Thèse (de doctorat) -- Université Laval, 2003. / Bibliogr.: f. 125-133. Publié aussi en version électronique.

Orientador: Ricardo Luis Coltro Antunes / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-05T21:12:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cavalcante_Savio_M.pdf: 1374317 bytes, checksum: 9e832251dabb2b67bdfdccfd2c709488 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Resumo: Este trabalho tem como principal objetivo analisar a ação do movimento sindical do setor de telecomunicações contrário à privatização das companhias de telefonia brasileiras, ocorrida em 1998, sob o governo de Fernando Henrique Cardoso. O intuito foi problematizar as principais teses, pressupostos e estratégias desse grupo, assim como os da ala governista responsável pelo projeto de privatização. O SinTPq (Sindicato dos Trabalhadores de Pesquisa, Ciência e Tecnologia de Campinas e região), vinculado à FITTEL (Federação Interestadual de Trabalhadores em Telecomunicações) e à CUT (Central Única dos Trabalhadores), foi escolhido, por sua intensa atuação e elaboração de propostas, como objeto de pesquisa representativo, no geral, das posições do restante dos trabalhadores e entidades do setor em tela ligados a esse mesmo espectro político-sindical. Além da coleta de documentos, boletins, publicações e matérias de jornal, foram realizadas entrevistas com antigos e atuais diretores do sindicato citado, todos atuantes no processo de privatização. A análise da reforma privatizante das telecomunicações no Brasil pôde nos indicar que as alternativas "social-democratas", uma mera variação do conjunto de reformas neoliberais e, quanto ao segundo, a impossibilidade de renovação, ou construção, de um projeto nacional autônomo de desenvolvimento para o setor, assertivas que, grosso modo, refletem a crise das diversas formas de social-democracia em meio à transnacionalização dos capitais que caracteriza a acumulação hodierna, no geral, e das telecomunicações, em particular. O trabalho procura apontar, ainda, em linhas gerais, as principais conseqüências da privatização no que se refere aos serviços prestados e apresentar o panorama geral que marca a situação do trabalho e do sindicalismo do setor na atualidade / Abstract: This study aims to analyze the action of the syndical movement of the telecommunication sector against the privatization of the Brazilian telephony company, which occurred in 1998, under Fernando Henrique Cardoso's government. The purpose was to question the main matters, implications and strategies of this groups, as well as the ones of the govern parties responsible for the privatization porject. The SinTPq (Sindicato dos Trabalhadores de Pesquisa, Ciência e Tecnologia de Campinas e região), connected to FITTEL (Federação Interestadual de Trabalhadores em Telecomunicações) and to CUT (Central Única dos Trabalhadores), was chosen, for its intense performance and creation of proposals, as representative objetct of the research, in general, of the positions of the remaining workers and entities of the sector connected to this politician-syndical specter. Besides the data collection, reports, publications and magazine reports, we interviewd old and current directors of the union, all operating in the privatization process. The analysus of the privatizating reform of the telecommunications in Brazil could indicate us that the "social-democrat" alternatives, either form the government or from the syndical movement, demonstrated, in what is related to the first, a mere variation of the set of neoliberal reforms and, for the second, the impossibility of renewal, or construction, of an independent national project of development for the sector, assuring that, grosso modo, reflects the crisis of the several ways of social-democracy transnationalization of the capitals which characterizes the modern accumulation, in general, and of the telecommunications, particularlly. The study seeks to point out, in general lines, the main consequences of the privatizations in relation to the services and to present the general panorama which marks the work situation and the unionism of the sector in the current time / Mestrado / Mestre em Sociologia

The thesis focuses on the privatisation process held in Russia in the 1990s and its consequences. It examines historical background of the reforms on the example of attempts to introduce elements of private property to the Russian or more precisely Soviet economy since 1950s. The thesis concentrates on the process of privatisation with an emphasis on comparison of different projects of privatisation and the influence of the most significant agents on the Russian political scene on the implementation of these projects. Special focus is given to the influence the privatisation had on the Russian economy, standard of living of the population, society, as well as situation on the Russian political scene.

This thesis deals with the analysis of deregulation and privatisation processes in the sector of Japanese transport, specifically in rail and air transport.The aim of this work is to analyse the context, progress and consequences of specific privatisation and deregulation steps in Japan's rail and airline sectors. The first chapter discusses the theory of privatisation and how the historical context of the 1980s provided fertile ground for its application in developed countries. The second chapter deals with the origin, historical development and usage of Japanese rail and air transport, as well as with important companies operating in these sectors. The third and final chapter describes the course and consequences of privatisation and deregulation processes in Japan's rail and airline sectors.

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

L'étude présente, dans un premier chapitre, les différences de développement entre les marchés boursiers de plusieurs pays industrialisés et en développement. Le deuxième chapitre présente les hypothèses sur les déterminants du développement du marché boursier, à savoir la privatisation des entreprises publiques et la présence d'un environnement légal initial favorable constituent des éléments positifs pour le développement du marché boursier. Le troisième chapitre discute et résout certains problèmes de mesure que nous avons rencontrés notamment la mesure de la libéralisation des marchés boursiers. Ainsi, en considérant la libéralisation comme un processus et non un évènement, nous construisons un indice du degré d'ouverture du marché boursier. Dans le quatrième chapitre, nous construisons une nouvelle mesure de développement du marché boursier. Le chapitre cinq montre que la privatisation et l'environnement légal initial ont un effet positif sur le développement du marché boursier aussi bien dans les marchés émergents que développés.

Les réformes du marché ont notamment été mises en œuvre comme une solution pour améliorer la qualité des services publics et l'efficacité depuis les années 1990. Face à l'augmentation des besoins de soins et afin de maintenir les coûts de soins à un niveau raisonnable, la Suède a également introduit la marchéisation dans le domaine des soins aux personnes âgées depuis 1992. Pourtant, l'introduction d'un mécanisme de marché dans l'État-providence fait l’objet des débats politiques et publics de plus en plus nombreux. Beaucoup sont sceptiques quant aux avantages supposés d'un marché, en termes par exemple d'amélioration de la qualité et de réduction des coûts, tels que proposées par « New Public Management ». Il y a eu également des critiques croissantes sur la rentabilité dans les services de soins ces dernières années.Après deux décennies de marchéisation, il nous paraît nécessaire de recenser les attitudes des politiciens locaux, à savoir comment ils perçoivent le rôle d'un marché ou d'un quasi-marché dans un État providence où le mécanisme du marché pourrait remettre en cause des principes traditionnels tels que l'universalisme, la solidarité et l’égalité. En dehors des études des attitudes sur le bien-être public déjà existantes, cette recherche se base aussi sur un ensemble de données d'enquête uniques construit depuis 2014 et permettra ainsi une compréhension plus profonde et actuelle sur les perspectives de marchéisation chez les politiciens.Précisément, cette étude analyse trois aspects différents de la marchéisation : la production, la réglementation et le financement. Les résultats montrent que les différences d'attitudes sont évidentes entre les politiciens de gauche et de droite à l’égard des prestataires privés à but lucratif. Les orientations politiques des individus, la majorité politique dans les municipalités et le niveau de privatisation déjà atteint localement sont repérés comme des facteurs importants qui expliquent la volonté des politiciens locaux de privatiser davantage ou non. Les différences de préférences continuent à exister entre les deux blocs, et l'idéologie politique joue un rôle majeur dans l'explication de ces différences, plus que des facteurs individuels tels que l'âge, le sexe ou la position de travail. Les réponses autodéclarées révèlent que l'idéologie politique influence la formation des attitudes.Dans une large mesure, les politiciens de gauche et de droite s'accordent sur les principes de bien-être public tels que l'universalisme et tous les deux reconnaissent les impacts potentiels que le marché pourrait avoir sur la société, dont la question de l'inégalité. Il semble plausible que le pluralisme de l'État-providence soit la direction de l'avenir.Cette étude de cas constitue un exemple solide pour examiner le développement du marché du bien-être public dans les États-providence avancés et contribue également à la discussion du rôle potentiel de l'idéologie politique dans les réformes post-austérité sur le bien-être public. / Market reforms have quite notably been used as a solution to increase the quality of public services and efficiency since the 1990s. Sweden has also introduced marketisation in the field of elderly care since 1992 to cope with increasing care needs while maintaining costs at a reasonable level. Yet, the introduction of a market mechanism in the welfare state is subject to increasing political and public debates. Many are sceptical about the purported benefits of a market, such as increased quality and reduced costs, as proposed by New Public Management. There have also been increasing critiques of the profit-making in care services in recent years.After two decades of marketisation, it is worthwhile to map out local politicians’ attitude patterns, namely, how they perceive the use of a market or quasi-market in a welfare state, where the market mechanism might challenge traditional principles such as universalism, solidarity, and equality. Complementary to studies on attitudes of public welfare, this research uses a unique survey dataset from 2014 to expand current understandings of politicians’ perspectives of marketisation.To be more specific, this study analyses three different aspects of marketisation: production, regulation, and financing. The results show that attitudinal differences between left- and right-wing politicians on private for-profit providers remain distinct. Political orientations of individuals, political majority in municipalities, and the privatisation level already achieved locally are identified as important factors in explaining local politicians’ willingness to privatise further. The preference differences continue to exist between the two blocs, and political ideology plays a major role in explaining these differences, more so than individual factors such as age, gender, or working position. Self-reported answers reveal that political ideology influences attitude formation. To a large extent, left- and right-wing politicians agree on welfare principles such as universalism, and they both recognise potential impacts that the market could have on society, such as inequality. It seems plausible that welfare state pluralism is the direction of the future.This case study serves as a solid example for examining the market development of public welfare in advanced welfare states and also contributes to the discussion of the potential role of political ideology in post-austerity welfare reforms.

La production des espaces publics dans la ville contemporaine - Enjeux, acteurs et logiques de gestion et d'aménagement dans trois communes de la Région de Bruxelles-Capitale

Grassroots social resistance to neoliberal reforms of urban water and sanitation has taken a dynamic trajectory in the past decade, especially in Latin America. The thesis' proposition is that these struggles have undergone qualitative changes. Their previously defensive strategies are developing into propositional strategies that increasingly focus on public and community alternatives to privatisation. This politicisation and movementisation of urban WATSAN is hardly discussed by academic literature, despite it being an emerging opportunity for propublic sector reform. Thus, the inquiry concerns the role of social movements in the exploration of alternatives to privatisation and looks at transnational networks and localnational struggles. This thesis employs critical ethnographic, participant research methodology. Empirical research took place from 2004 to 2008 and developed an emergent practice of politicised social movement research. As conceptual framework, the role of social movement in urban water and sanitation is considered as a process of radical reformism and social appropriation. On this basis, the global water justice movement's emergent discursive frame is analysed and found to centre on the democratisation of public water. By means of a comparative typology theory I then analyse local and national-level social struggles and develop the concept of pro-public challenge. Two case studies further elaborate on this type of political process of sector reform. These are the Uruguayan sector reform after a national referendum in 2004; and the case of Peru, where the embedded case of the city of Huancayo developed a public-public partnership as alternative to a planned water utility privatisation. The thesis develops a meso-level qualitative analysis of the political process of movementisation of sector reform in form of matrices, contingent pathways and contingent generalisations. The central finding is that social movements at transnational and local level develop new roles in pro-public sector reform. Despite substantive impacts, their power to implement alternative paths of development was found to be limited. They run the risk of not meeting all the resulting new challenges posed by politicised participation in sector reform, failing to develop adequate strategies, resources, organisational capacity and expert knowledge.

Climate change, with the possibility of an ice free Arctic ocean by 2015, has generated a renewed interest in the Arctic. This interest is being driven by the possibility of easier access to the abundant supply of resources such as oil, gas, minerals, and fisheries. Interest in Arctic tourism is also growing. Retreating sea ice will provide opportunities to avail of shorter routes for maritime traffic to and from Asia, North America, and Asia via the Arctic Ocean and Northwest Passage. In addition, the rate of population growth of local inhabitants in the Canadian Arctic is the fastest in Canada and one of the fastest in the world. A growing population will increase the demand for sealift resupply to Canada's northern communities. This work presents the first attempt to examine the role of privatization of icebreaking services in light of the present and projected shortages of infrastructure to support development in the Arctic. A unique combination of multiple methods within marine transportation, comprising of Delphi, grounded theory, and quantitative survey, is applied to investigate the potential for private involvement in the delivery of icebreaking services in the Canadian Arctic. This includes a novel application of Strauss and Corbin's Grounded Theory approach to develop hypotheses and relationships grounded in expert opinion. Although the Arctic Ocean may be ice free during the summers, there is still the issue of winter freezing and the threat of lingering multi-year ice which will impede marine transportation especially during periods of darkness and fog. The research shows that the future growth and development of the Canadian Arctic will undoubtedly require the use of designated icebreakers and ice strengthened vessels. However, Canada's fleet of Arctic icebreakers is ageing and considered unsuitable for future demands. While Canada has earmarked CAD $750M for the construction of one new icebreaker scheduled for delivery in 2017, the research shows that Icebreakers can be built outside of Canada for considerably less money and in less time. Also, the management and operation of the Canadian Coast Guard is under considerable security by the Auditor General of Canada. The research shows that not unlike others Arctic nations, there is potential for the creation of private-public partnerships in the delivery of Canadian Coast Guard services, principally icebreaking, in the Arctic.