The policy of National Unity and Reconciliation in Rwanda has been the subject of much heated debate in recent years, prompted by the uncovering of repressive techniques of the current government. As the policy is designed to enhance the legitimacy of this government, the national rhetoric must be compared to its actions where reconciliation is concerned. Instead of promoting national unity and reconciliation, this thesis will show that the government actively obstructs Rwandan interpersonal reconciliation through the denial of acceptance and empowerment. The analysis is informed by the psychological needs-based model of reconciliation, bringing in aspects of psychological theory into a field largely dominated by law and political science.

Magister Administrationis - MAdmin / In this dissertation, I problematize 'victim's justice' in post-genocide Rwanda. I argue that the kind of justice that was meted out in post-genocide Rwanda, namely victors' justice and complementary to it – victims’ justice, does not allow for the political reform required to break the cycle of violence in Rwanda. In the aftermath of the 1994-Rwandan Genocide, both state and society were faced with a moral and political dilemma, because the popular agency or mass participation of perpetrators derived from the Hutu majority, who targeted the Tutsi minority, with intent to annihilate them. There were massacres of both Hutus and Tutsis, but Hutus were targeted as individuals, whereas Tutsis were targeted as a group. It is the specific ‘intent to annihilate’ Tutsis as group, that makes this a Genocide against Tutsis. I draw and develop arguments made by Mahmood Mamdani, elaborating on the specific question of ‘victims justice’ for political reform in Rwanda. Both kinds of justice were outcomes of the logic of the Nuremburg Trials. Since its inception, the legacy of the Nuremburg Trial is demonstrated in how it was idealized at the end of the Cold-War by international law and human rights regime. In essence, the historical and political context of the Nuremburg trial has been removed, as it has been produced into a template- the 'Nuremburg-styled criminal trial'. 'Criminal justice' has come to define how we think of justice after mass violence, as the most morally acceptable form of justice for the victims, and the most politically viable response for constituting a 'new political order' after mass violence. This dissertation addresses the argument made, that victors' justice and victims' justice in Rwanda, has constituted two categories, which collectivise Tutsis as victims and Hutus as perpetrators. In the context of a genocide, where the perpetrators are derived from the Hutu majority and the victims from the Tutsi minority, this present both a moral and political dilemma for Rwanda’s state-building and national reconciliation project. Criminal justice also frames mass violence as being criminal, rather than addressing it as political violence. This has troubling consequences for intervening into the cycle of violence in Rwanda. The 'cycle of violence' in Rwanda, refers to the continuation of political violence, in which 'every round of perpetrators has justified the use of violence as the only effective guarantee against being victimised yet again. Thus, intervention into the cycle of violence would mean thinking out of the logic of victimhood and pursuing an alternative kind of justice. To think of the genocide as political violence, redirects the attention to the issues that made the genocide possible. I establish the importance and necessity of critically interrogating 'victims justice' in Rwanda, by placing the 1994-Genocide in its historical and political context, with a particular focus on the legacy of colonialism. The post-colonial regimes in Rwanda, inherited the colonial institutions of rule; and the politicisation of Hutu and Tutsi into racial categories, which have shaped particular meanings for power, justice and citizenship. I demonstrate in this dissertation that critical issues found in post-genocide Rwanda today, are symptomatic of the inherited colonial legacy. I address the prevailing political crisis through an analysis on post-genocide governance; national reconciliation; the 'land question'; and the Great Lakes refugee crisis. Furthermore, I found that it was critically important for my research question, to also adopt a regional perspective, because Rwanda lies at the epicentre of the Great Lakes regional crisis. This dissertation concludes with returning to the question of political reform, and breaking the 'cycle of violence'. My suggestion is that we need to think of Mamdani's concept of survivor's justice, rather than victims' justice or victors' justice, which assist in confronting the needs of political reform that address colonial legacies.

Previous studies of post-genocide Rwanda illutrates how nation-building and the government’s urgency to break with the past results in aims to rearrange society in order to prevent further violence and hostility. Developmental aims are also embedded in the broader project of post-genocide nation-building, adapted to promote a new and improved way of life after the genocide. This thesis examines the local experiences of parents in post-genocide Rwanda, with the specific geographical focus on the capital city of Kigali. Based on an ethnographic data collection from spring 2022, this thesis deals with the local experience of top-down rearrangements among parents in “informal” settlements in Kigali. Governmental perceptions of informality highlight the issue of risk in the urban context of post-genocide Kigali. Characterized by lack of order and formality the neighborhoods are deemed as excluded from the new societal modes and norms in the post-genocide aims of social engineering. This thesis uses the theory social engineering by James Scott (1998) to highlight the top-down measures intended to rearrange the lives of parents in “informal” settlements in Kigali. Additionally, the theoretical perspective of parenting culture is applied in order to explore the targeted regulations of parenting, as a result of government’s special interest in children as “future members of the nation” in a post-genocide context. This thesis shows that parenting culture is especially targeted by top-down regulations as a risk preventing strategy to shape the future of the nation. Working with a bottom-up perspective on top- down measures of social engineering the thesis includes the theoretical perspective of governmentality described by Mitchell Dean (2010) and Tania Murray Li (2007). Through mechanisms of self-regulation and accountability the thesis shows how regulations of parents in “informal” settlements are contested by their lack of ability and willingness to integrate top-down social engineering as meaningful rearrangements in everyday life.

The present thesis explores the politics of reconciliation in post-genocide Rwanda by focusing on one of its little-studied aspects— the government-led project of ‘unity building.’ To uncover the type of unit(ies) that are actually produced (not just officially envisioned), the analysis operates at three interconnected levels— i) at the level of the discourse of unity and reconciliation (studying its proper logic in addition to the ways in which it is shaped/structured by other discourses, such as security or prosperity/development); ii) at the level of concrete strategies and policies; and finally iii) at the level of ‘enaction’ through a score of official (and purportedly ‘local’ and ‘traditional’) activities. Many of the activities considered here have received no in-depth study. The official activities are explored both in toto and through an in in-depth analysis of one key exemplar – the ingando camps – transitory and transient spaces of re-education/sensitisation and reintegration tailored for selected segments of the population. The thesis demonstrates the ways in which the process of kubaka ubumwe / unity-building is profoundly politicised. Detailed attention is paid to exposing the way in which i) political dynamics affect the very conception of ‘unity’ and ‘reconciliation;’ ii) the manner in which power and the state mould unity and reconciliation activities, determining what can be achieved through them (or not); and finally iii) the ways in which the government appropriates the whole unity-building process for other than stated aims. The research shows how unity is shaped to imply consent, homogeneity and non-dissension, thus serving specific governmentality goals in the highly controlling environment of the authoritarian state (producing docile and legible subjects). Furthermore, the thesis shows how the process of unity and reconciliation is subsumed to the broader social engineering project of the state aimed at shaping citizens’ ‘mentalities’ and at their transformation into ‘perfect development subjects.’

Discussions of genocide and ethnic conflict, and their aftermaths, will nearly always provoke emotions and memories which make navigating the subject difficult. Equal sensitivity can lurk in discussions of how reconciliation and lasting peace can best be sought in the volatile Post-Ethnic Conflict Environment (PECE). The Rwandan Government's primary Ingando Peace and Solidarity Camp serves as an example of a mainly Western-funded project that, although superficially ticking the requisite 'democratic and inclusive' aid-agency boxes, relies almost totally on a perceived 'traditional' approach to post-Genocide reconciliation that hinders a truly open discussion of the past. In this thesis I will discuss how the Ingando phenomenon is being utilized by the Rwandan National Unity and Reconciliation Commission (NURC) as a method of establishing unity and social cohesion at the expense of reconciliation, and show how this is reflected in the teaching and content of the work at the camp, where a single view of the past is being promulgated at the expense of open debate.

Women entrepreneurship has been well-studied, over the past 30 years, in OECD countries. However, women's roles as entrepreneurs advancing economic development in war torn and post conflict countries are under-studied. Recent research conducted in Africa, and within Rwanda, has focused on listening to the voices of women enterprise leaders, but there is a gap in understanding the best models of women entrepreneurship training to create sustainable entrepreneurship curriculum relevant to local culture. This research engages 30 graduates of the 2012 Peace Through Business program using a qualitative research approach reflective of feminist theory, post colonialism and empowerment studies relevant to women entrepreneurship. Participatory Action Research methodology has been applied through a combination of an in-country forum, an electronic survey and in-depth interviews. Using the simplified version of the Stevick-Colaizzi-Keen method of data analysis, findings address whether current, Western-based women entrepreneurship training smacks of failed development efforts of traditional 20th century aid.

Magister Artium (Development Studies) - MA(DVS) / This study examines the role of women in poverty alleviation in post-genocide Rwanda.It further looks at their contributions in the decision-making process and their participation socio-economic development. The research assesses and evaluates the significance of the participation of women in initiatives to alleviate poverty. A key research issue is examining the constraints and opportunities for women’s participation in poverty alleviation. Of special interest is how the policy, institutional and legal environment in post-genocide Rwanda has impacted on women participation in the fight against poverty. The study also examines the contributions of selected women’s projects to poverty alleviation in Rwanda as illustrative exemplars from which lessons on gender equity and human development in Africa can be drawn. At the centre of the examination is women participation in agriculture, which is the cornerstone of their livelihood and Rwanda’s economy. This research is mainly a desktop study based on extensive search of relevant literature on the policy making process during the post-genocide era. To complement the literature this study interviewed women in national, provincial, district and local level in Rwanda to ascertain their key constraints and opportunities and their role in poverty alleviation. Interviews were also conducted with women participating in development projects. The study findings of this research reflect the achievements of Rwandan government in representation of women at National level.

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[pt] Trabalhando na transversalidade entre memória e memorialização, esta tese propõe um engajamento com a materialidade a fim de explorar a memória como uma fusão de corpos (humanos e não-humanos se misturando), lugares (configurações espaço-temporais frágeis e provisórias) e práticas (ações sempre permeadas por performances e traduções), formando assemblagens mnemônicas (Freeman; Nienass; Daniell, 2016) em Ruanda no pós-genocídio. Como a memorialização em Ruanda está profundamente permeada por um tipo particular de matéria - restos humanos -, adotamos um foco corpóreo, olhando para os enredamentos entre pessoas e coisas, considerando seu embaçamento. Indo além das práticas de representação, exploramos os movimentos de fricção entre uma ampla gama de entidades que se agrupam (e desmontam) em memoriais, enfatizando seu caráter imprevisível e sublinhando suas configurações espaço-temporais provisórias. Com este movimento, esperamos energizar a paisagem com outras possibilidades além da concepção da matéria e do lugar como passivo ou estável e em direção a uma transformação mais fluida encenada no encontro entre essas entidades materiais-semióticas. Explorando encontros afetivos entre corpos e lugares, argumentamos que é apenas nesse processo que os lugares memoriais são encenados. Trabalhando sob a rubrica do novo-materialismo, sugerimos uma bricolagem de abordagens, dando conta do político em uma sensibilidade mais cooperativa-experimental (Thrift, 2008) em relação à materialidade generativa. Tal esforço nos permite lembrar e esquecer com e por meio de outros corpos, reconhecendo a importância das coisas/matéria e lugares nas práticas de memorialização em Ruanda, e convidando a participar do chamado para um envolvimento teórico e metodológico com a experiência vivida em Relações Internacionais. Mais especificamente, esta dissertação se engaja com o movimento e o fluxo dos lugares e da matéria por meio de memoriais como locais de fricção e da circularidade do corpo morto. Buscando compreender diferentes modos de agrupamentos de memória, oferecemos duas assemblagens para explorar essas diferenças: memoriais nacionais cuidadosamente projetados (Kigali, Murambi e Bisesero) e um lugar de memória espontâneo – o Rio Nyabarongo. A pesquisa destes espaços heterogêneos construídos como locais de memória é baseada em trabalho de campo realizado em Ruanda em 2011 e 2014. / [en] Working within the transversality of memory and memorialization, this dissertation proposes an engagement with materiality in order to explore memory as a fusion of bodies (human and nonhuman intermingling), places (fragile and provisional spatiotemporal configurations), and practices (actions always embedded in performances and translations), forming mnemonic assemblages (Freeman; Nienass; Daniell, 2016) in post-genocide Rwanda. As memorialization in Rwanda is deeply embedded in a particular type of matter – human remains –, we adopt a corporeal focus, looking into the entanglements between persons and things considering their blurriness. Going beyond practices of representation, we explore the movements of friction between a wide range of entities assembling (and disassembling) in memorials, stressing its unpredictable character and underlining their provisional spatiotemporal configurations. With this move, we hope to energize the landscape with other beyond the conception of matter and place as passive or stable and towards a more fluid transformation enacted in the encounter between these material-semiotic entities. Exploring affective encounters between bodies and places, we argue that it is only in this co-becoming that memorial places are enacted. Working under the rubric of new materialism, we suggest a bricolage of approaches, accounting for the political in a more co-operative-cum-experimental sensibility (Thrift, 2008) towards generative matter. Such effort enables us to remember and forget with and through other bodies, acknowledging the importance of things/matter and places in memorialization practices in Rwanda, and inviting to join the call for a theoretical and methodological engagement with the lived experience in International Relations. More specifically, this dissertation engages with movement and flux of places and matter through memorials sites as places of friction and through the circularity of the dead body. Trying to grasp different modes of memory gatherings, we offer two assemblages to explore these differences: carefully designed national-level memorial sites (Kigali, Murambi, and Bisesero) and a spontaneous place of memory – Nyabarongo River. The research on these heterogeneous spaces assembled as places of memory is based on fieldwork conducted in Rwanda in 2011 and 2014.

Mental health has been receiving increasing amounts of attention in recent years. Despite this, there are still many barriers to receiving mental health care in all parts of the world. Post-conflict countries have the dual challenge of increased mental health problems among their populations and trying to respond to these problems with low resources as their economies are often destroyed by the effects of war. This research studies the implementation of Rwanda’s post-genocide mental health policy to assess the challenges and best practises of implementing mental health reform in a low-resource, post-conflict country. The thesis found that the implementation of Rwanda’s mental health policy has relied on policies of rapid decentralization and integration to increase accessibility to mental health care. Decentralization has ensured that mental health services are available at every level and relies on a referral system. Mental health care is integrated into the general healthcare system by training generalists in hospitals and health centres to respond to mental health issues, therefore making these services available at nearly all health institutions. These policies were viewed positively by stakeholders, but there were still many gaps and challenges in the implementation of Rwanda’s mental health policy. One of the major challenges was stigma acting as a barrier to accessing services while one of the largest gaps was that the implementation relies too much on institutionalized, individualized, and Westernized care, which participants pointed out is not always suitable in the Rwandan context. Recommendations included an increase in sensitization campaigns, shifting towards community-based mental health care, expanding personnel and services, as well as increasing funding. The analysis, relying on complexity theory, found that many of the gaps are missed by the government because of a lack of collaboration with local organizations and service providers working in the domain.