O regime da ação civil pública baseia-se no Código de Defesa do Consumidor e na Lei da Ação Civil Pública. A legitimidade sindical fundamenta-se na previsão constitucional do artigo 8º, inciso III, e na autorização concedida de forma genérica às associações na Lei da Ação Civil Pública, artigo 5º, inciso V e no Código de Defesa do Consumidor, artigo 82, inciso IV. O Código de Defesa do Consumidor organizou os interesses em três categorias: os interesses difusos, coletivos, e individuais homogêneos. Os interesses difusos são os que geram maior oposição da doutrina em relação à legitimidade sindical, em razão de sua amplitude quando comparado com a noção de categoria. Mas é possível fundamentar a legitimidade sindical em relação aos interesses difusos com base no Princípio Democrático e na Teoria dos Direitos Fundamentais. No processo coletivo, a regra geral é que o legitimado é um terceiro em relação ao direito material discutido no processo. A legitimação é concorrente, exclusiva e disjuntiva. A doutrina aceita os requisitos da pertinência temática e o período de pré-constituição da associação; mas considera obstativos da demanda coletiva os requisitos que exigem a autorização assemblear e a individualização dos substituídos. No Brasil, questiona-se a existência do requisito da representatividade adequada da class action. Este requisito somente pode ser avaliado em relação ao legitimado no caso concreto pelo juiz, mas muitos entendem que a legislação já fez essa avaliação ao autorizar abstratamente a legitimação. A doutrina assinala, ainda, que esse requisito somente será aplicável em relação às associações e sindicatos. / The civil public action was governed by Code of Protection of the Consumers and the Law of Civil Public Action. The standing to sue of the labor union in the civil public action was accepted by the article 8°, III from the Brazilian Constitution and by a generic allowance to associations at the article 5°, V of the Law of Civil Public Action and the article 82, IV, of Code of Protection of the Consumers. The Code of Protection of the Consumers creates three kind of general interests: diffuse, collective and homogeneous individual interests. There is opposition again standing to sue of the labor union relative to the diffuse interest, because that kind of interest is more widely spread out than the labor class that the labor union represents. The standing to sue of the labor union in the case of the diffuse interest is based on the Democratic Principle and the Human Rights Theory. In the collective suit, the general rule is that the party to suit is a third one in relation with the person that is connected with the substantive law effects. The standing to sue in the civil public action is considered free to all of the collective players that are mentioned by the law, without any hierarchy among them. About the requirement imposed by the Law, doctrine accept the thematic pertinence and the time of one year of the settlement of the association; but take as obstructive the requirements that impose the name of members of the group and the permission decided in special meeting of the labor union or civil association. There is doubt about the existence of the requirement of the adequacy of representation, from the American class action, in the civil public action. That requirement must be analyzed by the judge, but most of the doctrine affirms that the adequacy of representation was made by the lawmaker when they choose which one would have the standing to sue. Most of the doctrine asseverates that the adequacy of representation is necessary only for the private entities.

O presente trabalho tem como objetivo central avaliar o percurso da ação pública nos assentamentos urbanos informais do Município de São Paulo, compreendendo as intervenções em favelas e a produção alternativa de moradias, através de mutirão e autoconstrução, no período de 1979 1994. Esse período corresponde à existência do Fundo de Atendimento à População Moradora em Habitação Subnormal FUNAPS, um fundo municipal criado com objetivo de financiar as intervenções no universo das moradias sub-normais, assim entendidas as habitações que, a critério da Prefeitura, fossem destituídas das condições mínimas de segurança, durabilidade e dimensão, apresentassem índices de insalubridade e não permitissem aos moradores o atendimento de suas necessidades primárias. Através desse Fundo foram realizadas várias intervenções que beneficiaram 55.000 famílias, compreendendo a urbanização de áreas ocupadas, financiamento para compra de áreas, financiamento de material para autoconstrução, produção de unidades isoladas e conjuntos habitacionais através de empreitada e mutirão. A hipótese que conduz esse estudo é a de que o poder público, ao intervir no universo dos assentamentos informais e no atendimento da população de mais baixa renda, acaba por assumir as práticas vigentes nesse universo e, como conseqüência, não promove a regularidade e a inserção desses assentamentos na estrutura urbana formal, bem como não promove as ações integradas necessárias para seu desenvolvimento social e econômico. Nesse sentido, temos como hipótese correlata que, não obstante o significativo montante de investimentos públicos continuadamente realizados nas três últimas décadas, em toda sorte de assentamentos informais, bem como em programas de estímulo ao mutirão e outras práticas alternativas de produção de moradias, as ações empreendidas não foram suficientes para a inserção das áreas na estrutura urbana formal. / The meaning objective of this work is to value the public action way in the homes built on the same urban and informal groundplot in São Paulo city, including the intervencion in slums and the homes alternative production, by the community help and building by self help, between 1979 and 1994. This period referes to the existence of the Fundo de Atendimento à População Moradora em Habitação Subnormal FUNAPS, a municipal fund created with the purpose to provide capital for the intervencions in the sub-normal homes universe, now meaning the homes that, to the city hall discretion, werw deprived of the minimun conditions of safety, durability and size, that presented insalubrity rate and that didn´t allow to the inhabitants the caring for their essential necessities. By this fund, there were put into practice a lot of intervencions that improved better 55.000 families, including the occupied areas upgrading, financing to the bought of areas, financing to the bought of material to the building by self help, production of isolated unities and housing state by taskwork and community help. The hypothesis that guides this study is that the executive power, interciding in the informal homes built on the same groundplot and in the caring for the less income population, ends taking over the actual practices in this universe and, as consequence, doesn´t promote the regularity and the insertion of these homes built on the same groundplot into the formal structure, as well as doesn´t promote the needful integrated actions to its social and economic development. In this way, we have as suitable hypothesis that, besides the meaningful amount of public investiments all along put into practice in the three last decades, in all sort of informal homes built on the same groundplot, over there in programs of incentive to the community help and other alternative practices alternatives of home production, the actions promoted weren´t enough to the insertion of the areas into the formal urban structure.

Le foncier, entendu comme des relations entre les humains à propos de la terre, est au cœur de la répartition des pouvoirs, particulièrement dans les sociétés à dominantes agraires. Encadrer sa gestion à travers la formulation d'une politique publique signifie altérer les rapports entre l'État et les pouvoirs locaux, et la manière dont l’État entend construire un pouvoir de contrôle sur les hommes et le territoire. À travers l'exemple de l'Ouganda sous le régime du National Resistance Movement (NRM), cette thèse en science politique analyse la manière dont une politique publique foncière se fabrique en interaction avec les structures de pouvoir. Nous touchons ici aux rapports entre polity, politics et policy. Appréhendée comme une activité politique, la fabrication d’une politique publique foncière en contextes africains n’est pas qu’une affaire d’État. Elle est une source de légitimité politique pour les acteurs intégrés au processus. Son instrumentalisation peut profiter à un changement de rapports de force. Ce processus commence à partir de la fabrication des énoncés de problème et aboutit à la négociation d'une solution. Cette recherche inductive se fonde sur des méthodes de recherche qualitative : observations participantes, entretiens semi-structurés, recours à la littérature grise et aux archives. Elle est le fruit d'un travail de terrain de quatre ans en Ouganda. Cette thèse innove d'un point de vue théorique en intégrant l'approche discursive et pragmatique de l'action publique à l'approche structurationniste. Elle lie cette approche à la notion « d'historicité de l’État importé ». Ce cadre théorique permet d'étudier les mouvements d'ordre et de désordre de la société qu'engendre la formulation des énoncés de problème et de solution. Elle fournit aussi un apport empirique détaillé à l'étude de la politique foncière en Ouganda. Cette thèse contribue ainsi à l'étude de la démocratisation en Afrique, de celle du foncier en Afrique, et de celle des politiques publiques en contextes africains. / Land tenure, defined as the set of relations among humans that determine their interaction with land, lies at the heart of power struggles, especially in agrarian societies. Governing land management through public policy means changing power relations between the state and the local institutions that exercise social control. Using Uganda under the regime of the National Resistance Movement (NRM) as its case study, this thesis in political science explores the manner a public policy concerning land is constructed through the interactions among various power structures. We are dealing here with the interactions among polity, politics and policy. Examined as a political activity, the construction of a public policy concerning land in African contexts goes beyond a matter of concern for the state alone. This activity is a source of political legitimacy for those actors participating in the process. Its instrumentalisation can lead to changes in power relations. This process starts with the construction of the problem and ends with the negotiation of a solution. This inductive research is based on qualitative research methods : participant observation, semi-structured interviews, analysis of grey literature and of archives. It is based on four years of field work in Uganda. This thesis innovates theoretically as it integrates the discursive and pragmatic approach of public policy to structuration theory. It ties this approach to the notion of « historicity of the imported state ». This theoretical framework allows us to study the ordering and disordering of society that are triggered by the formulation of problems and solutions. It provides a detailed empirical study of public policy concerning land in Uganda. This thesis contributes, more generally, to the study of democratisation in Africa, land tenure in Africa and public policy in African contexts.

La paradiplomatie est un concept novateur dans les relations internationales. C’est la doctrine qui essaie de cerner cette notion du point de vue conceptuel. Ainsi, sa définition varie d’un auteur à un autre. Et, les thématiques qui déterminent son champ d’action ne sont pas définies de manière exacte. Elle englobe la coopération décentralisée, les jumelages et les coopérations transfrontalières. Elle occupe une place prépondérante dans le droit des collectivités locales en France, en particulier les départements français d’Amérique, dans leurs relations avec leurs homologues caribéens. Les diverses actions paradiplomatiques de ces collectivités participent au développement durable dans le bassin caribéen. Elle constitue un véritable outil pour les collectivités afin de hisser le flambeau de la diplomatie française dans la Caraïbe. Dans cette optique, elle ne concurrence pas la diplomatie française mais, elle lui sert de complémentarité. Elle est fortement encadrée sur le plan juridique et institutionnel. En effet, la législation nationale, le droit de l’Union et le droit international déterminent sa mise en œuvre et ses limites. Des institutions au niveau national et international fournissent un cadre informationnel et éventuellement un appui financier. Cependant, la paradiplomatie impacte la gouvernance locale. / Paradiplomacy is an innovative concept in international relations. It is the doctrine that tries to define this notion from the conceptual point of view. Thus, its definition varies from one author to another. And the themes that determine its scope are not exactly defined. It encompasses decentralized cooperation, twinning and cross-border cooperation. It occupies a prominent place in the law of local authorities in France, in particular the French departments of America, in their relations with their Caribbean counterparts. The various paradiplomatic actions of these communities contribute to sustainable development in the Caribbean basin. It is a real tool for communities to raise the torch of French diplomacy in the Caribbean. In this perspective, it does not compete with French diplomacy, but complement it. It is heavily regulated from a legal and institutional point of view. Indeed, national legislation, EU law and international law determine its implementation and its limits. Institutions at national and international levels provide an informational framework and possibly financial support. However, paradiplomacy impacts local governance.

Submitted by Rosina Valeria Lanzellotti Mattiussi Teixeira (rosina.teixeira@unisantos.br) on 2015-05-20T11:53:45Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Carlos Alberto Carmello Junior.pdf: 587038 bytes, checksum: a1ee4e890a62c55db7ce7976354b7344 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-20T11:53:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Carlos Alberto Carmello Junior.pdf: 587038 bytes, checksum: a1ee4e890a62c55db7ce7976354b7344 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-10-09 / The purpose of this study is to estabilish the relationship between environmental policies and the civil public action, wich is the tool to take this kind of subject to the Brazilian Judiciary System. To achieve this gol it was needed to overlook how the environment and the public policies are brought into Brazilian legal system. Also, it was studies how the Judiciary branch deals with those kind of subjects and in what ways the judicial regulation can or should rule about political decisions. Finally, some issues concerned to civil public actions were studied, such as the adequacy of representation, specific injunctions and the right to prove. The focus of the study was to reveal that the issues concerned the civil public actions should be read with the eyes of the environmental protection brought in public environemental policies. / O objetivo do presente trabalho é estabelecer a relação existente entre as políticas públicas ambientais e a ação civil pública, que é a ferramenta para que se leve este tipo de assunto para apreciação do Poder Judiciário. Para alcançar este objetivo, foi necessário verificar como a proteção ambiental e as políticas públicas se inserem no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro. Ainda, foi abordada a maneira pela qual o Poder Judiciário lida com tais matérias e de que maneiras o Poder Judiciário pode ou deve decidir questões de natureza política. Finalmente, alguns institutos relacionados à ação civil pública foram estudados, tais quais a representação adequada, a tutela específica e o direito à prova. O foco do trabalho foi o de revelar que os institutos da ação civil pública devem ser interpretados e aplicados sob a influência do direito à proteção ambiental consagrado nas políticas públicas.

Cette thèse prend pour objet la diffusion dans les grandes écoles et les universités de modules de sensibilisation et de formation à « l’entrepreneuriat » ou à l’ « esprit d’entreprendre » destinés aux étudiants. Articulant science politique, sociologie de l’éducation et sociologie économique, ce travail retrace la genèse d’un problème public, sa mise en politique publique, et sa traduction en curriculum pour produire des conduites économiques d’un type particulier. Basé sur une enquête combinant méthodes qualitatives (entretiens, observations, archives) et quantitatives (passage et traitement de questionnaires), cette recherche montre, d’une part, comment certains espaces de l’enseignement supérieur se transforment sous l’effet de l’appropriation de cette nouvelle mission éducative et, d’autre part, comment le projet d’éduquer à l’entreprise se voit à son tour transformé par sa mise en forme scolaire et académique. Par ailleurs, ce travail établit que, si l’acclimatation de l’entrepreneuriat dans l’enseignement supérieur est rendue possible par la variété des usages dont il fait l’objet dans cet espace, ceux-ci ne sont toutefois jamais en mesure de modifier radicalement la signification d’un projet d’ « éducation au libéralisme » dont le cadre sémantique s’est cristallisé de longue date. En proposant une sociologie historique et politique de l’éducation à l’entrepreneuriat, cette thèse entend renouveler la connaissance de l’enseignement supérieur de deux façons : d’abord, en en donnant à voir des espaces et des acteurs jusqu’ici mal connus ; ensuite, en étudiant conjointement des dimensions rarement appréhendées ensemble (politiques universitaires et contenus d’enseignement). Ce faisant, ce travail contribue à la compréhension des mécanismes sociaux de production, de circulation et de légitimation de croyances et de pratiques économiques propres au capitalisme contemporain. / This thesis analyzes the dissemination of training modules on « entrepreneurship » or « entrepreneurial spirit » to the students of the « grandes écoles » and universities in France. Located at the intersection of political science, sociology of education and economic sociology, this research traces the genesis of a public problem, policy-making surrounding it and its translation into a curriculum to produce specific economic behaviors.Based on a field survey combining qualitative methods (interviews, participatory observations, archival research) and quantitative methods (questionnaires), this thesis demonstrates how certain areas of higher education are transformed by the appropriation of this new educational mission, and how the project of entrepreneurship education is in turn transformed by its school and academic formatting. This thesis then highlights that if the various uses of entrepreneurship in higher education have made its acclimatization in this space possible, these uses, however, are never able to radically change the meaning of a project of « education to liberalism » whose semantic framework has crystallized for a long time. Proposing a historical and political sociology of entrepreneurship education, this research intends to renew the knowledge on higher education in two ways : first, it analyzes spaces and actors that are typically/historicallunderstudied ; second, it analyzes two dimensions rarely considered together (university policies and content). This thesis therefore contributes to understanding the social mechanisms of production, circulation and legitimization of economic beliefs and practices characteristic of contemporary capitalism.

Le gouvernement colombien a mis en place les "Contratos Plan", un instrument de politique publique qui s’inspire du dispositif de contractualisation territoriale français "Contrats de Plan Etat Région". Les "Contratos Plan" devenus "Contratos Paz", seront utilisés dans la phase dite du post-conflit pour mettre en oeuvre le volet territorial des accords de paix signés entre la guérilla des FARC et le gouvernement en septembre 2016. La recherche étudie le process de policy transfer qui a donné lieu à la création de la mesure et les conséquences en matière de planification du développement et de recomposition de la gouvernance territoriale colombienne. / The Colombian Government has implemented the “Contratos Plan”, a public policy instrument directly inspired on french territorial contractualisation device "Contrats de Plan Etat Region". The "Contratos Plan” become "Contratos Paz", will be used in the post-conflict phase to implement the territorial component of the peace agreements signed between the FARC guerrilla and the Government in September 2016. This research studies the policy transfer process which gave rise to the creation of the measure and the consequences on planning development and restructuration of the Colombian territorial governance.

Depuis le début des années 2000, le recours à la méthodeexpérimentale par assignation aléatoire pour évaluer les dispositifs publicsconnait un essor mondial sans précédent. Cette méthode scientifique estprésentée par ses promoteurs comme la plus rigoureuse pour estimer l’impactd’une intervention ainsi que la mieux à même de favoriser la prise en comptedes preuves scientifiques par les décideurs politiques. Son utilisation dans lecadre de l’evidence-based policy nous amène à considérer cette méthodecomme un instrument, une institution sociale, visant à organiser unapprentissage commun entre les acteurs de l’action publique et les acteursscientifiques. L’observation de cette interaction constitue le coeur de ce travailde recherche. Ce dernier étudie comment l’inscription de ses parties prenantesdans leurs champs d’action stratégiques respectifs conditionne l’usage de cetteméthode sur le territoire français. Celle-ci se décline alors, en une variété desites institutionnels témoignant des oppositions entre les pratiques, les intérêts,et les modèles d’apprentissages des acteurs la composant. Notre analyse de15 études de cas de son utilisation sur le territoire français, révèle les tensionsinhérentes à l’application de cette méthode sur de nouveaux dispositifsd’intervention sociale, et questionne ses capacités à produire un apprentissagecommun entre acteurs de l’action publique et acteurs scientifiques. / The start of the XXIst century witnessed an unprecedenteduse of randomized controlled trials to assess public programs across theworld. This scientific method has been championed as the most rigorous toassess the impact of public intervention. It has promoted the use ofscientific evidence by policy makers through the evidence-based policymovement. Therefore, this method is to be understood as a socialinstitution whose aim is to organize a joint learning between policy actorsand scientists. The study of this interaction is the core of this dissertation,which analyzes how stakeholders’ memberships to their respective strategicaction fields drive this method's use in France. Through the execution ofthis method, we observe a range of different institutional sites. They aretestimonies of the opposing practices, interests and learning patterns of theactors involved. This dissertation analyses 15 case studies of this method'simplementation in France. It reveals the inherent tensions at work in its useon new social programs, and challenges this method's ability to produce ajoint learning between policy actors and scientists.

Cette thèse revient sur quarante ans de « fabrication » des réfugiés par l'Office Français de Protection des Réfugiés et des Apatrides (Ofpra) depuis sa création en 1952, où il s'apparente à un consulat pour les réfugiés, jusqu'en 1992, où s'achève sa reconfiguration en administration des demandeurs d'asile. Elle retrace ce faisant la carrière et la trajectoire de la catégorie d'intervention publique du réfugié. Au cours de cette période, la question de l'asile est en effet reformulée en passant du « problème » des réfugiés, à celui des demandeurs d'asile, désignant à chaque fois une catégorie cible à destination de laquelle l'action publique s'oriente en guise de solution. Cette thèse qui appréhende la catégorie de réfugié à partir de ses usages montre qu'il n'y a pas de réfugié « naturel », auquel correspondraient ou non les candidats à l'asile, de la même manière que la Convention de Genève ou la loi sur la création de l'Ofpra ne peuvent être considérées comme des textes neutres qui seraient applicables de façon objective si tant est que les institutions chargées de le faire soient indépendantes. Politiquement et historiquement situés, ces textes n'en sont pas moins des textes flous pouvant être interprétés de manière différente selon les besoins et les périodes. La recherche menée fait ainsi apparaître une catégorie de réfugié qui se reconfigure avec les transformations de l'institution chargée de l'attribuer : celles du profil et des trajectoires sociales de ses agents, de leurs pratiques et des dispositifs organisationnels qui les encadrent, eux-mêmes articulés à des politiques publiques spécifiques... / This Ph.D. explores forty year of "manufacturing" of refugees by the French Office for Protection of Refugees and Stateless (OFPRA) since its creation in 1952, where it was a sort of consulate for refugees, until 1992 when its ends its reconfiguration as an administration for asylum seekers. It traces the career and the path of the category of refugee as a category of public intervention. During this period, the issue of asylum is indeed reformulated from the "problem" of refugees to the "problem of "asylum seekers", designating target destination categories towards which public action is directed. This thesis, which captures the refugee category from its use, shows that there is no "natural" refugee to whom asylum seekers correspond or not. It shows also that the Geneva Convention or the Law on the establishment of OFPRA cannot be considered as neutral texts that would be applicable in an objective manner as long as the institutions in charge are independent. Politically and historically situated, these texts are not less also blurred texts that can be interpreted differently depending on the needs and periods. The research thus shows that the category of refugee reconfigures itself with the transformation of the institution responsible for its award: those of the profile and social trajectories of its agents, their practices and the organizational arrangements that surround them, themselves articulated to specific public policies...

Ce travail porte sur la catégorie d’action publique « jeunes en errance ». Il vise à comprendre son impact sur la mise en œuvre de l’action publique sur le terrain au travers de l’analyse des usages qu’en font les acteurs professionnels et les jeunes eux-mêmes. Après avoir retracé les étapes de la constitution du phénomène de l’errance des jeunes en problème public, nous avons analysé le rôle de l’Etat social dans la prise en charge de ce problème, au prisme de la norme instituée de l’insertion pour les jeunes. Ceci nous a permis d’en pointer les apories et notamment la bascule rapide des jeunes cumulant des difficultés depuis l’enfance vers le circuit de l’infra-assistance. A l’aune de ces constats, nous montrons en quoi la relation d’aide devient un lieu de renégociation des objectifs de l’action publique, les artisans de la relation d’aide considérés étant les professionnels de terrain et les jeunes usagers des services d’aide. L’analyse des pratiques professionnelles nous a révélé leur caractère « bricolé ». Nous avons ici pu démontrer qu’elles permettaient de redéfinir les cadres de l’action publique en direction des « jeunes en errance ». Grâce à la mise en place d’une éthique de l’intervention centrée sur la prise en compte des spécificités des jeunes accueillis, les professionnels fabriquent des ponts leur permettant d’aller au-delà des manques de l’aide publique. Nous avons également analysé les comportements des jeunes fréquentant régulièrement les structures de l’urgence sociale. Leur mode de recours à l’aide leur permet d’asseoir une identité légitime de « jeunes en errance », qu’ils valorisent au sein de la relation d’aide. Ils mettent en place des stratégies identitaires les autorisant à renégocier les cadres de l’attribution de l’aide, en y ayant recours de manière détournée ou partielle. Ils ignorent ainsi les objectifs d’insertion qui lui sont attachés, en en faisant un usage routinier, les entretenant alors dans une carrière de « jeunes en errance ». / This research investigates the French public action category “jeunes en errance” (which will be translated by “homeless youth”). It aims at understanding the impact of this category on the implementation of the public action, through the analysis of the usage that both the professional actors and the youth make of it. After having redrawn the stages of the construction of the homeless youth phenomenon as a public problem, the analysis focused on the role of the Welfare state based on the instituted norm of the youth’s integration. Paradoxes of public action have thus been identified, such as the quick turnaround towards the infra-assistance system of young people who have accumulated difficulties since their childhood. In the light of these findings, the research then shows how this “support relationship” transforms itself in an arena for the renegotiation of the public action's objectives between the professionals on the one hand, and the youth recipients of the services on the other hand. The analysis of the professional's practices puts the light on their unstable dimension. The research has shown that these practices facilitated the redefinition of the frameworks of the public action toward “homeless youth”. Through the setting of an intervention’s ethics based on the specificities of each young person, the professionals manage to compensate the shortages of public assistance. The behavior of young people who frequently resort to the structures of social emergency have also been investigated. The analysis has identified the process of construction of a legitimate identity of “homeless youth”, which young people put forward within the assistance relationship. They set up identity strategies which enable them to renegotiate the conditions of the allocation of support, by resorting to it but only in a partial or in an indirect way. Thus, they ignore the insertion objectives which are attached to these public measures and make a routinized usage of them, which contributes to maintain them in a “homeless youth” career.