The master thesis on the topic Why do states decide for or against the intervention in other states? Case Study: Libya and Syria is focused on analysing the motives of states, which are crucial for deciding to intervene or not to intervene in the territory of a foreign state. The whole issue is assessed from the perspective of two major theories of international relations - liberalism and realism. As the first research case was chosen the international community's intervention in Libya in 2011. The case was analysed from the perspective of Sweden, which took part in the operation by the deployment of eight fighters Jas 39 Gripen. As the second case was chosen the civil war in Syria, which has been underway since 2011 and whose situation would have required similar interference by the international community. However, this has not happen until that time, although the states are militarily involved in Syria. This case was analysed from the view of Russia, which did not take part in operation in Libya, but since September 2015 has been involved in fighting on the ground in Syria. As a last case was chosen Great Britain, which has militarily participated in both conflicts. For the analysis itself was used Ortega's typology of interventions, which was adapted for the purpose of this work. The different...

State failure impacts international relations through the spill-over effects it has beyond the failed state. The international response to state failure: The case of Somalia attempts to answer the research question "Is the international response to the failed Somalia more concerned with security (i.e. the fight against terrorism and piracy) than with nation building/democratization or humanitarian aid (refugees, poverty)? This question is answered through descriptive-analytical research approach using the Neo-Realist theory within a globalised world. Concepts of legitimacy, authority and sovereignty in relation to the international response are explored where response takes the form of Intervention and humanitarian intervention that could be informed by the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) or go as far as nation building. Various annually published indices that examine and rank failed states are analysed which collectively and independently indicate that Somalia has been the number one failed state since 2008. Historically, the international response to Somalia prior to state collapse in 1991 forms the foundation to the response as well as accounting for the importance of complex internal clan politics. The background to how the international response has been, plays a key role in understanding where the international response‘s motives are positioned on scale of humanitarian versus security motives for intervention. The regional dynamics are explained through the Regional Security Complex (RSC). The security power political motives are seen through Anti-terror motives in a post 9/11 world and the various international responses to the different forms of attempts of interim governments and their opposition movements. Most notably, Al Shabaab, who formally merged with Al Qaeda in 2012, has been a focus point for the international response. The African Union (AU) mission in Somalia AMISOM is analysed from its humble beginnings to a force to be reckoned with. Due to the failure in Somalia for over 20 years, 14 per cent of its population form part of the influential Diaspora group. State building has emerged as one of the major international responses to state failure with the motive of avoiding nationwide humanitarian crisis. Yet the inaction of the past decade has lead to large spread famine in 2011. The security motive of regional and international players has overshadowed a pure humanitarian response in the past but the immensity of the crisis in 2011 has lead to a global humanitarian response. A new window of opportunity has presented itself with the appointment of the new president of the National Constituent Assembly (NCA) in September 2012. The international response to state failure has placed security first and has acted accordingly to limit the international economic and security effects of piracy, terrorism and refugee flows. Nation building has come second although, there have been attempts at achieving a uniform response to the failure in Somalia, neo realist real politik reigns. The ideal of a golden mean, where a balance is achieved between security and humanitarian motives, could only be achieved if Somalia starts addressing its internal issues that have caused and resulted from the failure, which is far from straightforward. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (hereafter, NATO) invasion of Libya in 2011 demonstrated and revealed the operative logics and technologies of global coloniality. Global coloniality names the trans-historic expansion of colonial domination and the perpetuation of its effects in contemporary times. This thesis critically examines how coloniality of power was manifested in the invasion of Libya by NATO forces in 2011. Deploying a decolonial epistemic perspective, the thesis delves deeper into the invisible colonial matrices of power, and in the process exposing and unmasking the very conditions that made the invasion possible in the first place. The decolonial epistemic perspective combines historical and world systems analyses to shed light on the convergences of local histories and global designs in creating conflicts. At the centre of the concept of coloniality of power is control, expressed in four main levers of analysis, namely: control of authority, control of the economy, control of knowledge and subjectivity and control of gender and sexuality. At the centre of global colonial matrices of power, is the United Nations (UN), which is controlled by the few powerful states of the Global North with veto power. The UN is used to justify liberal imperial invasions. Libya just like Iraq before it, and Venezuela today, are victims of neo-liberal imperialist onslaught. What emerges in this thesis is how global coloniality has appropriated liberal discourses of liberal democracy and human rights to justify liberal imperialism. The main findings are that a Euro-North American-centric power configuration was challenged by Qaddafi’s introduction of the gold-backed dinar currency, the pursuit of acquiring a telecommunications satellite for information and knowledge-creation for Africa, Qaddafi’s rising popularity in Africa and the Global South, and Qaddafi’s conception and position on women-empowerment, thereby redefining the conception of gender and sexuality, which was antithetical to a Euro-North America-centric worldview. As a result, the delinquent Qaddafi had to be punished and eliminated. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2020. / Political Sciences / PhD International Relations / Unrestricted

This thesis examined the connection between Responsibility to Protect (R2P) as an international norm and the education of soldiers in Sweden and America. In a number of military handbooks and guides, the United States has emphasized the importance of R2P training as fundamental to the conduct of peace operations. One of the Swedish Armed Forces' four pillars (crimes against humanity, genocide, war crimes and ethnic cleansing) is international peace operations, which indicates that training in such operations is of great importance. Sweden and the United States have a positive stance on the UN principle R2P and have expressed themselves in that it is an important tool in the work towards peace. The education within the four crimes that are included in R2P is thus of great importance for both Sweden and the United States in peace work. Thus, the purpose of this thesis is to describe and compare the connection between R2P as an international norm and the training of soldiers in the four crimes that are included in the R2P principle. The results showed that R2P contains parts that are more or less prioritized by the Swedish and American military in terms of training of soldiers. It is clear that the principle R2P is not prioritized per se, but the education is instead given in subjects that the principle concerns, and therefore the education can be counted as being given, to a certain extent, in R2P.

This study focuses on humanitarian intervention in Iraq with a special focus on Iraqi Kurdistan. The purpose of the study is to analyze humanitarian intervention from different perspectives, especially in political matters. Despite this, a reasonable selection process is needed as not all international political aspects are particularly relevant. There are aspects which, although closely linked to humanitarian intervention, do not need a detailed analysis due to the already extensive literature and the established nature of the relevant regulation which does not analyze much new information. The study aims to apply theories and concepts in an analysis of humantarian intervention by applying a theoretical model based on humanitarian intervention and the UN's policy process. The analysis will focus on three dimensions: content, organization and legitimacy. By exploring these dimensions, the study will examine and evaluate different aspects of the intervention, including the political arguments, the structure and functioning of the UN policy process, and the legitimacy and support for the intervention from different actors and the world community. The method used in the study is qualitative research to define humanitarian intervention which is heavily dependent on the theoretical model. The most important results of the analysis are that there are no standards for when the UN system for crisis management should be activated and that the political unity in the Security Council is not as strong as the principles express. Other results are that thispolitical field, especially the political decisions about international armed conflicts, has countless very interesting aspects. However, a detailed presentation of these aspects requires a more specific study dealing with this topic, rather than an essay on humanitarian intervention.

The anti-cult movement, or ACM, in the United States is a counter-movement to the wide variety of new religions which developed in the years following the Second World War. The anti-cult movement is opposed to new religions because it perceives in them a threat to the American family, traditional values and morals, and way of life which it is attempting to protect. This perception reflects a nativistic response to new religions. Nativism is understood to be a conscious attempt on the part of a society's members to protect that society's culture from the threat posed by contact with other cultures. The anti-cult movement is attempting to protect those elements of American culture which it perceives as being threatened by new religions. The sections of American society which feel most threatened, and which make up the body of the anti-cult movement, are family groups and Evangelical Christian and Jewish religious groups. The nature of the anti-cult movement, its methods, motivations, and possible implications of its existence, are all illuminated by the theory of nativism as it applies to the ACM. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

Bakgrund: Inom den psykiatriska vården kan tvångsåtgärder behöva utföras på patienter som vårdas under tvångsvård. Detta kan innebära att patienternas delaktighet i vårdandet försvinner. Tidigare forskning visar att sjuksköterskor har svårt att vidta tvångsåtgärder då åtgärderna går emot flera av de principer som sjuksköterskor arbetar efter. Syfte: Belysa sjuksköterskors upplevelse av tvångsåtgärder inom psykiatrisk vård. Metod: En kvalitativ litteraturöversikt utförd med en systematisk sökning av vetenskapliga artiklar och analyserad med hjälp av femstegs analys.  Resultat: Sjuksköterskors upplevelse av tvångsåtgärder är mycket negativ. De upplever det som den svåraste delen av arbetet. Relationen mellan sjuksköterskan och patienten påverkas även negativt. Det upplevdes däremot som något nödvändigt för att skydda personal och patienter. Inget annat alternativ kunde inte heller identifieras och tvångsåtgärder sågs därför som nödvändigt för att situationen inte skulle bli ohållbar. Konklusion: Sjuksköterskor som arbetar inom psykiatrisk vård har en svår arbetsuppgift att utföra tvångsåtgärder när tvångsvård behövs. Det skapar ett etiskt dilemma som medför att respektera patientens autonomi/integritet och behovet att utföra åtgärder som resulterar i en kränkning av patienten. När en patient blir för aggressiv är situationen ohållbar. Tvångsåtgärder ses som nödvändigt för att bedriva en trygg och säker psykiatrisk vård. / Background: Restrictive measures can sometimes be necessary in psychiatric care as patients are treated with compulsory care. This can result in the disappearance of patient´s participation in the care. Previous research shows that nurses have difficulty using these measures as it goes against several of the nursing principles. Aim: Examine nurses experience of restrictive measures in psychiatric care. Method: A qualitative literature review was made using a systematic search for scientific articles. The data was analyzed using a five-step analysis. Findings: Nurses' experience of restrictive measures was very negative. They perceived it as the most difficult part of the job. The relationships between nurses and patients were also affected negatively. However, they perceived restrictive measures as necessary to protect patients and staff. No other alternative could be identified and it was perceived necessary to have the alternative of using it, to not make the situation unsustainable. Conclusion: Nurses in psychiatric care have a difficult task to perform with restrictive measures when compulsory care is needed. It creates an ethical dilemma, the patient’sautonomy/integrity needs to be respected but restrictive measures that violate patients are also needed. When patients become too aggressive the situation is unsustainable. To perform safe psychiatric care, restrictive measures are necessary.

This thesis strives to provide a new way of implementing the principle known as Responsibility to Protect (R2P). When traditionally associated with armed forces, this thesis will present the principle from a new angle, and in doing so illustrate its untapped potential as a tool for combating human suffering. The aim of this study is to normatively argue for R2P to also be applicable in a situation where water scarcity leads to such severe suffering that a state’s unwillingness or inability to manage the crisis puts people in a situation of despair equivalent with Crimes Against Humanity. The argumentation builds on a deductive inference where documents from the UN and the ICC lay the foundation for the premises. The study concludes that there exist circumstances where R2P could be invoked in the context of water scarcity, but advocates only the non-violent measures of the principle as responses.

This study is about the principle “Responsibility to Protect” and its implementation in several countries. The purpose of this study is to examine why the implementation of “Responsibility to Protect” has been used differently in similar situations. To limit my study I have chosen to examine two countries that have two different results on similar issues. I have chosen to study the conflict/civil war in Libya and Syria. The reason why I have chosen these countries is because these conflicts have similar causes and similar history, but how the international community responded differently and has argued various. This study will also highlight and observe the difficulties that the principle faces. For example the veto right in the united nation security council, and also the principle of sovereignty. At the end of this study I discuss the principle in general, what I think about it and how the principle “Responsibility to Protect” can be improved itself and develop to be more powerful and fulfill its purpose, to Protect civilians from genocide, crime against humanity and towards war crime.

Over the last two decades the frequency of humanitarian interventions in Africa, delivered by a wide range of actors, has increased. The British military intervention in the Sierra Leonean civil war in the early 2000s is often cited as an example of successful intervention and solidified Security Sector Reform (SSR) as a key component of state-building and development. Yet in-depth analysis of the long-term legacies of this ‘successful’ intervention are sparse and there remains a notable dearth in research exploring the British involvement from the perspectives of those directly involved or affected. This qualitative research provides a novel outlook by exploring micro-level experiences, thus addressing this lacuna through examining the legacies within Sierra Leone and in British foreign policy from an experiential perspective. The Responsibility to Protect (R2P) is used as a framework in order to draw out implications for global intervention practice, as arguably R2P must also be accompanied by a responsibility to fully understand the legacy of this social phenomenon. A themed analysis of original data explores the link between official narratives and the perspectives of those on the ground, often exposing a disconnect and identifying important nuances within the interpretation of the success of the British intervention. Through a critical analysis of these experiences significant questions are raised regarding the dynamics between intervening forces and the affected population; perceptions of legitimacy; accountability; and the implications for R2P more broadly.