El periodismo siempre ha necesitado de la verificación de información para poder contar y desarrollar las historias que informa. Ahora, con el acceso a las redes sociales y la facilidad con la que la información viaja y es compartida, la necesidad de comprobar lo que sucede, se ha vuelto esencial en las redacciones para no dejarse llevar por los fake news. Esta investigación pretende contribuir a los estudios sobre el empleo del fact checking como estrategia de verificación de información. Además, busca proporcionar información teórica para analizar y explicar la manera en la que el fact checking y su escala de verificación han permitido que este pase a ser una estrategia de verificación de datos utilizada por distintos medios. Mis preguntas de investigación son: ¿Cuáles son las estrategias utilizadas por el fact checking para combatir los fake news? ¿Por qué es importante el fact checking durante las elecciones presidenciales?  y la hipótesis que manejo es la siguiente: En elecciones presidenciales, el volumen de información y la rapidez con la que esta viaja hace difícil su verificación. Es por eso que el fact checking es una estrategia válida para verificar la información durante elecciones presidenciales. Finalmente, he decidido utilizar como caso de estudio las elecciones presidenciales de Perú del año 2016 y México de 2018 porque ambos fueron objeto de verificación en sus respectivos países por los medios Ojo Público en Perú y Animal Político en México. / Journalism has always needed to verify the information it gets to write the histories it reports. Nowadays, the free access to social media and the way information without verification is being shared has made journalists to fact check what they write to stop the spread of fake news. This research aims to contribute to studies on the use of fact checking as an information verification strategy. In addition, it seeks to provide theoretical information to analyze and explain the way fact checking and its verification scale have allowed it to become a information verification strategy used by different media. My research questions are: What are the strategies used by fact checking to stop the spread of fake news? Why is fact checking important during presidential elections? The hypothesis is: in presidential elections, the volume of information and the speed with which it travels makes it difficult to verify. That is why fact checking is a good information verification strategy during presidential elections. Finally, I have decided to use the presidential elections of Peru in 2016 and Mexico in 2018 as a case study because both were verified in their respective countries by the news site: Ojo Publico in Peru and Animal Politico in Mexico. / Trabajo de investigación

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O presente trabalho procura analisar os discursos de Francisco de Salles Torres Homem, produzidos na imprensa entre 1840 e 1849, momento em que fez parte da facção política liberal. No Período Regencial iniciou a sua atuação no jornalismo, e nos primeiros anos do Segundo Reinado, já aparecia como um importante redator de jornais, panfletário e político. Durante a Revolução Liberal de 1842, participou ativamente do conflito, e no período da Revolução Praieira em 1848, e escreveu o seu mais inflamado e comentado panfleto O Libelo do Povo, onde fez duras críticas ao governo, recebendo grande repercussão na imprensa da época. Esta foi considerada pelos seus biógrafos como a sua fase mais revolucionária, seus discursos foram produzidos em momentos específicos de grande debate de ideias, e expressavam as concepções políticas e ideológicas dos liberais. Naquela época, Salles Torres Homem utilizou à palavra impressa, para defender os interesses dos liberais ao poder. / This paper analyzes the speeches of Francisco de Salles Torres Homem, produced in the press between 1840 and 1849 when it was part of the liberal political faction. In Regencial Period began operating in journalism, and in the early years of the Second Empire, has appeared as an important writer for newspapers, and political pamphleteer. During the Liberal Revolution of 1842, participated actively in the conflict, and the period of Praieira Revolution in 1848, and wrote his most inflamed and commented pamphlet The Libel of the People, which has heavily criticized the government, receiving great attention from the press of the time. This was considered by his biographer as his stage more "revolutionary", his speeches were made at specific times of great debate of ideas, and expressing the political and ideological conceptions of liberals. At that time, Salles Torres Homem used the printed word to defend the interests of the Liberals to power.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O presente trabalho procura analisar os discursos de Francisco de Salles Torres Homem, produzidos na imprensa entre 1840 e 1849, momento em que fez parte da facção política liberal. No Período Regencial iniciou a sua atuação no jornalismo, e nos primeiros anos do Segundo Reinado, já aparecia como um importante redator de jornais, panfletário e político. Durante a Revolução Liberal de 1842, participou ativamente do conflito, e no período da Revolução Praieira em 1848, e escreveu o seu mais inflamado e comentado panfleto O Libelo do Povo, onde fez duras críticas ao governo, recebendo grande repercussão na imprensa da época. Esta foi considerada pelos seus biógrafos como a sua fase mais revolucionária, seus discursos foram produzidos em momentos específicos de grande debate de ideias, e expressavam as concepções políticas e ideológicas dos liberais. Naquela época, Salles Torres Homem utilizou à palavra impressa, para defender os interesses dos liberais ao poder. / This paper analyzes the speeches of Francisco de Salles Torres Homem, produced in the press between 1840 and 1849 when it was part of the liberal political faction. In Regencial Period began operating in journalism, and in the early years of the Second Empire, has appeared as an important writer for newspapers, and political pamphleteer. During the Liberal Revolution of 1842, participated actively in the conflict, and the period of Praieira Revolution in 1848, and wrote his most inflamed and commented pamphlet The Libel of the People, which has heavily criticized the government, receiving great attention from the press of the time. This was considered by his biographer as his stage more "revolutionary", his speeches were made at specific times of great debate of ideas, and expressing the political and ideological conceptions of liberals. At that time, Salles Torres Homem used the printed word to defend the interests of the Liberals to power.

Submitted by Erika Demachki (erikademachki@gmail.com) on 2015-02-27T16:23:25Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Rodolfo Fiorucci - 2014.pdf: 7840915 bytes, checksum: 7e9544566f772114aada077085648c33 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Erika Demachki (erikademachki@gmail.com) on 2015-02-27T16:25:13Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Rodolfo Fiorucci - 2014.pdf: 7840915 bytes, checksum: 7e9544566f772114aada077085648c33 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-02-27T16:25:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Rodolfo Fiorucci - 2014.pdf: 7840915 bytes, checksum: 7e9544566f772114aada077085648c33 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-05-30 / This study aims to find out what position the magazine Anauê! (1935-1937) occupies in the history of the Ação Integralista Brasileira (AIB) and of the press in Brazil Republican, in order to re-evaluate the impact of this publication in the context of the 1930s. This study analysis the magazine as an attempt to contradict the speech from the Corporate media - closely linked to modernization of the country and to foreign lifestyle, something that was criticized by integralistas who resisted any outside interference - as well as being an important vehicle in the propaganda for the party in presidential elections where Plínio Salgado ran. The magazine worked from a nationalism that dialogued with the international fascism and shared strategies with it, which became it differentiated in publishing market. Inserted in the journalistic field that is conventionally classified as variety and illustrated, this style was not common in the structure of AIB press (marked by political and doctrinal discourse specifically), so it is important to monitor progress and failures of this magazine, the proposed objectives and the application of the technical that characterize these illustrated magazines. / Neste estudo propõe-se descobrir qual a posição que a revista integralista Anauê! (1935-1937) ocupa na história da Ação Integralista Brasileira (AIB) e da imprensa no Brasil Republicano, com vistas a reavaliar o impacto dessa publicação no contexto dos anos 1930. Entende-se, aqui, a revista como uma tentativa desta de se contrapor ao discurso proveniente da imprensa empresarial - muito ligada à modernização do país e aos modismos estrangeiros, algo que era criticado pelos integralistas que resistiam a qualquer ingerência externa -, além de ser um veículo importante na propaganda eleitoral do partido no pleito presidencial em que concorreu Plínio Salgado. A revista trabalhava a partir de um nacionalismo que dialogava e compartilhava estratégias com o fascismo internacional, o que a tornou diferenciada no mercado editorial. Inserida no campo jornalístico que se convencionou classificar como das revistas de variedades e ilustradas, estilo não presente, até então, na estrutura de imprensa integralista (marcada por discurso político e doutrinário especificamente), importa acompanhar os avanços e insucessos deste periódico tanto nos objetivos propostos como na aplicação das técnicas características das revistas ligeiras.

Cette thèse a pour objet la réception de l’avant-garde artistique dans la presse politique pendant les trente premières années de la Troisième République en France. Dans la perspective d’analyser la politisation non de la scène artistique mais de sa perception, nous nous proposons d’étudier la notion d’avant-garde artistique à travers le prisme du politique, de rechercher ce que les contemporains politisés des artistes considèrent comme un art à l’avant-garde. Nous nous sommes intéressés à la période longue, de 1874 à 1905, de l’impressionnisme au fauvisme. La première exposition du groupe impressionniste intervient sur la scène parisienne après la proclamation de la Troisième République le 4 septembre 1870, l’échec de la tentative de restauration monarchique de l’automne 1873 mais avant le vote de l’amendement Wallon le 30 janvier 1875 qui officialise la République. Sa réception s’inscrit dans le contexte de l’instauration puis de l’enracinement de la République en France, du passage des républicains de l’opposition au gouvernement. L’analyse de la réception des mouvements artistiques qui se développent à la fin des années 1880 permet quant à elle d’appréhender la perception du paysage artistique par le monde politique, de la gestion de l’État par les républicains modérés à l’accession au gouvernement des radicaux, intransigeants des années 1870. La presse politique, qui n’a pas vocation à discourir sur l’art mais constitue un miroir quotidien présentant une hiérarchie des événements dont elle garde la trace, nous est apparue un médium très pertinent afin de mettre à jour les réactions des spectateurs politisés dont les articles contiennent en filigrane les empreintes. / In this thesis we study how the artistic avant-garde was perceived by the political press in France during the first thirty years of the Third Republic. We propose to question the notion of avant-garde by studying it through the political prism, trying to ascertain what the artists’ politically aware contemporaries used to consider avant-garde art. We do not focus on the political commitments of the artists, but on the way their art was perceived. We chose to consider a rather long period of time, ranging from 1874 to 1905, from Impressionism to Post-impressionism. The first exhibition of the impressionist group took place just after the Third Republic was proclaimed, on the 4th of September 1870, and the unsuccessful attempt to restore the Monarchy in 1873, but before the Wallon amendment voted in 1875, which formalized the establishment of the Republic. We study its reception both in the wake of the establishment of the Republic and as this political regime settles in France, when the Republicans cease to be part of the opposition and start leading the country. Analysing the reception of the art movements emerging in the late 1880’s allows us to grasp how the political audience reacted to the artistic production from the Moderate Republican government to the Radicals’ – formerly called intransigeants in the late 1870’s. Although the purpose of the political press was not to discuss art per se, it still reported artistic and political events, hierarchically presenting them on a daily basis. Acting as a powerful tool to explore the expectations and reactions of its intended politically aware readers, the political press remains a very relevant source for art historians.

The thesis Národní listy 1910 - 1914 is focused on the period of ownership change of Národní listy, which was bought by Pražská akciová tiskárna (Prague share printing house) in 1910 from the family of the deceased founder Dr. Julius Grégr. The daily journal, which has retained a degree of independence, has become the official press authority of the political party Národní strana by this sale, mainly represented by Karel Kramář and Alois Rašín. In individual chapters, I am gradually analyzing the underlying materials from which I drew for my work by putting Národní listy in the context of the time and circumstances that led to the creation of the daily journal. The thesis is also aimed to the activities of the preparatory committee, which initiated and succeeded in obtaining the Národní listy for the mladočeská political party. The main part of the text deals with the business transaction itself, illustrates the financial backstage of the company Pražská akciová tiskárna, examines the documents that accompanied the purchase and its preparation and describes the subsequent modernisation of the whole enterprise.

Notre travail a comme objectif d’étudier la fonction de la Nouvelle gazette rhénane pendant la révolution de 1848 en Allemagne. A partir d’un corpus constitué des numéros du journal, y compris les éditions spéciales et les suppléments, notre étude analyse la conception du journal voulue par ses fondateurs, sa réalisation journalistique ainsi que l’évolution de sa ligne politique. Comme outil d’analyse nous nous appuyons sur la notion de l’espace public, notamment de l’espace public bourgeois, conçue par Jürgen Habermas en 1961, mais aussi sur les notions d’un espace public plébéien et d’un espace public prolétarien que la recherche a développées entre-temps. Après avoir étudié l’état de l’espace public en Allemagne, l’évolution du mouvement ouvrier avant et au début de la révolution et les prémices de la Nouvelle gazette rhénane, nous développons l’hypothèse que le journal fut un projet indépendant, explicitement conçu pour l’espace public bourgeois, en parallèle avec le projet de la Ligue des communistes qui, elle, a été créée à l’attention du mouvement ouvrier et pour l’espace public prolétarien naissant. La conception de la Nouvelle gazette rhénane puise ses sources dans les analyses de ses fondateurs, notamment de son rédacteur en chef Karl Marx, notamment en ce qui concerne la situation en Allemagne et en Europe. Suivant ces analyses, le journal a l’exigence de peser sur le cours de la révolution. L’idée de départ est de faire pression sur les parties progressistes de la bourgeoisie. En conséquence sa stratégie est de s’insérer dans le mouvement démocrate afin de pousser les démocrates vers une politique de confrontation avec la monarchie absolue. En s’adaptant au début de son existence aux critères de l’espace public bourgeois, la Nouvelle gazette rhénane correspond aux critères d’excellence de son époque : son travail rédactionnel, son organisation, sa production matérielle et sa distribution sont à la pointe du journalisme politique. Notre étude statistique des articles concernant l’Allemagne et l’étranger montre qu’il s’agit d’un journal prussien qui bénéficie d’un réseau dense de correspondants dans les régions et les Etats d’Allemagne ainsi qu’en Europe. Un accent particulier est porté sur les informations venant des pays européens. Ce fait s’explique par la conception européenne que le journal a de la révolution de 1848.La particularité du journal est à notre sens qu’il a accompagné toutes les modifications de l’espace public pendant la révolution. Sa politique se caractérise par la défense de la révolution et en premier lieu la défense de la liberté de la presse. Confronté à un morcellement et une destruction partielle de l’espace public bourgeois, sa ligne politique évolue d’une critique de la politique des parlements de Francfort et de Berlin vers une ligne de plus en plus insurrectionnelle. Notamment pendant les crises de septembre et de novembre, son influence sur les démocrates est notable sans qu’elle puisse s’imposer entièrement. En réaction à un bilan négatif de la politique du mouvement démocrate, ses rédacteurs quittent leurs fonctions dirigeantes au sein du mouvement au printemps 1849 pour intégrer la fraternité ouvrière (Allgemeine Deutsche Arbeiterverbrüderung) de Leipzig. Cette décision correspond à une orientation vers l’espace public prolétarien ; le processus de cette réorientation est cependant interrompu par la fin de la révolution et ne pourra pas se concrétiser. / Our work has the objective of studying the function of die Neue Rheinische Zeitung during the German revolution in 1848. Our work is based on a corpus that consists of all the numbers of the journal that comprise of special editions and supplements. Our study analyses the conception of the newspaper as imagined by its founders, its journalistic creation as well as the evolution of its political direction. The basis of our analysis is the notion of public sphere, notably the bourgeois public sphere conceived by Jürgen Habermas in 1961 but also the notions of the plebeian public sphere and the proletarian public sphere. These notions had been developped by the research in the meantime.After having studied the situation of the public sphere in Germany and the evolution of the labour movement that already existed at the start of the revolution and the beginnings of die Neue Rheinische Zeitung, we developped the hypothesis that the journal was an independent project conceived for the bourgeois public sphere in parallel with the project of the Communist League, which was created for the attention of the labour movement and the emerging proletarian public sphere. The conception of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung takes its inspiration from his founders, namely chief contributor Karl Marx and his analyses about the situation in Germany and in Europe. According to his analysis, the newspaper had an impact on the course of the revolution. The first idea behind it is to put the progressive parties under pressure. Consequently, his strategy is to enter the democratic movement in order to push its members towards a political confrontation with the monarchy. At the start of its existence, it adapted itself to the criteria of the bourgeois public sphere and therefore matched the criteria and the political standards of journalism at that time in terms of writing skills, organization, production and distribution. Our statistics of the articles dealing with Germany and other foreign countries show that it is about a Prussian newspaper, which benefited from a wide network of correspondents in the regions and states in Germany as well as Europe. Information coming from European countries is extremely important, certainly because of the European conception which the journal developed of the revolution in 1848. A particular feature of the journal is that it followed all the changes of the public sphere during the revolution. Its politics was characterized by the defence of the revolution ad in the first instance of the Freedom of the Press. Confronted by a splitting up and a partial destruction of the bourgeois public sphere, the political movement started moving from a critic of the Parliaments in Frankfurt and Berlin into a more and more insurrectional direction against the government. During the crises of September and November 1848, its influence on the democrats is notable without being completely imposing. In reaction to the negative results of the democratic political movement, the contributors started quitting the leadership in Rhineland in spring 1849 to integrate die Allgemeine Deutsche Arbeiterverbrüderung of Leipzig. The decision corresponded to a changing direction towards the proletarian public sphere whose progress had been interrupted by the end of the revolution and could not be realized.