O CODIVAR (Consórcio de Desenvolvimento Intermunicipal do Vale do Ribeira) e o CONSAD (Consórcio de Segurança Alimentar e Desenvolvimento Local) são dois instrumentos de ação pública criados no Vale do Ribeira - SP com o objetivo de promover cooperação para o desenvolvimento, a partir de diferentes referências. No caso do CODIVAR, sua origem é bottom-up a partir de iniciativa voluntária dos prefeitos e da influência externa do nível estadual representado por Franco Montoro e seus ideais progressistas; é configurado em uma estrutura decisória restrita aos prefeitos. No caso do CONSAD, sua origem é top-down a partir do contexto das políticas de desenvolvimento territorial propostas pelo nível federal representado por Lula e fundamentado pela retórica participativa de seu discurso eleitoral; é configurado em uma estrutura decisória que concede poder de participação e capacidade de deliberação para a sociedade civil, proporcionando-lhe protagonismo. Ao longo do tempo e do movimento de interação com os atores que se apropriaram destes instrumentos de acordo com suas lógicas e interesses, os objetivos que motivaram sua criação mudaram de trajetória. Assim, os instrumentos passaram a ser inercialmente conduzidos, assumindo vida própria a partir de novas representações. Este movimento de apropriação do espaço do Vale do Ribeira pelos atores permitiu a construção social de dois territórios sobrepostos, organizados por conexões e lógicas de atuação distintas (embora igualmente amesquinhadas) que geram tensões e impossibilidade de articulação e cooperação. Além disso, este movimento permite entender como foram construídas relações de atraso no interior destes instrumentos. No caso do CODIVAR, tais relações explicam sua capacidade de permanência legitimada no espaço de ação pública do Vale do Ribeira, enquanto no CONSAD desenharam caminhos que levaram ao esvaziamento do fórum. / CODIVAR (Intermunicipal Consortium for the Development of the Ribeira Valley) and CONSAD (Consortium for Food Security and Local Development) and are two public action instruments created in the Ribeira Valley, São Paulo state, Brazil, with the aim of promoting cooperation for development from different references. In the case of CODIVAR, its origin is \"bottom-up\" from voluntary initiative of the mayors and the external influence of the state level government represented by Franco Montoro and his progressive ideals; It is set in a decision-making structure restricted to mayors. In the case of CONSAD, its origin is \"top-down\" from the context of territorial development policies proposed by the federal level represented by Lula and grounded by the participatory rhetoric of his election speech; It is set in a decision-making structure that empowers participation and deliberation capacity for civil society, making it the protagonist. Over time and throughout the movement of interaction with the actors who have appropriated these instruments according to their logic and interests, the goals that motivated instruments creation changed their trajectory. Thus, the instruments started being inertially conducted, taking life from new representations. This appropriation movement of the Ribeira Valley by the actors allowed the social construction of two overlapping territories, organized by distinct connections and logics of action (though both contaminated by personal and political interests) that generate tension and impossibility of articulation and cooperation. Furthermore, this movement allows to understand how delayed relations were constructed within these instruments. In the case of CODIVAR such relations explain its legitimate staying power in public action space of the Ribeira Valley, while in CONSAD such relations drew paths that led the forum to emptying process.

Esta tese Jornalismo e Políticas Públicas analisa uma amostra da cobertura da pauta Políticas Publicas pela imprensa de São Paulo, no período entre 1994/2004, dos jornais “Folha de S.Paulo” e “O Estado de S.Paulo” e das revistas semanais “Carta Capital” e “Veja” . Este estudo parte de um universo de 170 matérias e seleciona 18 textos para refletir se o jornalismo traz em si o potencial de estabelecer relações entre o discurso e a ação pública, comunicando ao leitor a interação que se dá entre Estado, governo e sociedade civil na implementação de uma política pública, no gasto do orçamento para a resolução dos problemas sociais do país. Desta forma, se observa se o jornalismo auxilia na dinâmica da participação política, que possa ser concretizada pela administração pública e o cidadão. A pesquisa reúne reflexões de autores de referência sobre democracia, poliarquia, espaço público, participação dos movimentos sociais, redimensionamento e questões do Estado, governabilidade, uso público da razão e da emoção, a natureza do espaço e do tempo na globalização acelerada, o estado da arte das políticas públicas no Brasil dos anos 90. A partir deste corpus teórico, criaram-se cinco categorias (engenharia social, pluralidade, noção de transformação sócio - política, didatismo e agir público) para se realizar a análise de conteúdo dos 18 textos escolhidos e dimensionar se, apesar da fragmentação inerente à atividade jornalística, a imprensa escrita consegue desempenhar esta tarefa com competência editorial, isto é, refletir o grau de conhecimento e participação que a sociedade brasileira já amealhou sobre Políticas Públicas, informando ainda o caráter matricial da pauta, que perpassa por diversos campos da atividade humana. O comentário a seguir de Theodoro Lowi, esclarece a expressão Política Pública e pontua o significado do termo de que trataremos nesta tese. “ A expressão política pública é um termo engenhoso que reflete a interpenetração entre o governo liberal e a sociedade, insinuando a existência de uma flexibilidade e reciprocidades maiores do que permitem alguns sinônimos unilaterais tais como: leis, estatutos, éditos e semelhantes. Essa difusão reflete novos valores na cultura política relativos à publicização de decisões e à noção da esfera pública como distinta da esfera estatal” Jornalismo e Políticas Públicas conclui que o jornalismo tem em si o potencial de estabelecer relações entre a ação pública e o discurso, quando aborda com competência editorial, pautas relativas às políticas públicas implementadas para resolver problemas sociais. Este princípio se fortalece na medida em que o processo de implantação de uma política pública possibilita em tese a criação e o fortalecimento das relações entre os agentes sociais, através da ação e do discurso, que segundo Hanna Arendt, encerra a condição humana na esfera pública, para Arendt, a esfera das aparências De maneira geral, é na mídia impressa que se processa maior relacionamento critico entre meio de comunicação e o leitor. Ao menos, pressupõe –se que ao público do jornal está consagrada a ferramenta básica da cidadania que é o entendimento da língua e o potencial de expressão, base do relacionamento público. Em relação ao jornalismo, a reflexão sobre sua contribuição no desenvolvimento social mais equilibrado do Brasil, ao estabelecer relações entre discurso ( o pensamento) e ação pública, levantou questões que ajudam a entender melhor a posição híbrida dos jornais e revistas que, são meios de produção privados, portanto visam lucros e defendem interesses vários, ao mesmo tempo em que lançam no espaço mental público, informações e debates. É possível que os jornais, antes de se transformarem em tribunais de execução sumária da reputação alheia, sejam agentes do princípio mais caro da ação política pública : a necessidade de se submeter o pensamento (discurso) ao exame público. / Abstract This Journalism and Public Policies thesis analyzes a sample of press coverage of Public Policy issues in São Paulo between 1994 to 2004, as published by the newspapers “Folha de S. Paulo” and “O Estado de S. Paulo”, as well as the weekly magazines “Carta Capital” and “Veja”. This study is based upon 170 stories. Eighteen texts have been selected to determine if journalism itself is capable of establishing connections between discourse and public action, communicating to the reader the interaction that takes place between the State, government and civil society for implementing public policy and budget expenditures for the resolution of social problems faced by the country. Thus, the question posed is whether or not journalism furthers the dynamic of public participation, which the government and citizens can put into practice. The research blends the reflections of the referenced authors on democracy, polyarchy, public space, participation in social movements, the redesign and questions of the State, governability, public use of reason and emotion, the nature of space and time in an era of accelerated globalization, as well as state-of-the-art public politics in Brazil during the 1990’s. Five categories were then created from this theoretical body (social engineering, plurality, the notion of socio-political transformation, didacticism and public action) to analyze the content of the eighteen chosen texts and to provide a framework. Despite the fragmentation inherent to journalistic activities, the written press is able to perform this task with editorial competence, that is, to reflect the degree of knowledge and participation that Brazilian society has already gained little by little about Public Policies, which further informs the core nature of the issue and runs through various fields of human activity. The quote below from Theodoro Lowi clarifies this expression of Public Policy and emphasizes its meaning as it is used in this thesis. “Public political expression is a clever term that reflects the blending of liberal government and society, insinuating the existence of greater flexibility and reciprocity than some unilateral synonyms would allow, like: laws, statutes, bills and the like. This diffusion reflects new values in political culture relative to the diffusion of decisions, and the notion of a public sphere that is distinctly separate from the state sphere.” Journalism and Public Policy concludes that journalism itself has the potential to establish an active relationship between public action and discourse, when editorial integrity is upheld, on public policies implemented to resolve social problems. This principle is strengthened to the extent that the process for implementing a public policy makes it possible, in theory, to create and strengthen associations among social agents through action and discourse, which, according to Hanna Arendt, confines the human condition in the public sphere, which, for Arendt, is a sphere of appearances. In general, it is the print media that contains the greatest critical relationship between communication means and the reader. At the very least, it assumes that the newspaper’s readership is in command of the most basic tools of citizenship, which are an understanding of the language and the potential for expression, that is, the basis of a public relationship. With respect to Journalism, reflections on its contribution towards a more balanced social development in Brazil, by establishing relationships between discourse (thought) and public action, have raised questions that aid in a better understanding of the hybrid position of newspapers and magazines, which are means of private production, and, as such, seek profits, defend various interests, and attempt to inject information and debates into the public consciousness. Newspapers can, prior to becoming forums for the summary execution of reputations, be agents of the most precious principle of public political action: the need to submit thought (discourse) to public examination.

Na presente tese de doutorado, apresentamos nossas investigações acerca do Mestrado Nacional Profissional em Ensino de Física (MNPEF) enquanto dispositivo de política pública de formação continuada de professores. O desenvolvimento de nossa pesquisa foi fundamentado na articulação dos quadros conceituais da Sociologia da Ação Pública e da Filosofia da Linguagem do Círculo de Bakhtin. Nessa perspectiva, nosso esquema geral de investigação consistiu na análise bakhtiniana de uma complexa cadeia de enunciados oriundos dos modos de regulação que delimitamos no interior do MNPEF, notadamente, a regulação de controle e a regulação autônoma. Assim, concentrados nos primeiros 21 Polos Regionais (PR) do MNPEF criados em 2013, nosso objetivo foi estudar os modos de regulação desse programa, descrevendo e analisando a existência dos modos de regulação de controle - estruturas concebidas para coordenar e orientar as ações dos atores sociais - e dos modos de regulação autônoma, relativos à forma como esses atores convivem e (re)ajustam essas orientações. O corpus de nossa pesquisa foi construído, por um lado, pautado na regulação de controle e uma cadeia de documentos referentes tanto ao contexto específico do MNPEF, quanto o contexto amplo da pós-graduação nacional, e, por outro lado, no âmbito da regulação autônoma, por trabalhos de conclusão oriundos das primeiras turmas e por entrevistas realizadas com professores que atuam em distintos PR. Nossas investigações apontam o MNPEF como um dispositivo de política pública multirregulado, balizado sobretudo pelas regulamentações da Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) para os cursos de Mestrado Profissional em Ensino (MPE) e pelos órgãos administrativos nomeados pela Sociedade Brasileira de Física (SBF), entidade coordenadora do programa. Ao olharmos para o MNPEF como uma ação pública, identificamos a coexistência de modos de regulação de controle e de regulação autônoma. Contudo, não identificamos nenhum elemento que potencialmente ilustre ações conjuntas no âmbito nacional do MNPEF, mas apenas alguns indicativos de ações conjuntas que influenciam exclusivamente o contexto local dos PR, caracterizando, assim, processos de microrregulação local. / In this work, we show investigations about the Mestrado Nacional Profissional em Ensino de Física (MNPEF) as a public policy for formation of Physics teachers. For the development of our research, the theoretical-methodological framework was constructed based on the sociology of public action and the Bakhtin’s Circle philosophy of language. Therefore, we created a general research scheme that consisted of the analysis of a complex chain of statements derived from the modes of regulation of MNPEF, notably, the control regulation and autonomous regulation. Thus, concentrated in the first 21 Regional Poles (PR) of the MNPEF, created in 2013, our objective was to study MNPEF's modes of regulation, describing and analyzing the control regulation - structures designed to coordinate and guide the actions of social actors - and the autonomous regulation, concerning the way in which these actors reinvent the orientations about the program. The corpus of our research was built, on the one hand, based on the control regulation and a chain of documents referring to the specific context of the MNPEF and to the broad context of the national post-graduation, on the other hand, based on the scope of autonomous regulation, by works of conclusion coming from the first classes and by interviews with teachers who work in different PR. Our research indicates that the MNPEF is a multiregulated public policy device, mainly based on the regulations of the Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) for the Professional Master's in Education (MPE) courses and by the administrative bodies appointed by the Sociedade Brasileira de Física (SBF), which coordinates the program. When we look at the MNPEF as a public action, we identify the coexistence of modes of regulation of control and autonomous. However, we do not identify any element that potentially illustrates joint actions at the national level of the MNPEF, but only some indicative of joint actions that exclusively influence the local context of PR, thus characterizing processes of local micro-regulation.

La présente recherche analyse la mise en œuvre de la politique d’encouragement à l’achat de la carte d’assurance-maladie publique au Vietnam. Pour ce faire, le premier axe de recherche consiste à faire un état des lieux du système vietnamien d’assurance-maladie et de l’utilisation de la carte d’assurance-maladie par les différentes catégories socio-professionnelles. Le deuxième axe de recherche consiste à élucider la question de savoir si ce programme gouvernemental est porteur d’ambiguïtés. Il s’agit là d’une analyse documentaire de la présente politique elle-même. Le troisième consiste à éclaircir les logiques différentes, à décrire les conflits et les tensions entre les groupes d’intérêts divers, à savoir : l’État, les médecins, les professionnels de l’assurance-maladie et les groupes sociaux, surtout les acteurs visés par la politique, qui n’ont pas encore la carte d’assurance-maladie. Le dernier axe de recherche essaie de comprendre comment et dans quelles mesures ces divers acteurs pourraient entrer en négociation pour en arriver à des compromis et à la réalisation de ladite politique. À partir de cette analyse, nous comprendrions mieux quel en serait le mode de régulation et/ou de gouvernance à l’heure actuelle le mieux adapté à la situation vietnamienne. En termes d’approche méthodologique, la présente recherche propose tout d’abord une analyse « bottom-up » des conflits et des tensions à partir de la définition de l’action des acteurs les plus bas du système d’acteurs que sont les groupes sociaux non-bénéficiaires de la carte d’assurance-maladie publique. Ainsi, leurs besoins, leurs attentes, leurs objectifs, leurs moyens et leur rationalité, ou plutôt leur logique, nous guident dans la détermination des logiques d’achat de ce produit public. À partir de là, nous analysons les interactions entre ceux-ci et d’autres acteurs comme l’État, les médecins, les professionnels de l’assurance-maladie, qui consistent à construire le système d’assurance-maladie du Vietnam. Cette approche méthodologique nous permet de faire des études qualitatives et quantitatives au travers des échantillonnages représentant les groupes d’intérêts divers relatifs à cette politique d’universalisation et d’encouragement à l’achat volontaire de la carte d’assurance-maladie publique.La recherche utilise des outils méthodologiques tels que des entretiens approfondis auprès des autorités centrales et locales en matière d’assurance-maladie publique, des médecins, des professionnels de l’assurance-maladie et des groupes sociaux qui se divisent en deux sous-groupes : les détenteurs de la carte d’assurance-maladie publique et ceux qui n’ont pas adhéré à cette offre. Un autre outil méthodologique est l’observation participante sur des espaces sociaux où se trouve une condensation des interactions, par exemple : au cabinet de consultation d’un médecin, au guichet de remboursement des frais d’hospitalisation…C’est dans ces espaces sociaux que les conflits et/ou tensions se défrichent aussi d’une manière « spontanée » et nous aident dans leur découverte. / The study aims at examining the implementation process of public health insurance card in Vietnam. In order to accomplish the research aim, the study has five research objectives. First, this study analyzes the situation of the health insurance system in Vietnam, as well as the use of health insurance card among different population groups with different socioeconomic backgrounds. Second, the study examines the transparency of the health insurance card promotion run by the government. Literature review was conducted to address this objective. Third, stemming from the existing conflicts among different stakeholders, the study investigates motivations and actions of the stakeholders, including: governors, physicians, health insurance staff, and target beneficiaries. Target beneficiaries include people without health insurance. Fourth, the study explores the social negotiation strategies used by different stakeholders in order to implement health insurance. Last but not least, the study recommends strategies for health insurance regulation and management tailored to the Vietnamese context. Regarding methodology, this study adopts the bottom-up approach to investigate social conflicts by identifying action logic of the lowest group in the social hierarchy. The lowest group refers to the most disadvantaged group without public health insurance. The study examines needs, motivations, expectations, objectives, means, and strategies of people in this group which lead to their decision-making (purchasing voluntary health insurance or not). Furthermore, the study analyzes social interactions of stakeholders in this disadvantaged group, as well as their interactions with other stakeholders, such as governors, physicians, and health insurance staff. These interactions construct the health insurance system in Vietnam. Adopting this approach, the researcher applies both qualitative and quantitative research methods. The study sample is representative of different social groups regarding policies of voluntary health insurance. The study applies different data collection methods. First, the researcher conducted in-depth interviews with: (1) representatives of health insurance managers at different levels, from central to local level; (2) physicians; (3) health insurance staff; (4) people using public health insurance; and (5) people not using public health insurance. Second, the researcher conducted participant observation in appropriate settings, such as health clinics, health insurance offices, etc. These settings exposed social conflicts among different stakeholders inherently. Combining different data collection methods yields fruitful results for the study.

Na presente tese de doutorado, apresentamos nossas investigações acerca do Mestrado Nacional Profissional em Ensino de Física (MNPEF) enquanto dispositivo de política pública de formação continuada de professores. O desenvolvimento de nossa pesquisa foi fundamentado na articulação dos quadros conceituais da Sociologia da Ação Pública e da Filosofia da Linguagem do Círculo de Bakhtin. Nessa perspectiva, nosso esquema geral de investigação consistiu na análise bakhtiniana de uma complexa cadeia de enunciados oriundos dos modos de regulação que delimitamos no interior do MNPEF, notadamente, a regulação de controle e a regulação autônoma. Assim, concentrados nos primeiros 21 Polos Regionais (PR) do MNPEF criados em 2013, nosso objetivo foi estudar os modos de regulação desse programa, descrevendo e analisando a existência dos modos de regulação de controle - estruturas concebidas para coordenar e orientar as ações dos atores sociais - e dos modos de regulação autônoma, relativos à forma como esses atores convivem e (re)ajustam essas orientações. O corpus de nossa pesquisa foi construído, por um lado, pautado na regulação de controle e uma cadeia de documentos referentes tanto ao contexto específico do MNPEF, quanto o contexto amplo da pós-graduação nacional, e, por outro lado, no âmbito da regulação autônoma, por trabalhos de conclusão oriundos das primeiras turmas e por entrevistas realizadas com professores que atuam em distintos PR. Nossas investigações apontam o MNPEF como um dispositivo de política pública multirregulado, balizado sobretudo pelas regulamentações da Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) para os cursos de Mestrado Profissional em Ensino (MPE) e pelos órgãos administrativos nomeados pela Sociedade Brasileira de Física (SBF), entidade coordenadora do programa. Ao olharmos para o MNPEF como uma ação pública, identificamos a coexistência de modos de regulação de controle e de regulação autônoma. Contudo, não identificamos nenhum elemento que potencialmente ilustre ações conjuntas no âmbito nacional do MNPEF, mas apenas alguns indicativos de ações conjuntas que influenciam exclusivamente o contexto local dos PR, caracterizando, assim, processos de microrregulação local. / In this work, we show investigations about the Mestrado Nacional Profissional em Ensino de Física (MNPEF) as a public policy for formation of Physics teachers. For the development of our research, the theoretical-methodological framework was constructed based on the sociology of public action and the Bakhtin’s Circle philosophy of language. Therefore, we created a general research scheme that consisted of the analysis of a complex chain of statements derived from the modes of regulation of MNPEF, notably, the control regulation and autonomous regulation. Thus, concentrated in the first 21 Regional Poles (PR) of the MNPEF, created in 2013, our objective was to study MNPEF's modes of regulation, describing and analyzing the control regulation - structures designed to coordinate and guide the actions of social actors - and the autonomous regulation, concerning the way in which these actors reinvent the orientations about the program. The corpus of our research was built, on the one hand, based on the control regulation and a chain of documents referring to the specific context of the MNPEF and to the broad context of the national post-graduation, on the other hand, based on the scope of autonomous regulation, by works of conclusion coming from the first classes and by interviews with teachers who work in different PR. Our research indicates that the MNPEF is a multiregulated public policy device, mainly based on the regulations of the Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) for the Professional Master's in Education (MPE) courses and by the administrative bodies appointed by the Sociedade Brasileira de Física (SBF), which coordinates the program. When we look at the MNPEF as a public action, we identify the coexistence of modes of regulation of control and autonomous. However, we do not identify any element that potentially illustrates joint actions at the national level of the MNPEF, but only some indicative of joint actions that exclusively influence the local context of PR, thus characterizing processes of local micro-regulation.

Cette thèse s’intéresse aux capacités des citoyens, en France, à agir collectivement et à impulser des productions « alternatives » de leur cadre de vie et de leur cadre habité. Fondées largement sur une critique des modes de production conventionnels, ces démarches en proposent un dépassement dans une perspective de mutualisation et de solidarité. Si elles se réclament d’expériences étrangères, elles s’inscrivent en même temps dans la poursuite d’un débat tant idéologique qu’opérationnel qui a parcouru le XX° siècle sur la participation des habitants à la production de l’habitat. En portant notre regard sur une série d’initiatives qui ont émergé au début des années 2000, nous analysons leurs modalités de structuration, d’organisation collective et d’interpellation de l’action publique. Ces mobilisations qui sont portées par des acteurs associatifs, politiques et institutionnels construisent ainsi le Monde de « l’habitat participatif ». Pour mieux saisir ce mouvement contemporain, nous nous sommes penchée sur l’héritage des expériences françaises de l’habitat groupé autogéré de la fin des années 1970. L’approche diachronique de l’enquête questionne les niveaux de filiation entre les initiatives d’hier et celles des années 2000. Cette analyse montre comment s’organisent ces militants et les stratégies qu’ils adoptent pour faire entendre leur revendication. Elle met en évidence les mécanismes d’élaboration d’une question publique et son traitement par des acteurs institutionnels. Cette thèse contribue à l’analyse de la transformation de l’action publique et questionne les capacités de co-construire et de dialogue entre initiative militante et acteurs institutionnels. / This thesis focuses on the capacity of citizens to collectively promote “alternatives” in terms of living and housing environments in France. Grounded in a broad critique of conventional modes of production, the study suggests ways of transcending these modes through social processes such as sharing and solidarity. Although many such experiments have occurred outside of France, they are linked to ongoing twentieth century ideological and operational debates about resident participation in the construction of their own housing. By closely examining a series of initiatives in the early 2000s, the present study analyzes how they were organized and structured and how they generated public action. Under the auspices of housing associations and political and institutional organizations, these mobilizations have collectively supported the construction of a World of “participative housing.” In order understand this contemporary movement in an historical perspective, the study has also investigated the legacy of self-managed housing projects in France in the late 1970s. This diachronic approach helps to critically appraise relationships between earlier initiatives and more recent examples in the early 2000s. The study demonstrates how activists organized themselves; it analyses the strategies they used to ensure their demands would be heard. It highlights the mechanisms through which this public issue was created and describes its reception by a range of institutional actors. This thesis contributes to an analysis of the transformation of public action. It questions the capacities to co-construct and to drive a dialogue between activist initiatives and institutional actors.

Na presente tese de doutorado, apresentamos nossas investigações acerca do Mestrado Nacional Profissional em Ensino de Física (MNPEF) enquanto dispositivo de política pública de formação continuada de professores. O desenvolvimento de nossa pesquisa foi fundamentado na articulação dos quadros conceituais da Sociologia da Ação Pública e da Filosofia da Linguagem do Círculo de Bakhtin. Nessa perspectiva, nosso esquema geral de investigação consistiu na análise bakhtiniana de uma complexa cadeia de enunciados oriundos dos modos de regulação que delimitamos no interior do MNPEF, notadamente, a regulação de controle e a regulação autônoma. Assim, concentrados nos primeiros 21 Polos Regionais (PR) do MNPEF criados em 2013, nosso objetivo foi estudar os modos de regulação desse programa, descrevendo e analisando a existência dos modos de regulação de controle - estruturas concebidas para coordenar e orientar as ações dos atores sociais - e dos modos de regulação autônoma, relativos à forma como esses atores convivem e (re)ajustam essas orientações. O corpus de nossa pesquisa foi construído, por um lado, pautado na regulação de controle e uma cadeia de documentos referentes tanto ao contexto específico do MNPEF, quanto o contexto amplo da pós-graduação nacional, e, por outro lado, no âmbito da regulação autônoma, por trabalhos de conclusão oriundos das primeiras turmas e por entrevistas realizadas com professores que atuam em distintos PR. Nossas investigações apontam o MNPEF como um dispositivo de política pública multirregulado, balizado sobretudo pelas regulamentações da Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) para os cursos de Mestrado Profissional em Ensino (MPE) e pelos órgãos administrativos nomeados pela Sociedade Brasileira de Física (SBF), entidade coordenadora do programa. Ao olharmos para o MNPEF como uma ação pública, identificamos a coexistência de modos de regulação de controle e de regulação autônoma. Contudo, não identificamos nenhum elemento que potencialmente ilustre ações conjuntas no âmbito nacional do MNPEF, mas apenas alguns indicativos de ações conjuntas que influenciam exclusivamente o contexto local dos PR, caracterizando, assim, processos de microrregulação local. / In this work, we show investigations about the Mestrado Nacional Profissional em Ensino de Física (MNPEF) as a public policy for formation of Physics teachers. For the development of our research, the theoretical-methodological framework was constructed based on the sociology of public action and the Bakhtin’s Circle philosophy of language. Therefore, we created a general research scheme that consisted of the analysis of a complex chain of statements derived from the modes of regulation of MNPEF, notably, the control regulation and autonomous regulation. Thus, concentrated in the first 21 Regional Poles (PR) of the MNPEF, created in 2013, our objective was to study MNPEF's modes of regulation, describing and analyzing the control regulation - structures designed to coordinate and guide the actions of social actors - and the autonomous regulation, concerning the way in which these actors reinvent the orientations about the program. The corpus of our research was built, on the one hand, based on the control regulation and a chain of documents referring to the specific context of the MNPEF and to the broad context of the national post-graduation, on the other hand, based on the scope of autonomous regulation, by works of conclusion coming from the first classes and by interviews with teachers who work in different PR. Our research indicates that the MNPEF is a multiregulated public policy device, mainly based on the regulations of the Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) for the Professional Master's in Education (MPE) courses and by the administrative bodies appointed by the Sociedade Brasileira de Física (SBF), which coordinates the program. When we look at the MNPEF as a public action, we identify the coexistence of modes of regulation of control and autonomous. However, we do not identify any element that potentially illustrates joint actions at the national level of the MNPEF, but only some indicative of joint actions that exclusively influence the local context of PR, thus characterizing processes of local micro-regulation.

O CODIVAR (Consórcio de Desenvolvimento Intermunicipal do Vale do Ribeira) e o CONSAD (Consórcio de Segurança Alimentar e Desenvolvimento Local) são dois instrumentos de ação pública criados no Vale do Ribeira - SP com o objetivo de promover cooperação para o desenvolvimento, a partir de diferentes referências. No caso do CODIVAR, sua origem é bottom-up a partir de iniciativa voluntária dos prefeitos e da influência externa do nível estadual representado por Franco Montoro e seus ideais progressistas; é configurado em uma estrutura decisória restrita aos prefeitos. No caso do CONSAD, sua origem é top-down a partir do contexto das políticas de desenvolvimento territorial propostas pelo nível federal representado por Lula e fundamentado pela retórica participativa de seu discurso eleitoral; é configurado em uma estrutura decisória que concede poder de participação e capacidade de deliberação para a sociedade civil, proporcionando-lhe protagonismo. Ao longo do tempo e do movimento de interação com os atores que se apropriaram destes instrumentos de acordo com suas lógicas e interesses, os objetivos que motivaram sua criação mudaram de trajetória. Assim, os instrumentos passaram a ser inercialmente conduzidos, assumindo vida própria a partir de novas representações. Este movimento de apropriação do espaço do Vale do Ribeira pelos atores permitiu a construção social de dois territórios sobrepostos, organizados por conexões e lógicas de atuação distintas (embora igualmente amesquinhadas) que geram tensões e impossibilidade de articulação e cooperação. Além disso, este movimento permite entender como foram construídas relações de atraso no interior destes instrumentos. No caso do CODIVAR, tais relações explicam sua capacidade de permanência legitimada no espaço de ação pública do Vale do Ribeira, enquanto no CONSAD desenharam caminhos que levaram ao esvaziamento do fórum. / CODIVAR (Intermunicipal Consortium for the Development of the Ribeira Valley) and CONSAD (Consortium for Food Security and Local Development) and are two public action instruments created in the Ribeira Valley, São Paulo state, Brazil, with the aim of promoting cooperation for development from different references. In the case of CODIVAR, its origin is \"bottom-up\" from voluntary initiative of the mayors and the external influence of the state level government represented by Franco Montoro and his progressive ideals; It is set in a decision-making structure restricted to mayors. In the case of CONSAD, its origin is \"top-down\" from the context of territorial development policies proposed by the federal level represented by Lula and grounded by the participatory rhetoric of his election speech; It is set in a decision-making structure that empowers participation and deliberation capacity for civil society, making it the protagonist. Over time and throughout the movement of interaction with the actors who have appropriated these instruments according to their logic and interests, the goals that motivated instruments creation changed their trajectory. Thus, the instruments started being inertially conducted, taking life from new representations. This appropriation movement of the Ribeira Valley by the actors allowed the social construction of two overlapping territories, organized by distinct connections and logics of action (though both contaminated by personal and political interests) that generate tension and impossibility of articulation and cooperation. Furthermore, this movement allows to understand how delayed relations were constructed within these instruments. In the case of CODIVAR such relations explain its legitimate staying power in public action space of the Ribeira Valley, while in CONSAD such relations drew paths that led the forum to emptying process.

Michelin est une firme multinationale présente sur tous les continents, elle détient près de 70 sites à travers le monde, qui emploient au total 108 000 salariés. En ce sens, l’entreprise a la capacité de valoriser divers territoires d’implantation dans le cadre de la mondialisation de ses activités, en s’émancipant des contraintes spatiales pour répondre à une consommation globale. Or, la multinationale du pneumatique a toujours maintenu son siège social dans la ville où l’entreprise industrielle est née à la fin du XIXème siècle, Clermont-Ferrand, signe qu’un degré élevé de mondialisation peut coexister avec un ancrage territorial centenaire. Il convient alors de s’interroger sur les ressorts, nécessairement évolutifs, de l’enracinement clermontois de Michelin. De la fin du XIXème siècle jusqu’à la Seconde guerre mondiale, l’entreprise a mis en place à Clermont-Ferrand un système paternaliste d’encadrement social de la force de travail qui accompagnait l’existence de l’ouvrier du « berceau à la tombe ». Cités-jardins, écoles, équipements médicaux, sportifs, œuvres sociales, etc. ont ainsi été conçues pour attirer, fidéliser et finalement assujettir une main-d’œuvre généralement issue du milieu rural auvergnat. S’ajoutant à l’emprise spatiale des sites industriels, tous localisés sur la commune de Clermont-Ferrand et composant un « espace Michelin » s’étalant entre les centres anciens de Clermont et de Montferrand, l’ensemble des équipements du système paternaliste dessine un « monde Michelin », défini comme une entité socio-spatiale autonome par rapport au reste de la société urbaine locale.Cette organisation sociale spécifique a une finalité essentiellement productive. Confrontée à l’absence de tradition industrielle qui caractérise la région clermontoise au début du XXème siècle, la firme façonne un milieu économique progressivement soumis à la croissance d’une mono-industrie, celle du caoutchouc, puis à une seule entreprise, Michelin. Cette dernière devient alors le principal moteur de l’économie locale, le puissant leader d’un bassin qui s’industrialise brutalement.Enfin, les relations de l’entreprise avec les pouvoirs publics locaux sont déterminantes pour comprendre comment un acteur privé a pu conformer une ville à ses logiques économiques. En effet, le déploiement d’une initiative sur l’espace ne se peut se réaliser sans lien avec le pouvoir institutionnalisé des élites politiques, celles-ci maîtrisant des ressources réglementaires indispensables à la mise en œuvre de l’aménagement urbain. Le concours de Michelin à la fabrique de la ville est ainsi indissociable des initiatives publiques, menées notamment par la municipalité de Clermont-Ferrand. Au final, on peut considérer qu’on assiste, dans la première moitié du XXème siècle, à la construction, par une entreprise, d’un territoire formé de quatre dimensions interdépendantes : une emprise spatiale, une organisation sociale, une fonction économique et une régulation politique. Une fois posées les modalités de la constitution de ce « territoire Michelin », l’objectif de ce travail est d’analyser comment cette construction territoriale évolue dans le temps, selon un cycle de « territorialisation / déterritorialisation / reterritorialisation » qui renouvelle les conditions de l’ancrage territorial d’une firme mondiale et renseigne sur la dialectique entre local et global, le territoire pouvant alors être considéré comme une clé de lecture du capitalisme et de ses conséquences sur l’évolution des sociétés urbaines. / Michelin is a multinational presents on all the continents, it holds 70 sites worldwide, which employ all in all 108 000 employees. This way, the company has the capacity to value diverse territories within the framework of the globalization of its activities, by becoming emancipated spatial constraints to answer a global consumption. Yet, the multinational of the tire always maintained its head office in the city where the industrial company was born at the end of the XIXth century, Clermont-Ferrand, sign when a high degree of globalization can coexist with a hundred-years-old territorial anchoring. It is then advisable to wonder about reasons, inevitably evolutionary, of the presence of Michelin in Clermont-Ferrand.From the end of the XIXth century to the Second World War, the company set up in Clermont-Ferrand a paternalistic system of social frame of the working strength which accompanied the existence of the worker of the "cradle in the grave". Garden cities, schools, medical, sports equipments, charitable works, etc. were so designed to attract, develop loyalty and finally subject a workforce generally stemming from the rural environment from Auvergne. Being added to the spatial influence of the industrial sites, all located on the municipality of Clermont-Ferrand and composing a "space Michelin" spreading out between the old centers of Clermont and Montferrand, all the equipments of the paternalistic system draws a "world Michelin", defined as an autonomous socio-spatial entity, compared with the rest of the local urban society.This specific social organization has an essentially productive purpose. Confronted with the absence of industrial tradition which characterizes the clermontoise region at the beginning of the XXth century, the firm shapes an economic environment gradually subjected to the growth of a mono-industry, that some rubber, then to the single company, Michelin. The latter becomes then the main engine of the local economy, the powerful leader of a pond which becomes industrialized brutally.Finally, the relations of the company with the local public authorities are determining to understand how a private actor was able to shape a city to his economic logics. Indeed, the deployment of an initiative on the space cannot come true without link with the power institutionalized by the political elites, these mastering statutory resources indispensable to the implementation of the urban planning. The participation of Michelin to the urbanization is so inseparable public initiatives, led in particular by the municipality of Clermont-Ferrand. In the end, we can consider that we attend, in the first half of the XXth century, in the construction, by a company, of a territory structured by four interdependent dimensions: a spatial influence, a social organization, an economic function and a political regulation. Once put the modalities of the constitution of this "territory Michelin", the objective of this work is to analyze how this territorial construction evolves during the history, according to a cycle of "territorialization / deterritorialization / reterritorialization" which renews the conditions of the territorial anchoring of a world firm and informs about the dialectic between local and global, the territory which can then be considered as a key of reading of the capitalism and its consequences on the evolution of the urban societies.

Dans le contexte d’un renouvellement des formes de gouvernance locale, nous assistons depuis quelques années à des expériences de débat participatif dont le sport est l’objet. Contribuant à un rapprochement à la fois spatial et affectif, ces dispositifs de démocratie participative entendent rénover une démocratie représentative qui serait en crise. A Strasbourg, alors que la démocratie locale s’instaure comme un nouvel outil de l’action publique, le nouveau pouvoir municipal en place depuis 2008 organise les Etats Généraux du Sport (EGS) et engage une dynamique innovante de démocratie par et dans le sport. Issue d’une observation participante et d’une série d’entretiens, cette recherche propose une analyse interne tant du dispositif participatif local visant une nouvelle politique sportive municipale que des caractéristiques des acteurs engagés dans le jeu de la concertation. Elle met en lumière les enjeux sociopolitiques sous-Jacents et invite à mieux comprendre la stratégie des élus dans la conception du débat public et dans la mise en scène de la voix des habitants intéressés par la question sportive. Dynamiques descendantes - au profit des élus - et dynamiques ascendantes - à travers la reconnaissance d’une expertise citoyenne- se conjuguent pour faire émerger un jeu participatif local particulier au carrefour de diverses logiques. / In relation to the renewal of local governance procedure, some participative debates on sport issues have taken place over the past few years. By reducing the gap between citizens and representatives spatially and emotionally, this participative democracy actions has targeted to upgrade a representative democracy that is said to be in crisis. In Strasbourg, while local democracy was increasingly more shown as a new tool for public action, the new municipal council elected in 2008 staged the “Etat Généraux du Sport (EGS)”. Therefore, it started an innovative dynamics of democracy in the sport. Based on a participative observation and a range of interviews, this research work analyses not only the local participative plans aimed at creating a new municipal sport policy but also the characteristics of the actors involved in the consultation processes. It highlights social and political issues and enables to better understand elected members’ strategy in public debates and how they manage the voice of the citizens’ who have an interest in sport issues. Top down democracy – towards elected members – and bottom up democracy– through the acknowledgment of civic expertise – are combined in order to define the participative local setup which gathers several logics.