English Abstract The essay argues the transformation from business marketing strategies to political ones. It accumulates the empirical data interviewed from the Tai-nan city councilwomen, discusses the advantages and the disadvantages from the interviewers, and provides the modes of position marketing. The essay argues that the politicians should adopt the ¡¥material principle¡¦, ¡¥macro-behavior principle¡¦, and ¡¥productive behavior principle¡¦ as their marketing segmentation systems to get the best investment return rate. The politicians should make self- positioning after adopting the marketing segmentation principles,. The politicians should be aware of the related opponents, make sure the fatal factors of the image positioning, accumulate the images of the politicians from the representative voters according to ¡¥decisive factor¡¦ from the marketing, and analyze the positions of the politicians in the voters. The candidates should thereby discuss the best compositions of the voters¡¦ decisive factors with their staffs and examine the correspondence between the market segmentation and the competitive position of the politicians to accomplish the market positioning.

<p>As a starting point the society is more enlightened and has gained a greater awareness about the gender power structures and its different forms. Present research shows the continuous development into other shapes and comes into different expressions that might be unrecognised. In order to gain knowledge about the present structure of the gender power structure system, the aim of this study was to investigate framing of female and male politicians in media. The main question asked was: “are there framing differences in the portraits of the male and female politicians?” In order to achieve results articles in the biggest Swedish daily newspaper were examined. The method used was a mixed qualitative/quantitative content analysis where theory linked questions were created in order to ask these directly to the text. The results of the study showed that the framings of female versus male politicians were based on traditional gender power structures, though not to the extent the theory claims. More importantly, the result showed that the marginalization of female politicians was made by inclusion and exploiting instead of exclusion. In this way the differences between the genders were shown.</p>

Thesis--Navarra. / Includes bibliographical references.

In the school political debate that is conducted in Sweden the question of grading is an ongoing topic of discussion. During the past year there has been a lively discussion about introducing grade from year four as suggested by the right wing parties. The purpose of this study is to set the teaching faculties’ view and arguments in relation to the politicians' opinion in the ongoing debate about the proposal of introducing grades from year four. Furthermore, the aim is to investigate how central the didactic arguments are in relation to other arguments in the current debate. To achieve the purpose of this study, the following questions was created: How do the teaching faculty and the politicians argue around the proposal of introducing grades from year four? Which beliefs about the functions of grades exist among these actors? Which learning models and didactic perspectives exist in the debate and how does these relate to the beliefs about the functions of grades? This study is based on a qualitative method in terms of a contextual idea analysis. The theoretical basis is composed of theories about the different functions of grades, didactic perspective and learning models. The focus consist of investigating how the teaching faculty and politicians discuss the proposal in different articles. The reason for choosing this focus is to highlight the teaching faculties’ point of view in the debate which commonly is overshadowed by the politicians. The results show that the teaching faculty is critical of the proposal of introducing grades from year four, whereas the opinions among the politicians varies. The main criticism is that the proposal would involve a further waste of the school's already inadequate resources. Further criticism is that grades from year four would not work beneficial to the pupils due to different reasons.

No description available.

A genuine and conscious Italian nationalism began to manifest itself during the Napoleonic era, and Vincenzo Cuoco was the apostle of this first revival of national consciousness. All of his writings, focussed on the urgent need for a free and independent Italy, aim at the renewal of "public spirit," an indispensable step towards the achievement of the country's unification and freedom through its own energies. / The purpose of our thesis is thus twofold. On the one hand, we wish to emphasize Cuoco's constant preoccupation with the shaping of the future Italian nation, through a large-scale re-education of the public, in order to re-integrate the lower classes, the common people, and raise them to a reasonable degree of civil consciousness. On the other hand, we shall attempt to bring out the internal unity of Cuoco's writings, which are not the product of a random inspiration, but rather constitute an organic whole, a systematic program of moral and political reconstruction of the Italian nation.

Magistro baigiamajame darbe analizuojama radikalios dešinės politinių jėgų ideologija, visuomenės radikalizacijos procesas, radikalios dešinės politinės partijos bei jų rinkiminės sėkmės veiksniai. Remiantis ekspertų interviu tyrimu, analizuojama radikalios dešinės situacija ir perspektyvos Lietuvoje, taip pat yra tiriamos Lietuvos politinių partijų rinkiminės programos, siekiant nustatyti jose esančias radikalios dešinės ideologines ir programines nuostatas. / Master's thesis analyzes the ideology of radical right, public radicalization process, radical right political parties and factors of their electoral success. Based on expert‘s interviews study the situation and perspectives of radical right in Lithuania are analyzed, Lithuanian political parties electoral programs are studied in order to determine the presence of radical right ideological and programmatic provisions.

Il fine di questa tesi e’ offrire un contributo per la compresione di due problemi presenti nella letteratura di political economy, il primo dal punto di vista teoretico, il secondo attraverso un’analisi econometrica. Questi due temi sono come i sistemi politici reagiscono rispetto alla scarsita’ di offerta di “buoni” politici, e se i trasferimenti intergovernativi sono influenzati dai fini politici ed elettorali del governo centrale. L’analisi teorica fornisce alcune intuizioni relative alle ragioni per cui osserviamo politici di bravura molto variabile, e quali meccanismi potrebbero invece migliorare la qualita’ della classe politica. L’analisi empirica invece si concentra su un altro problema conseguente all’interazione tra le sfere politica ed economica. I trasferimenti intergovernativi tra Stato centrale e amministrazioni locali e’ stato oggetto di grande attenzione nella letteratura economica. Le ragioni di efficienza ed equita’ che rendono ragione dei trasferimenti intergovernativi sono state esplorate a lungo. Questa tesi si focalizza invece sulle cause di “political economy” di questi finanziamenti. Si e’ infatti tentato di verificare se l’allineamento politico tra sindaci e primo ministro determini o meno la quantita’ di fondi afferenti ad un comune. / This thesis aims to offer a contribution to the understanding of two problems present in the literature on political economy, one from a game theoretical perspective, and the other through an econometric analysis. These two issues are how polities cope with the scarce supply of ‘good’ politicians, and whether intergovernmental grants are affected by the political and electoral goals of politicians in central government. The theoretical analysis attempts to give some insights into the reasons why we observe politicians of very different valence in office, and what are the mechanism that could enhance the quality of the political class. The empirical analysis instead focuses on another problem found in the interaction between the political and the economic spheres. Economic literature extensively described the rationale behind intergovernmental grants, how for example they can help solving externalities between local governments, or contribute to a more equitable distribution of resources among areas of the same country. The political economy literature focuses instead on establishing and testing the less noble sources of intergovernmental grants and the political and electoral strategic reasons that might drive the decisions of the central government regarding the allocation of resources between localities. The first and primary aim of my analysis in that chapter is to verify if political alignment between mayors and prime ministers over time determines the size of grants received by municipalities.

The trend of social media is a global hit and now both individuals, businesses, celebrities and politicianshave their own social media pages, which means that the visibility increases and focus lies on what'swritten and published by the person. Mediated communication are everywhere around us and affects theway we communicate with each other and also the way we look at ourselves and most importantly how weportray ourselves. The individual's perspective has become a relevant issue with the rapid moderndevelopment. One's cultural identity can be seen as a life-long project.The purpose of this paper is to do an in-depth text analysis to examine how Swedish politicians constituteand construct identities, with a focus on "the self" and the "mediatization self" on the micro-blog Twitter.The theoretical ground for this study is from a discourse analysis point of view that focus on ”the self” andthe ”meditization self”. Erving Goffmans theory about the self, frontstage and backstage has also beenpart of the theoretical ground among others. The method is based on a discourse psychology-analyze andthe material has been texts/ tweets from four different politicians. The result of the study has shown thatthe tweets can be divided into three different themes. “The political-self”, “The news-self” and “the privatevs the public-self”. The self-image can be seen as a construction based on what the audience expect fromthe person tweeting. A underlying theme has been found that can be connected to the self-image. Thetheme is called “the significant other” which means that the person who is tweeting takes on the role ofbeing “the significant other” and guides his/hers audience through the jungle of information that mediaprovides.

Definicija „privatus gyvenimas“ sąlyginai nauja Lietuvos teisėje - šalies įstatymų nėra griežtai apibrėžta kas yra privatus gyvenimas. Lietuvoje nėra susiformavusi tradicija, aiškiai apibrėžianti, kuriuos privataus viešo asmens gyvenimo aspektus visuomenė turi teisę žinoti, o kurie neturėtų jos dominti. Lietuvos Respublikos įstatymai neapibrėžia teisėto visuomenės intereso gauti tam tikrą informaciją apie privatų viešųjų asmenų gyvenimą sampratos. Tai, kad privatumas sunkiai apibrėžiama sąvoka įrodo privatumo teorijų gausa. Vieni teoretikai (L. Brandeis, W. Brennan) privatumą sieja su teise, kiti (R. Gavison, A. F. Westin) su atsiskirimu, dar kiti (Ch. Fried, A. Miller) su kontrole ir pan. Nėra vieningos privatumo teorijų klasifikacijos. Empirinis tyrimo tikslas: išanalizuoti Lietuvos politikų privatumo aspektus respublikiniuose dienraščiuose („Lietuvos rytas“ ir „Respublika“). Darbo temos analizei buvo pasirinkti du nacionaliniai dienraščiai – „Lietuvos rytas“ ir „Respublika“. Tyrimui buvo pasirinkti 2004 m. ir 2008 m. rinkimų į seimą metai. Tiriamasis laikotarpis 3 mėnesiai iki rinkimų ir 3 mėnesiai po rinkimų kiekvienais metais. Tuo būdu buvo siekiama stebėti ar kinta (jei kinta tai kaip), straipsnių susijusių su politikų privačiu gyvenimu skaičius ir pobūdis. Tyrimas apėmė 2004 07 01-2004 12 31 ir 2008 07 01-2008 12 31 laikotarpius ir juose buvo analizuojami visi minėtų dienraščių straipsniai, kuriuose, buvo aprašomas politikų ar jų šeimos narių privatus gyvenimas t.y... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The definition of private life is a relatively new concept in the Lithuanian law. The laws of the country do not strictly define what the private life is. There are no rules in Lithuania which would clearly describe which aspects of private life of a public figure should be revealed and which should not be communicated to the public. There is a huge number of privacy theories which prove how difficult it is to define privacy. Some theorists (L. Brandeis, W. Brennan) relate privacy to the human rights; others (R. Gavison, A.F. Westin) link it to the isolation; some of them (C. Fried, A. Miller) see privacy in relation with control. There is no unanimous classification of privacy theories. The empirical aim of the research is to analyse the aspects of politicians’ privacy described in Lithuanian daily newspapers (Lietuvos Rytas and Respublika). Two national daily newspapers, namely Lietuvos Rytas and Respublika, have been chosen for the analysis of the research topic. The periods of elections to Lithuanian Seimas in 2004 and 2008 have been chosen for this research. Three months before the elections and three months after the elections during the selected years have been chosen as the period for the research. The main objective was to observe whether the number and nature of the articles describing the private life of politicians differ and if the alternation is noticed how does it change. The chosen periods for the research are from 1 July, 2004 until 31 December, 2004 and from... [to full text]