas sobre o cotidiano nesses territórios parecem ser tecidas cuidadosamente sob o signo da resiliência, que não raro é sintetizado na categoria luta, que nesse caso expressa a experiência de viver na comunidade, e que vincula, casa, corpo, diferentes relações sociais. A partir de alguns relatos elaborados nessa condição de resiliência, conhecemos outras marcas intrínsecas a trajetória dessas mulheres e como elas chegam e vivem nesses territórios, em meio a confrontos armados, coação feita por funcionários da prefeitura, e diversas outras violências. Sacrifícios e sofrimentos que compõem os seus argumentos mais profundos de permanência naquele espaço, já que nenhuma delas gostaria de ser removida dali. Nos aproximamos dessas mulheres através do percurso de uma pesquisa de campo realizada em Porto Alegre e no Rio de Janeiro, em meio a uma rede de contestação às obras dos megaeventos no Brasil– Copa do Mundo e Olimpíadas – que se fortalece a partir de 2010 quando as obras preparatórias se iniciam nas cidades sede. As contestações que aparecem nos relatos remontam a um esgotamento político profundo e a um fosso generoso entre algumas conquistas sociais conquistadas desde 1988 e sua efetivação. A moradoras diante desse cenário são compreendidas através de uma cidadania insurgente que tem, no exercício efetivo da luta, a resiliência como uma prática política que lhe garante a dignidade. / The threat of removal houses made by municipal governments for the residents of communities, towns or favelas is a hallmark of housing in these locations. The narratives about everyday life in these areas seem to be woven carefully under the sign of resilience, which often is synthesized in the struggle, which in this case expresses the experience of living in the community, and linking: home, body, different social relations. Witnessing some narratives prepared under this condition of resilience, I met other intrinsic marks the trajectory of these women and how they come and live in these territories, amid armed confrontations, threats made by city officials, and several other violence. The sacrifice and suffering that constitute their arguments deeper to stay in that space, since none of them would like to be removed from thence. This women are part of this field survey conducted in Porto Alegre and Rio de Janeiro, amid a network of opposition to construction of megaevents in the Brazil World Cup and Olympics - started from 2010, when preparatory works begin in the host cities. The disputes that appear in the narratives, are components to a deep political exhaustion and a generous gap between some social gains won since 1988 and its implementation. The residents in this scenario are understood through an insurgent citizenship, which has in the effective exercise of struggle, resilience as a political practice that ensures dignity.