The Russian Federation’s presence on the global stage of the Olympic Games has been linked with considerable controversy from 2014 onwards. The nation’s use of international sport for promoting its image, state-sponsored doping, and Russia’s illegal occupations of Ukraine staged in close time proximity with the Games are all controversies which have taken their toll on the country’s image, both within and beyond the context of sport. Using a news framing theory and analysis, this thesis examines how RT, a state-sponsored media outlet that operates in alignment with the Russian state, counters these image-affecting controversies through its framings of Russia at the Winter Olympics between 2014 and 2022. This research finds that, while RT has consistently functioned to defend and potentially improve Russia’s image, its framing tactics have shifted substantially over time, and vary significantly depending on the controversy addressed. RT’s articles linked with Russia’s use of sport to promote its image used a wide variety of frames to highlight the impact of Russia’s athletes, justify the funding of the Sochi Olympics, and accuse Western media of “Russia-bashing”. Articles related to Russian doping shifted over time from framing Russian athletes as powerless victims of sport governing body decisions to highlighting supposed Western interference in sport. Articles linked with Russia’s illegal occupation of Ukraine increased substantially in 2022, and most often framed the issue by focusing on the moral values associated with athletes from the two nations. This thesis found that RT’s controversy-linked content increased in publication frequency over time, which along with the above shifts in framing, showcase the increasingly aggressive politicisation of RT’s Olympic sport coverage, which lacks exploration in prior scholarly research.

In order to cope with the changing climate, there will be a need for mitigating transformations of a scope, speed and magnitude that are unprecedented in human history, but the consensus- and market-driven approach is inhibiting this transformation. This thesis reviews how various discourses and debates on energy policy within Swedish governments have changed between 1974 and 2017, through the lenses of energy security and depoliticisation, and how a better understanding of these debates and discourses may inform the impending large-scale transformation required to meet the challenge of climate change. Some of the main findings are that (1) nuclear power and the result of the nuclear power referendum have been decisive for energy policy, and that nuclear power will remain of vital importance in the twenty-first century. (2) Energy has become increasingly depoliticised since the 1980s, ensuing the referendum on nuclear power. (3) The discourse on energy security has shifted towards market-based solutions: in the 2000s, climate change is to be mitigated through consumer- oriented solutions such as green certificates. Through privatisation, it essentially has become up to the consumer, deciding whether to participate in mitigation of climate change.

The ECJ as a Political Actor In both the US and in the EU, the judiciary is often accused of being political. This thesis does not attempt to compare and contrast the two grand judiciaries; they are too dissimilar to be compared in this context. It only deals with the judiciary of the EU, trying to analyse its presumably 'political' character: why is it that political and legal scholars label the Court as 'political' or 'activist'? This thesis seeks to investigate the validity of these accusations by proposing a synthesis of various political theories and a certain clarification of the terminology in the context of the European judiciary. Chapter 1 deals with the ECJ as an institution, discussing its functioning and its presumably constitutional character. Chapter 2 then focuses on the notions of 'politics' and 'political', firstly in terms of their definitions by various authors and consequently in terms of the various political theories of European integration. Chapter 3 then deals with the central question of the thesis: is the ECJ a political actor or not? The analysis in the third chapter is split into five dimensions: (1) the judges' motivations in adjudication, (2) the appointment of judges, (3) the subject-matter of the Court's adjudication, (4) the institutional balance within the Union,...

La thèse étudie les répercussions de l’unification italienne sur le catholicisme français de 1856 à 1871. Alors que les catholiques avaient été jusque-là un des piliers du régime impérial, l’appui donné par Napoléon III au mouvement national italien mit un terme à cette situation. Parce qu’ils remettaient en cause le pouvoir temporel du pape, les événements italiens donnèrent lieu à une vaste mobilisation des fidèles. Tandis que cette mobilisation a longtemps été analysée par les historiens comme un mouvement ayant surtout impliqué le clergé et les notables légitimistes, ce travail montre qu’il s’agit en réalité d’un mouvement de masse. La thèse met en évidence les conséquences d’une telle mobilisation dans le domaine politique et dans le domaine religieux. Elle montre l’assimilation par les catholiques des formes classiques de la lutte politique moderne, utilisées à gauche comme à droite, et l’élaboration de moyens d’action plus originaux, fondés sur la politisation de la parole et de la pratique religieuses. Elle replace la mobilisation dans le cadre de la stratégie diplomatique du Saint-Siège, visant à s’appuyer sur les fidèles, en analysant les engagements dans l’armée pontificale et la mobilisation financière des catholiques. Enfin, l’étude met en évidence l’influence de la question romaine sur plusieurs mutations touchant le catholicisme depuis le début du siècle, qu’il s’agisse du mouvement vers Rome, de l’affirmation du catholicisme intransigeant ou de la place nouvelle des laïcs au sein de l’Église. C’est, en somme, une voie de modernisation alternative, construite en opposition aux principes de la modernité libérale, que cette étude entend mettre en évidence. / This dissertation examines the impacts of Italian unification on French Catholicism from 1856 to 1871. Whilst Catholics had until then been one of the imperial regime pillars, the support given by Napoleon III to the Italian national movement put an end to this situation. Because they were challenging the Pope's temporal power, the Italian events gave rise to a vast mobilisation of the faithful. Whilst this mobilisation has long been analysed by historians as a movement that mainly involved the clergy and the legitimist notables, this work shows it was actually a mass movement. This dissertation highlights the consequences of such involvement in political as well as religious matters. It shows the assimilation by Catholics of the classical means of modern political fight, used by the left as well as the right wing, and the elaboration of more original means, based on the politicisation of religious speech and practice. It replaces the mobilisation in the context of the Holy See’s diplomatic strategy, aimed at relying on the faithful. To do so, the dissertation analyses the enlistments in the pontifical army and the financial support provided by Catholics. Finally, the study shows the influence of the Roman question on several changes affecting Catholicism since the beginning of the century: the movement towards Rome, the affirmation of uncompromising Catholicism as well as the new status of the laity in the Church. It is, in short, a way of alternative modernisation, built in opposition to the principles of liberal modernity, that this study intends to bring to light.

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / See full text for abstract

Cette thèse traite de la formation progressive, à partir des années 1990, d’un tissu associatif dédié à l’eau potable et de la manière dont cette « nébuleuse bleue » contribue à la régulation du secteur. Elle analyse comment des usagers, ayant expérimenté un problème vis à vis du secteur de l’eau, se rassemblent en publics au sens de Dewey (1927) pour mener une enquête sociale à son propos. Ces individus s’indignent, s’engagent et acquièrent des connaissances et des compétences relatives à la gestion du service. Ils exercent, dans des registres à la fois critiques et contributifs, une régulation qui leur est propre et que nous qualifions de civique. Cette régulation civique est constituée de trois composantes complémentaires : la politisation de l’eau qui permet de maintenir une attention publique sur le sujet, l’exercice d’une vigilance sur les responsables du secteur, et la participation dans et hors des arènes prévues à cet effet. Cette régulation civique, qui s’exerce souvent en conflit avec les élus et les opérateurs, va agir sur le secteur de l’eau comme un contre-pouvoir démocratique au sens de Rosanvallon (2006) / This thesis focuses on the progressive creation of a “blue nebula”, an associative network dedicated to drinking water, and how it contributes to the regulation of its sector. It analyses how water users facing a problem gather in publics, as understood by Dewey (1927), in order to lead a social investigation. Those local activists express indignation, commit and proceed to the acquisition of knowledge and competencies for the service management. They exercise their own form of regulation, referred to now on as civic regulation. It consists of two faces, one being corrective and the other projective, and is composed of three complementary components: the politicisation which enables them to keep public attention on drinking water, the use of vigilance over the sector stakeholders, and civic participation. This civic regulation in the field of water management often expresses itself through conflict with local decision-makers and water operators, and can be conceived as a democratic counter-power (Rosanvallon, 2006).

In this study, I address the relationship between religion and politics in the Nordic countries, 1988–2012, against a background of increasing religious diversity alongside more or less continuous relationships between church and state. My aim is to analyse possible changes in the way religion is referred to by Nordic parliamentary parties, and in the way these parties use religion as a means to societal cohesion. I use theories on religious change and on the motives for using religion in politics to discuss a possible re-emergence of religion in politics, with the help of concepts such as functional differentiation, glocalisation and politicisation. I apply different forms of content analysis in a mixed-methods approach, using both substantial and functional definitions of religion. The thesis is based on four articles published or accepted for publication in peer-reviewed international journals: First, a study on religion in Nordic party platforms from around 1988, 1998 and 2008. Second, a study on religion in Danish, Norwegian and Swedish parliamentary debates, 1988/89, 1998/99 and 2008/09. Third, a study on the role of the majority churches in the final Nordic parliamentary debates on same-sex unions 1989–2012. Fourth, a study on Danish and Norwegian parliamentary debates on the wearing of veils among judges and policewomen in 2009. The major findings are that the references to religious diversity in party platforms and parliamentary debates have increased, which leads to a more complex understanding of the religious cleavage in politics, and that right-wing populist parties in particular politicise religion to achieve political influence. Furthermore, human rights have been increasingly used to address religious diversity as a political issue. I interpret these findings as continuous use of religion for societal cohesion in Nordic politics, through a model of different forms of politicisation using the concepts civil religion, human rights and nationalism. The thesis contributes to a better understanding of the religious cleavage, politicisation of religion, the impact of globalisation on the political debate about religion and changes as well as continuity regarding the use of religion in Nordic politics. / <p>Cover photography: Prime Minister Fredrik Reinfeldt (chairman of The Moderate Party) debates with Member of Parliament Jimmie Åkesson (chairman of The Sweden Democrats) in the Swedish parliament Riksdagen on 19 January 2011. Photographer: Melker Dahlstrand/Riksdagsförvaltningen.</p> / NOREL / Impact of Religion

Cette thèse examine la politisation dans un régime autoritaire à travers l’étude de deux mouvements rock contestataires en Biélorussie. Le rock « national » s’est constitué en tant que mouvement artistique dans les années 1980 autour de la production de la musique contemporaine d’inspiration occidentale chantée en langue biélorusse et de la promotion d’une vision hétérodoxe de l’« identité nationale ». Le tournant autoritaire des années 1995-1996 a provoqué la repolitisation contestataire de ce mouvement artistique. Les acteurs du rock « national » continuent de revendiquer le statut « underground » tout en aspirant à la professionnalisation dans le cadre du système de production commercial. C’est aussi au milieu des années 1990 qu’un autre mouvement contestataire se constitue – le rock anarcho-punk DIY imprégné des conventions du modèle Do it yourself internationalisé. Ce mouvement proche des groupements anarchistes prône l’amateurisme, la production artistique restreinte et le radicalisme des prises de position. Sur l’exemple de ces deux mouvements artistiques, la thèse étudie les logiques de politisation et les modes de contestation. / Based on a study of two protest rock movements in Belarus, this thesis examines the phenomenon of politicisation in an authoritarian regime. The “national” rock emerged in the 1980s as a modern artistic movement inspired by Western music conventions. Singing in Belarusian, this scene aspired to promote a heterodox vision of “national identity”. The authoritarian turn in 1995-1996 provoked protest re-politicisation of this artistic movement. “National” rock musicians continued to claim the “underground” status, while aspiring to professionalisation and commercial production. Against the backdrop of the authoritarian change, another protest movement emerged in the mid-1990s. Following the internationalised Do-It-Yourself model, the DIY anarcho-punk is closely linked to anarchist groups and promotes amateurism, limited artistic production and radical political expression. Based on the example of the two artistic movements, this thesis studies the logics of politicisation and the modes of political protest.

La transformation de supporters de football serbes, bosniaques et croates en soldats dès 1991, la présence de supporters en première ligne contre la police dans la chute du régime de Milošević et dans l’opposition au président croate Franjo Tuđman, la mobilisation violente de supporters contre la tenue de gay pride, la prise d’assaut de l’ambassade des Etats-Unis à Belgrade, sont autant de faits qui s’inscrivent au croisement du football par les acteurs en jeu, du politique par la portée de leurs actes, et de l’identitaire comme fondement légitimateur à agir. C’est donc à partir de ces faits politiques que la question des interactions entre les mondes du football et le monde politique tire sa légitimité. Il s’agit alors de décrypter ces interactions, aussi bien dans le temps depuis la fin de la Yougoslavie communiste jusqu’à nos jours, que de façon comparée entre les différents pays issus de la Yougoslavie. Ce faisant, loin de la futilité dont on l’affuble, il faut prendre le football au sérieux aussi bien dans son rôle de fenêtre d’observation que dans celui d’agent politique de changement. Ce faisant, c’est à travers le football mais surtout par le football que l’on peut produire une analyse politique transversale de l’espace post-yougoslave, que ce soit sur le phénomène de politisation par le bas, sur la persistance du paradigme ethno-nationaliste, sur le caractère très discutable de l’idée de rupture entre l’avant et l’après 2000, ainsi que sur la persistance de pratiques politiques autoritaires dans l’ensemble de la région indépendamment du processus d’intégration européenne. / Football fans from Croatia, Bosnia and Serbia started turning into soldiers from 1991. Football fans were on the frontline against police during Milosevic’s fall as well as in the opposition to Croatian president Tudjman. Football fans were able to mobilize in huge numbers with extreme violence against gay pride parades. Football fans assaulted and set the US embassy in Belgrade on fire in 2008. These facts are at the crossroads between football through the actors at stake, politics through their aims and meanings, and identity regarding the founding ideas upon which they rely. It is therefore throughout those facts that interactions between the football world and the political world are a legitimate question to raise. It shall be dealt with not only by taking into account a broad period from the end of communist Yugoslavia to nowadays, but also in a comparative approach between the different states born from Yugoslavia’s collapse. Thus, far from being a futile occupation and an illegitimate social science object, it is necessary to take football seriously regarding the two roles it plays, first as an observation window, second as a political agent of change. Therefore, not only through football but also by football will it be possible to draw a transversal political analysis, be it on the politicisation process from the bottom, on the persistence of an ethno-nationalist paradigm, on whether 2000 can be deemed a deep break in the period from 1991 to nowadays, and on authoritarian practices in the region regardless of the European integration process.

The master thesis titled Ideologization and fragmentation of Skinhead subculture deals with historical background of Skinhead subculture genesis and with cleavages, that determinated its ideologization and fragmentation. Simultaneously it pays close attention to analysis of various branches of the Skinhead subculture. The first chapter of the thesis builds theoretical foundations of the research. In this chapter the terms culture, subculture and counterculture are explained. Accentutation is placed on common denominators as well as on differences in the definition of these terms. The second chapter of the master thesis deals equally with historical background of Skinhead subculture genesis and with subcultures with a significant impact on the formation of the Skinhead subculture. In this chapter the attention is focused on historical facts of political development in Great Britain after The Second World War, on subcultures popular at that time and on foundation of the Skinhead subculture. The third chapter of this thesis analyzes infiltration of the political ideologies inside the subculture and the following fragmentation of Skinheads. Research in this chapter is focused on the spread of extreme right-wing elements, foundation of the racist branch of the subculture and sequentially on the reaction...