Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-04-27T13:20:27Z No. of bitstreams: 1 cicerocezariodacostaneto.pdf: 867412 bytes, checksum: f0d5476993614323b9e05ab0705da393 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-05-02T00:59:05Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 cicerocezariodacostaneto.pdf: 867412 bytes, checksum: f0d5476993614323b9e05ab0705da393 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-05-02T00:59:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 cicerocezariodacostaneto.pdf: 867412 bytes, checksum: f0d5476993614323b9e05ab0705da393 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-26 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta dissertação oferece um estudo sobre o conceito de esfera pública desenvolvido por Charles Taylor em relação com o que se tem entendido por Teologia Pública no Brasil na atualidade. Através de investigação bibliográfica, o primeiro capítulo faz considerações centrais acerca do pensamento de Taylor sobre esfera pública, concentrado, sobretudo, no quarto capítulo de sua obra magna Uma Era Secular o colocando em diálogo com autores como Jürgen Habermas, Hannah Arendt, Nicolás Panotto, Paul Tillich e Rubem Alves. O segundo capítulo situa o debate sobre a Teologia Pública, do qual Rudolf von Sinner é o principal expoente, no contexto brasileiro atual e relaciona o conceito de Teologia Pública trabalhado no Brasil com os desenvolvidos na América do Norte e na África do Sul, bem como com a Teologia da Libertação e o protestantismo histórico. A partir disto, o último capítulo busca mostrar a atualidade, relevância e contribuições da reflexão acerca da Teologia Pública desde o conceito de esfera pública tayloriana para o debate a respeito da relação entre religião e o Estado democrático brasileiro. / This essay offers a study about the concept of public sphere developed by Charles Taylor in relation with what has been understood as Public Theology in Brazil today. Through bibliographic research, the first chapter make central considerations about the thought of Taylor about the public sphere, concentrated mainly in the fourth chapter of his magnum opus A Secular Age, placing it in dialogue with authors such as Jürgen Habermas, Hannah Arendt, Nicolás Panotto, Paul Tillich and Rubem Alves. The second chapter situates the debate about the Public Theology, which Rudolf von Sinner is the leading exponent in the current Brazilian context, and relates the concept of Public Theology worked in Brasil with that developed in North America and South Africa, as well with Liberation Theology and the historic protestantism. Finaly, the last chapter seeks to show the actuality, relevance and contribution of the reflection about Public Theology with the concept taylorian of public sphere for the debate about the relationship between religion and the brazilian democratic State.

This thesis explores the prestige associated in late medieval Scotland with Flemish luxury products, using a material culture-based approach founded on the premise that objects can reveal the beliefs and attitudes of those who used them. Adding to existing scholarship which concentrates on the economic, political, and diplomatic connections between Scotland and Flanders, this research offers a new artefactual dimension to this relationship. It challenges the perception of Scotland as culturally and materially unsophisticated while simultaneously considering how objects were used in the expression of elite power and status. What drives this work is that late medieval Scottish elites were fully immersed in the most highly regarded and fashionable material trends of western Europe and that their consumption patterns fit into a wider mentality which saw Flemish craftsmanship as an ideal. A new model is thus presented, moving away from the traditional concentration on fluctuating wool exports and taking into account the cultural agency of noble, ecclesiastic, and burghal elites. It entails the initial examination of Scottish consumer demand and its impact on the Flemish luxury market. Following this are chapters on gift exchange and the presentation of magnificence, centred around the perception of the Flemish aesthetic as representative of elite status. Finally, this approach is applied to the burghal and clerical spheres, arguing that Flemish church furniture played a role in the formation and maintenance of elite urban identities. The comprehensive examination of artefactual sources, combined with the commercial, ritual, and ceremonial evidence found in written sources, enables the building up of a clearer impression of Scoto-Flemish material culture than has previously been realised. It is demonstrated that the material environment of late medieval Scottish elites was comparable to those of other European polities, constituting a common cultural sphere furnished by the luxury products of Flanders and the southern Low Countries.

[pt] A questão que move esta estudo gira em torno de indagações teóricas acerca do papel das novas mídias na formação política atual. Parto da ideia de que a internet desempenha, hoje, papel central no desenho da esfera pública. Faz- se necessário, entretanto, transcender o conceito, tal como pontuado por Jurgen Habermas, visto que este defende que o agir nesta esfera resume-se a expor e ouvir ideias em sua forma discursiva verbal. É intrínseco, portanto, que atuando na esfera pública podemos formar nossas opiniões, compartilhá-las e transformá-las, configurando-a, por princípio, como um espaço formativo. Normalmente, autores da área da educação relacionam o pensamento de Habermas à formação política em, pelo menos, duas vertentes: a construção de um público apto a argumentar utilizando a linguagem verbal; e sua relação com a formação dos indivíduos, no tocante a sua capacidade de construir opiniões de forma crítica e reflexiva. Ela é, então, caracterizada pelo autor como um espaço racional e mediado pela linguagem verbal. Acredito, contudo, que algo foge a essas interpretações, especialmente, quando observamos a interação na web. Defendo a tese de que é preciso considerar a esfera pública virtual uma tecnologia cognitiva, ampliando sua conhecida vertente discursiva verbal. O intuito da pesquisa é unir uma série de aspectos que, em detrimento da valorização do discurso racional, acabam excluídas da análise habermasiana e da pedagogia crítica. Isso não significa abandonar a ideia de que a esfera pública seja um espaço de atos de fala, de discussão de ideias ou mesmo de emancipação social ou criação de consciência política, mas procurar ir além. Interessa-me englobar, a esse vasto repertório, uma concepção de funcionamento da mente/racionalidade que incorpore também aspectos corporais, emocionais e tecnológicos ao uso dos artefatos conectados à internet como tecnologias cognitivas, extensões de nossa mente e objetos materiais que produzem e/ ou alteram o sentido empregadona construção de significados e visões de mundo. Isso implica compreender esses objetos como constitutivos e transformadores e, não apenas, instrumentos procedimentais ou mediadores na construção de nossas opiniões e ideologias políticas. / [en] The question that moves this thesis includes theoretical inquiries about the role of new media in the current political formation. I start from the idea that the internet plays, nowadays, a central position in the design of the public sphere, because it has been presented as the great deliberative arena today. It is necessary, however, to transcend the concept, as designed by Jurgen Habermas. He argues that acting in this sphere means to expose and listen to ideas in the verbal discursive form. It is, therefore, acting in the public sphere that we can form our opinions, share them and also transform them. Because it has these configurations the public space is by principle a formative space. Usually, authors of Education area relate Habermas s thinking to political formation in at least two strands: the construction of a public apt to argue using verbal language; and to form individuals capable of constructing their opinions in a critical and reflexive way. It means that public sphere is then a rational space mediated by verbal language. I believe, however, that something escapes these interpretations, especially when we observe the interaction on the web. I defend the thesis that it is necessary to consider the virtual public sphere as a cognitive technology, amplifying its wellknown verbal discourse. The aim of the research is to unite a series of aspects that, to the detriment of the valorization of the rational discourse, are excluded from the habermasian analysis and the critical pedagogy. It doesn t mean I m rejecting the idea that the public sphere is a space of speech acts, discussion of ideas or social emancipation, but go further. I am interested in including in this vision a conception of mind / rationality that also incorporates corporal, emotional and technological aspects to the use of internet connected artifacts as cognitive technologies, extensions of our mind and material objects that produce and / or altering construction of meanings and visions of the world. This implies understanding these objects as constitutive and transformative, not merely procedimental instruments or mediators in the construction of our political opinions and ideologies.

This study examines the potential for the Internet, or more specifically the World Wide Web, to enhance local democracy and local governance by providing a networked public sphere. It is located in post-industrial theories of social and political transformation, which see a new, uncertain and complex society emerging which may transform the political significance of the 'local'. Whilst a number of causes are identified as culpable in this process, it is the ICT revolution and the development of the Web in particular, that is seen as possessing a democratising potential that, if realised, may bring greater resilience to geographic localities. The potential of the Web to provide a new networked public sphere is based upon contested views that its topography, its hyperlinked structure, can enable the ordinary citizen's voice to be heard above those that traditionally dominate political discourse. However, there has been no attention paid to this potential being realised at a local governance level within which, this study argues, a favourable environment should exist for a local online networked public sphere to prosper. Accordingly, this prospect is empirically explored here through a case study of the use made of the Web by a variety of local civic, political and institutional actors during a 2008 local (Manchester, UK) referendum on introducing the largest traffic congestion charging scheme in the country. This research applies a distinctive mixed method approach within a conceptually defined internet mediated domain of local governance. Relational Hyperlink Analysis is used to analyse the structural significance of the captured congestion charge. This analysis uses Social Network Analysis (SNA) and an associated statistical technique, Exponential Random Graph Modelling (ERGM) to render the network visible and understandable. To further illuminate how the network was used by local civic and institutional actors involved in the referendum the research draws upon a network ethnography approach which uses SNA to identify subjects for qualitative investigation. The study offers some evidence of the Web providing 'just enough' links in this local context to suggest the structural existence of a networked public sphere. However, further evidence from the narratives and the statistical model paint an alternative picture. This suggests that, in the main, hyperlinking behaviour and use made of the network corresponds to a 'politics as usual' scenario where cliques are more likely to proliferate and powerful economic and media interests dominate online as they do offline. If the ordinary citizen's voice is to be heard in this context then there is a requirement for policy intervention to establish a trusted local networked public sphere or online civic space, independent of vested interests but linked to the local governance decision making process. In addition to this there is a requirement for greater education, particularly aimed at senior local governance policy makers, in the culture of online engagement.

The maturation of the public sphere in Argentina during the late nineteenth and early twentiethcenturies was a critical element in the nation-building process and the overall development ofthe modern state. Within the context of this evolution, the discourse of disease generatedintense debates that subsequently influenced policies that transformed the public spaces ofBuenos Aires and facilitated state intervention within the private domains of the city’sinhabitants. Under the banner of hygiene and public health, municipal officials thusEuropeanized the nation’s capital through the construction of parks and plazas and likewiseutilized the press to garner support for the initiatives that would remedy the unsanitaryconditions and practices of the city. Despite promises to the contrary, the improvements to thepublic spaces of Buenos Aires primarily benefited the porteño elite while the efforts to rootout disease often targeted working-class neighborhoods. The model that reformed the publicspace of Buenos Aires, including its socially differentiated application of aesthetic order andpublic health policies, was ultimately employed throughout the Argentine Republic as theconsolidated political elite rolled out its national program of material and social development.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2015-12-10T13:23:33Z No. of bitstreams: 1 carolinalimasilvapereira.pdf: 1682133 bytes, checksum: 843273fb0ef7d9edb4bcd71063a52dba (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2015-12-10T14:13:28Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 carolinalimasilvapereira.pdf: 1682133 bytes, checksum: 843273fb0ef7d9edb4bcd71063a52dba (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-12-10T14:13:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 carolinalimasilvapereira.pdf: 1682133 bytes, checksum: 843273fb0ef7d9edb4bcd71063a52dba (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-01-20 / Considerando que na contemporaneidade o discurso político tem alargado suas fronteiras, com candidatos a cargos públicos passando a utilizar as redes sociais para construção de uma imagem positiva, em busca de consolidar accountability político, conquistar eleitores, influenciar opiniões e buscar identificação com sua campanha, o presente trabalho discute o surgimento de uma esfera de participação política nas redes sociais a partir da análise da fanpage de três candidatos a deputado federal nas eleições de 2014, Margarida Salomão (PT), Marcus Pestana (PSDB) e Júlio Delgado (PSB). A proposta procura entender como são construídas relações de sentido a partir de postagens e de interações entre cidadãos e candidatos e entre os próprios cidadãos no Facebook, com vistas a compreender o processo de deliberação a partir da formação de um clima de discussão política propício ao debate e ao fortalecimento democrático na internet. A metodologia utilizada consiste na aplicação da análise de conteúdo categorial proposta por Laurence Bardin para analisar as postagens nas fanpages nos meses de maio/junho e setembro/outubro de 2014. / Where as in contemporary political discourse has extended its borders, with candidates for public office starting to use social networks to build a positive image, seeking to consolidate political accountability, to win voters, influence opinions and seek identification with his campaign this paper discusses the emergence of a sphere of political participation in social networks based on the analysis of fanpage three candidates in the 2014 elections, Margarida Salomão ( PT) , Marcus Pestana (PSDB ) and Julio Delgado (PSB ). The proposal seeks to understand how relationships are built of sense from posts and interactions between citizens and candidates and among the citizens on Facebook, in order to understand the decisionmaking process from the formation of a political climate conducive to discussion debate and democratic strengthening the internet. The methodology used is the analysis application of categorical proposed by Laurence Bardin to analyze posts in fanpages in May / June and September / October 2014 .

Esta tese é uma pesquisa em Poéticas Visuais que tem como ponto de partida o Arte Ocupação -- movimento de ações colaborativas nas escolas ocupadas no Paraná em 2016, que, por meio de intervenções diretas, gerou uma série de situações e proposições, as quais refletem e afirmam a condição-ocupação como dispositivo relacional, ao mesmo tempo que interpelam o campo da arte sugerindo um território de desbordes com imagens por vir. Partindo de um referencial conceitual baseado nas ideias do artista, pensador, político e ativista Marcelo Expósito, para quem a arte deve ser articulada por meio de uma função organizadora, buscou-se uma contextualização circunstancial, que, somada a outras interlocuções artísticas e teóricas sobre arte, política, imagem e esfera pública, é indicada aqui como \"prática modal\". Ainda como parte desta, transcreveu-se e traduziu-se para o português a apresentação El arte como producción de modos de organización, de Marcelo Expósito, traduziu-se o texto Sobre el Militante Investigador do Colectivo Situaciones e analisou-se o processo de trabalho do Arte Ocupação a partir da constituição de seu acervo propositivo, a dizer, a oficina Imagin(Ação): narrativas poético-políticas para estados de crise. Atelier-oficina para manifestações-exposições-ópera e as proposições Corpos que se descobrem como corpos que se manifestam, Colar de Chaves, Mato, A Revolução Francesa e Jogral, que podem ser vistas em www.arteocupacao.com. / This thesis is a research in Visual Poetics that has, as a starting point, the Arte Ocupação - a movement consistent of collaborative actions at occupied schools in Paraná, in 2016. This movement, through direct interventions, has generated a series of situations and propositions, which reflect and affirm the occupation-condition as a relational device, at the same time, interpellating the art field suggesting a land of overflows with coming images. Starting from a conceptual referential, based upon the ideas of the artist, thinker, politic and activist Marcelo Expósito, to whom art should be articulated by means of an organizational function, it was sought a circumstantial contextualization, which, added to other artistic and theoretical interlocutions about art, politics, image and public sphere, is here indicated as \"modal practice\". Still as a part of this, it was transcribed and translated into Portuguese the presentation Art as the sourceproduction of organizational modes, by Marcelo Expósito, it was translated the text About the militant investigador from Colectivo Situaciones and it was analized the work process of Arte Ocupação from the constitution of it\'s propositional collection, that is, the workshop Imagin(action): politic-poetic narratives for crisis\' states. Workshop-studio for operaexpositions- manifestations and the propositions Bodies that discover themselves as bodies that manifest themselves, keys necklace, Bush, The French Revolution and Jogral, wich can be seen at www.arteocupacao.com.

Abstract  In Sweden, moderators of Facebook groups are currently required to remove illegal content from their forums according to BBS-lagen. The law is however old and rarely used, and the impact of it’s existence is unclear. The purpose of the essay is to gain understanding on how moderators of Facebook groups think and act on illegal/inappropriate content that is published within their groups, and what impact the current legislation on the subject in Sweden has on their behavior. In order to examine this the following questions was asked:  -       How does moderators of big Facebook groups reason and act on potentially illegal/inappropriate content in their groups?  -       How do moderators of big Facebook groups reason and act on potentially illegal/inappropriate content in their groups, in relation to the law on bulletin board systems (BBS-lagen)?  The theoretical vantage points were the Public Sphere by Habermas and Panopticon by Foucault, to explain the actions of the moderators and the impact of legislation. The methods used were semi-structured qualitative interviews with moderators of Facebook groups, in combination with an analysis on relevant legal documents.  The study found that the majority of the interviewed Facebook moderators had a semi - rigorous moderation approach, where freedom of speech was important, but also second to the wellbeing of the community. The forums had to have some level of surveillance on a regular basis, often following use of the Facebook report function. They were mostly aware of the legislation but did not actively use it as a tool for moderation, they leaned on the group's internal regulations instead.    Keywords: BBS-lagen, democracy online, surveillance, Facebook moderation, illegal content

Climate change is one of the greatest threats to humanity with millions of people already suffering from its consequences in the last two decades. Social media, as a communication channel, has an important role to play in provoking a response to climate change. Social networking sites are known to be more interactive and potentially provide a great platform for the masses to make their voices heard, shape policy objectives, and even influence intransigent negotiations. This research explored how African youth are using the social media in climate change discussions and advocacy. The literature for this study is drawn from various studies focusing on climate change key issues, climate change communication and application of strategic communication to social media climate change initiatives and campaigns. A mixed method research approach was used to collect data for the study. Findings revealed that Facebook is the common social media platform for climate change discussions among Malawian youth as 62.50% of the participants use it to talk about the issue.

By examining the donations by the local nobility to the local church, this thesis aims to study the church as a public room. By analyzing the donations of the nobility in relation to Habermas concept of the public sphere and the concept of conspicuous consumption the donations to the churches can be viewed as manifestations of power. This thesis studies all donations to the churches that leaves material and visual remnants in the church room. The results shows that there was a conscious strategy for the nobility to use the church for manifestation and representation of power. The nobility used their donations to manifest their power and to represent the power towards the people. This was done by filling the church with their names and coats of arms. By donating liturgical objects, church silver, chapels and coats of arms used for funerals the nobility was able to symbolically place themselves in the religious rituals. The church as a room was a symbolically and hierarchical place, and by connecting themselves with this room by donations the nobility could manifest their position in society, both locally and nationally.