Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-02-16T17:01:34Z No. of bitstreams: 1 claudineidossantoslima.pdf: 1062161 bytes, checksum: bb16e9437d79784aff5c5bdcb46e8cbb (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-02-26T12:39:24Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 claudineidossantoslima.pdf: 1062161 bytes, checksum: bb16e9437d79784aff5c5bdcb46e8cbb (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-02-26T12:39:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 claudineidossantoslima.pdf: 1062161 bytes, checksum: bb16e9437d79784aff5c5bdcb46e8cbb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-05-06 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O presente trabalho que tem como tema, Os Significados do Conselho Tutelar como um Dispositivo de Governo de Crianças e Adolescentes, busca apontar, a partir dos aportes teóricos do interacionismo simbólico, produzidos através da Escola de Chicago, as interações sociais entre os indivíduos e os processos e significados que os mesmos produzem no seu dia a dia, bem como nas instituições em que tem contato ou participam, como é o caso do Conselho Tutelar e mesmo de suas famílias, como tratado nesse trabalho. Conectando com a obra de Michel Foucault, que traz contribuições a cerca das relações entre os indivíduos contemporâneos, os processos de intervenção na vida dos indivíduos, visando à normalização das condutas e das subjetividades, do governo sobre o outro, o que rebate sobre a própria sociedade. Nesse caso, sobre a população infanto-juvenil, através das microrrelações de poder e subjetivação. Dessa forma, visando compreender as ações do Conselho Tutelar, discutindo-o como um espaço onde se produz e mesmo reproduz uma forma de governo, um dispositivo portanto, que visa à governamentalidade da infância e adolescência e sua normalização, visa problematizar em certa medida a lei – Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente. Enxergando que há conflitos e usos diversos, por diferentes e diversos operadores da mesma lei, devido às interações sociais que se desdobram, através do governo sobre o outro. Assim a sala do Conselho Tutelar foi local de observação e reflexão, porém tomando a voz dos participantes dessa pesquisa para fundamentar e ser base dos dados gerados, interpretados, refletidos. Mantendo a voz desses sujeitos e seus direcionamentos e compreensões diante de suas vivências. / The present work has as its theme, The Meanings of the Protect Council as a device Government of Child and Adolescent, seeks to identify, from the theoretical framework of symbolic interactionism, produced by the Chicago School, social interactions between individuals and the processes and meanings that they produce in their day to day, as well as the institutions that have contact or participate, such as the Protect Council, and even their families, as discussed in this work. Connecting with the work of Michel Foucault, that brings contributions about the relationship between contemporary individuals, the processes of intervention in the lives of individuals, aimed at normalization of behaviors and subjectivities, the government on the other, that bounces on own society. In this case, on the juvenile population, through the micro power relations and subjectivity. Thus, to understand the actions of the Protect Council discussing it as a space where it produces and reproduces a form of government, a device therefore aimed to governmentality of childhood and adolescence and its standardization, aims to problematize some extent the law - Statute of Child and Adolescent. Seeing that there are conflicts, and by different uses different operators, and many of the same law, because of the social interactions that unfold through the government on the other. So the room was the Protect Council site observation and reflection, but taking the voice of the participants of this research to support and be based on data generated, interpreted, reflected, keeping the voice of these individuals and their directions and insights on their experiences.

A ideia de conservar áreas de renomada beleza natural contribuiu para a criação de várias áreas protegidas no Mundo. No Brasil, essas áreas são denominadas as Unidades de Conservação (UC). Muitas delas estão ameaçadas quanto a seu papel básico de proteção/conservação da biodiversidade. Isso acontece graças a diversos fatores: falta de recursos financeiros e humanos, regularização fundiária incompleta, presença de atividades humanas conflitantes dentro e no entorno dos territórios das UC, problemas de gestão, entre outros. No estado de São Paulo, grande parte das UC integrais possuem moradores e comunidades tradicionais em seus territórios. No entanto, ainda é pequena a participação dessas populações nos processos decisórios de gestão de UC. O caso do Parque Estadual da Ilha do Cardoso (PEIC) se destaca pela diferença quanto às opções de gestão. Além do fato de que seu plano de manejo foi elaborado conjuntamente com as comunidades residentes no Parque, essas participaram ativamente das reuniões do Conselho Consultivo (CC), arena social de discussão e negociação sobre as regras de gestão do Parque. Nesse processo a comunidade do Marujá se destaca, dentre todas as comunidades do PEIC, por apresentar uma Associação de Moradores que é participante do CC. Durante dez anos (1998-2008) o PEIC e a comunidade do Marujá construíram um modelo de resolução de conflitos, principalmente ligado a problemas com o turismo no Parque. No entanto, ainda não estão claras quais foram as opções de gestão escolhidas para a obtenção destes resultados. Portanto, esta dissertação analisou como se pode traduzir o resultado exitoso de uma UC com comunidades, como o PEIC, em um modelo de gestão? Constatou-se que o PEIC seguiu como modelo a cogestão adaptativa, caracterizado pela possibilidade de complementaridade entre Estado e sociedade civil. No caso do PEIC, a cogestão adaptativa gerou um padrão de governança, corroborado pelo reconhecimento da importância histórica das comunidades tradicionais do Parque, na proteção e gestão, dos recursos naturais de uso comum da UC. Além disso, esse modelo auxiliou a gestão da UC a lidar com a polissemia de seu sistema socioecológico. Além de demonstrar a importância de se promover o estreitamento do capital social, para a resolução de conflitos relativos ao sistema socioecológico da UC. / Many protect areas (PA) around the World were created based on the idea of protecting areas with outstanding scenic beauty. In Brazil, many of them were threatened in basic conservation issues. It occurs due to many factors, e.g.: lack of financial and human resources, problems with PA limits, conflicts among human activities within and near the PA area, problems with PA management, among others. In São Paulo State, many of the PA (73%) has traditional communities living inside their limits. Besides this, the management process with the participation of these communities remains low. The Cardoso Island State Park (CISP) management case is outstanding among the others PA with six communities (São Paulo State). CISP had a management plan that was made with the communities participation. Those communities attended the Park Advisory Council (PAC). This PAC was a social arena, where the management rules were discussed and negotiated, among different social actors and the Park director. Among all communities, Marujá is one which stands out. This community has Residents Association that is active in the PAC. During ten years (1998-2008) the CISP and Marujá community had built up a conflicts resolution model, mainly related to tourism problems. However, it remains unclear which management alternatives were chosen for achieve these goals. Though this dissertation seeks to analyze how a successful management results can be translated in a management model? The CISP has developed an adaptive co-management model. This model is characterized as a synergy between State and civil society. In CISP, this management model had built up a governance system, which had recognized the historical importance of those traditional communities for the protection and management of common pool natural resources. In addition, it had helped this PA to lead with it socio-ecological system. The CISP management model had showed how the social capital strengthen is important to conflict resolution of PAs socio-ecological systems.

Submitted by Leda Lopes (ledacplopes@hotmail.com) on 2017-03-10T11:59:04Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Bruna_Cavallari_ Dissertação.pdf: 1150900 bytes, checksum: 8338685846dae5d0d61b1adb5abb5576 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Aline Batista (alinehb.ufpel@gmail.com) on 2017-03-10T19:24:34Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Bruna_Cavallari_ Dissertação.pdf: 1150900 bytes, checksum: 8338685846dae5d0d61b1adb5abb5576 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Aline Batista (alinehb.ufpel@gmail.com) on 2017-03-10T19:26:46Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Bruna_Cavallari_ Dissertação.pdf: 1150900 bytes, checksum: 8338685846dae5d0d61b1adb5abb5576 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-10T19:26:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Bruna_Cavallari_ Dissertação.pdf: 1150900 bytes, checksum: 8338685846dae5d0d61b1adb5abb5576 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-09-23 / O fim da Guerra Fria trouxe mudanças na agenda da segurança internacional: escoamento de armas do Norte para o Sul Global, o surgimento das Novas Guerras, o fortalecimento dos Direitos Humanos, o aumento do número de democracias formais e um novo tipo de intervencionismo. Diante de questionamentos empíricos e teóricos diante de crises humanitárias de grandes proporções, a comunidade internacional foi instigada a encontrar uma harmonização entre os conceitos de soberania e Direitos Humanos. Assim, o preceito da “Responsabilidade de Proteger” surgiu e ganhou relevância na agenda de segurança internacional e nos meios políticos e acadêmicos. O objeto desta dissertação, portanto, configura-se para além de uma ideia teórica e normativa, operando concretamente no ambiente internacional através das intervenções humanitárias. Desta forma, questiona-se em que medida a sub-agenda da “Responsabilidade de Proteger” reflete as relações geopolíticas entre o Norte e o Sul Global, entre os anos 2005 e 2015. Compreendendo esta divisão Norte/Sul para além de aspectos somente geográficos e, considerando a complexidade do sistema internacional frente a classificações e divisões demonstrou-se que a “Responsabilidade de Proteger” trouxe pouca inovação prática ao cenário internacional e perpetua as assimetrias de poder entre o Norte e o Sul Global. / The end of the Cold War brought changes in the agenda of international security: flow of weapons North to the Global South, the emergence of the New Wars, the strengthening of human rights, increasing the number of formal democracies and a new type of interventionism. In the face of empirical and theoretical questions facing humanitarian crisis of major proportions, the international community was instigated to find a compromise between the concepts of sovereignty and human rights. Thus the precept of "Responsibility to Protect" emerged and gained relevance in the international security agenda and political and academic circles. The object of this paper therefore sets itself apart from a theoretical idea and rules, operating specifically in the international environment through humanitarian interventions. Thus, we question to what extent the sub-agenda of "Responsibility to Protect" reflects geopolitical relations between the North and the Global South, between 2005 and 2015. Understanding this North / South divide beyond only geographical aspects and considering the complexity of the international system against classifications and divisions demonstrated that the "Responsibility to Protect" brought little practical innovation to the international scene and perpetuates the power asymmetries between the North and the Global South

LL.M. (International Law) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

The concept of humanitarian interventions has seen increased interest especially since the end of the Cold War. During the last two decades, humanitarian interventions have been at the centre of the emerging doctrine of the responsibility to protect. Through collecting and analysing the United Nations documents and historical experience, this thesis concludes that within contemporary representation of the humanitarian interventions, inaction is not a viable answer to mass violations of human rights. However, as the case of Darfur shows, this renewed commitment towards collective action has not been translated into actions yet. The practice of humanitarian interventions and the role of the United Nations need to be consolidated so that the inconsistency and selectivity objections are eradicated.

This dissertation aims to provide a study on the right to food in an African context and to determine whether or not African states may effectively adopt competition law as a mechanism to protect against hunger. The study begins by examining the right to food and the obligations which flow from this right. Given that the predominant reason that people suffer from hunger is because they lack the ability to economically access adequate food, the dissertation examines the obligations of states to protect this right against abuse from non-state parties. In the framework of the food supply chain, this equates to providing protection against companies such as commodity traders and retailers that have gained a dominant position in the food market and are consequently in a position where they are able to abuse this position of power over the smaller producers and suppliers. The dissertation analyses the importance of the right to food by looking at the key role which smallholder farmers play in their communities. This is central to an African based study because smallholders make up the majority of the world’s hungry people, and it is also the foremost means through which people in Africa gain an income. The study looks at the traditional purpose of competition law and examines whether it would be an effective means to regulate the food market in order to guard against the abusive practices committed by large food companies that threaten the livelihoods of African smallholders. The dissertation concludes with an investigation into the international best practices that can be drawn from competition law regimes across the globe, in order to provide recommendations for a competition regime that is particular to an African context and which would provide the best possible protection for smallholder farmers to ensure that the right to food is upheld. / Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / gm2014 / Centre for Human Rights / unrestricted

In August 2017, the Myanmar military initiated what the United Nations Commissioner for Human Rights called a text-book example of ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya ethnic minority. In 2020, Myanmar is called to the International Court of Justice to answer to allegations of committed genocide. As the UN has failed to invoke the responsibility to protect, the world has turned to regional organizations as a prevention mechanism in mass atrocity prevention. The research objective of this study is to examine how Myanmar’s regional organization ASEAN has responded to the oppression of the Rohingya minority, as to explain why the atrocities targeting the Rohingya in Myanmar could not be prevented regionally and add to the research on mass atrocity prevention. This thesis is an abductive text analysis with an analytical framework based on Regional Security Complex Theory, which is used to investigate power relations within the region. This thesis argues that the reason the crisis could not be prevented by ASEAN was due to problems on the national, regional, and international levels. Myanmar’s disinterest in human rights, ASEAN’s norm of non-interference, and the international community’s interest in Myanmar’s rich resources all became obstacles in preventing the atrocity from happening. Since genocide prevention has failed several times since the UN’s genocide convention was adopted and entered into force, it is important to add more research to previous work to understand why mass atrocities continue to happen and how we could prevent these atrocities from happening again. The research looks at the Rohingya crisis to draw learnings that can be added to the research on mass atrocity prevention.

Mass humanitarian atrocities – many of them perpetrated by governments against their own people – continue to wreak havoc across Africa. These crises demand decisive action by the African Union (AU), the intergovernmental organisation that presides over peace and security on the continent. Since its formation, the AU has established a set of norms and institutions that reflect the principles of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P), and by its own declaration, has shifted its approach away from the notion of ‘non-interference’ (as espoused by its predecessor, the Organisation of African Unity) to a new position of ‘non-indifference’. However, despite its rhetorical commitment to the implementation of R2P, the AU’s handling of the 2010 Côte d’Ivoire crisis was so weak that the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) authorised an intervention led by France. The incapacity of the AU to resolve the conflict raised questions about the organisation’s rhetoric of ‘African solutions to African problems’. This study analyses the AU’s handling of the Côte d’Ivoire crisis, and thereby implicitly investigates the organisation’s challenges in operationalizing the R2P in Africa. The methodology of an extensive literature survey is employed to gather evidence of conceptual and institutional deficiencies within the AU, and possible coordination problems between the AU, ECOWAS and the UNSC in their management of African conflicts. The purpose of the study is thus to contribute to the wider intellectual discourse on R2P operationalization, and specifically aimed at strengthening the AU’s ability to implement its own peace and security agenda. / Mini-dissertation (MSecurity Studies)--University of Pretoria, 2015. / Political Sciences / Unrestricted

This essay conducts a Plausibility Probe Case Study focused on how the UN and the wider international community have approached the civil war in Ethiopia. Because the Ethiopian Government has been unable to protect its population, Ethiopia can be considered a typical case for the Responsibility to Protect (R2P). R2P was introduced in response to the genocides in Rwanda and Srebrenica and builds upon the idea of the international community having a responsibility to assist states to protect their populations. R2P’s normative status remains debated, however, due to criticism directed against R2P’s third pillar which prescribes the international community a responsibility to act when a state is unwilling or unable to protect its population. Therefore, scholars have started to analyse R2P’s status by the use of Finnemore & Sikkink’s Norm Life Cycle Theory, disagreeing about R2P’s normative strength and whether R2P will ever be able to enter the third stage of the Norm Life Cycle (NLC). This essay applies the same theory to the empirical findings from the Ethiopian case with the primary aim to contribute to the debate about R2P’s normative status. Findings show how R2P seems to be positioned at the second stage of the NLC. This does not necessarily mean that R2P should be considered a weak norm as the UN and the international community have indirectly complied with R2P when approaching the Ethiopian conflict. Yet, the fact that none of the relevant actors under study has mentioned R2P explicitly indicates how R2P still remains a controversial norm within international politics.

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