En Israël et aux États-Unis, les politiques de défense matérialisant des limites territoriales au moyen de« barrières » ont pour point commun de susciter des mobilisations infra-étatiques (en Israël à partir de2001 pour une « barrière de sécurité » en Cisjordanie ; en Arizona à partir de 2010 pour une « barrièrefrontalière » avec le Mexique). Les opérations homologues de cadrage pro-barrière des situations demobilités et de présence de Palestiniens et de Mexicains que ces mobilisations remplissent, contribuentà entretenir le consensus sur le rôle du militaire dans la construction et le traitement d’un « problèmepublic » de la mobilité. Le territoire marqué par la barrière devient alors le lieu d’une performancepublique destinée à rassurer les citoyens israéliens et états-uniens. Par une analyse des représentations,des modes d’actions et des pratiques de sécurité pro-barrière, nous examinons les spécificitésnationales et géopolitiques de ces deux fabriques de barrière. Au-delà de ces spécificités, ladémonstration compare trois opérations homologues remplies par ces mobilisations dans leurssystèmes politiques : la problématisation des situations de mobilité et de présence d’étrangersindésirables ; la « sécuritisation » en une réponse militaire à apporter à ces situations ; et lapublicisation du cadrage pro-barrière par l’action collective et protestataire contre les gouvernements. / Beyond controlling mobility of undesirables, the function of the building up of “fences” on territorialboundaries is also to reassure fenced-in citizens. By analyzing the cases of Israel and the USA, thepresent dissertation investigates how the fenced territory becomes the place of a public performanceaimed to reassure Israeli and US citizens. The starting point of the demonstration is that such defensepolicies nourish social mobilizations (in Israel from 2001 in favor of a “security fence” in the WestBank; in Arizona from 2010 in favor of a “border fence” with Mexico). I rely on analyses ofrepresentations, actions and security practices of such mobilizations to investigate national andgeopolitical specificities. Beyond these specificities, I compare three analogous political operations bypro-fence movements in their political systems. First, they construct situations of mobility andpresence of undesirables as problematic. Second, they securitize these situations as a security issuescalling for a military response. Finally, they diffuse pro-fence framing by collective and dissentingactions against governments. Thus, they contribute to maintain a consensus over the role of themilitary in the construction and the management of a “public problem” of mobility in these twosocieties.

La thèse étudie les applications dites citoyennes pour mobiles et web qui sont développées en réponse aux problèmes publics variés et basées sur le principe de crowdsourcing. Elle s’intéresse à la fois à la conception de ces dispositifs, à leurs usages et aux façons dont ces outils transforment la communication des citoyens entre eux, et avec les pouvoirs publics. Elle explore les nouveaux formats d’innovation, comme les hackathons civiques, et interroge l’usage du code informatique en tant que nouvel instrument d’action collective.La thèse mobilise une méthodologie qui puise dans les répertoires des STS, de la sociologie des problèmes publics, de la science politique, des sciences de l’information et communication. Appuyée sur l’étude d'applications citoyennes en France et en Russie, elle pose différentes questions : comment traduit-on les problèmes publics en code informatique ; qu’est-ce que ces applications font et font faire ?; comment transforment-elles la participation citoyenne ?La recherche montre que les interfaces des applications façonnent et standardisent la participation en se basant sur les documents de référence : les lois, les réglementations normatives et techniques. Cependant, la standardisation a ses limites : se focalisant sur les moments de faille et des épreuves, telles que les tests, les mises à jour, le débogage des applications, l’enquête rend visibles les détournements et les bricolages mis en place par les usagers qui dépassent le cadrage par les interfaces et participent à la fois à la réécriture des applications et à la redéfinition des problèmes publics.La comparaison entre applications développées par les administrations publiques et projets portés par la société civile permet de distinguer deux façons de communiquer : les chaînes courtes et les chaînes longues. Sans les opposer, la thèse se place dans « l’entre-deux » et analyser les articulations, les agencements de ces réseaux socio-techniques. / The PhD dissertation studies new digital participative technologies called "civic apps", applications for mobile and web developed in response to a large scope of public problems and based on the principle of crowdsourcing. The research focuses on the conception of these tools, their usages and the way these tools transform the communication among citizens and between citizens and public administrations. It also explores new formats of civic tech innovation, such as civic hackathons, and question the usage of programming code as a new tool of collective action.The thesis calls upon the methodologies of sociology of science and technology, sociology of public problems, political science and science of information and communication. Based on a case-study of several civic apps in France and Russia, the inquiry adresses the following question: how does the translation of public problems into programming code occur ? And how do these applications transform civic participation?The research shows that the interfaces standardize and format the practices of participation, using documents such as laws, technical norms and standards. However, this standardization has its limits. Focusing on the moments of failure and trial, such as tests, updates or debug of applications, the inquiry highlights the practices of bricolage and detournement, deployed by users in order to overcome the framing by design and participate in the rewriting of the applications.The thesis compares civic applications with the applications developed by public administrations and distinguishes two models of communication called the "long chains" and the "short chains". However, instead of opposing administrative and civic initiatives, the thesis proposes to think from "in-between", analyzing the articulations and arrangements of these socio-technical networks.

Dans le cadre d'une politique publique presque universelle, la sécurité routière, cette thèse se consacre à une catégorie précise de conducteurs, les motocyclistes. Ceux-ci forment à la fois un groupe distinct d'usagers de la route, objet à ce titre de réglementations spécifiques, et, du moins quand ils sont et se considèrent comme motards, un groupe social. Dans les années 1970, au moment de son institutionnalisation, la politique de sécurité routière rencontre avec ces motards un problème inédit. La moto, disparue durant les années 1960, revient en effet massivement dans les rues avec de nouveaux, et jeunes, utilisateurs. Il lui faut alors inventer une façon de gérer le risque inédit qu'ils représentent, ce qu'elle fera en choisissant, parmi plusieurs options, une politique répressive dont on montrera comment elle a évolué jusqu'à nos jours, en la justifiant à l'aide de considérations morales et d'un appareillage statistique dont on montrera ce qu'il a d'inapproprié, de lacunaire et, parfois, de fictif.S'attaquant à un groupe social décidé à se défendre, cette politique va susciter une opposition organisée qui, au gré des alternances politiques, parviendra à en infléchir plus ou moins le cours, et formera toujours un adversaire avec lequel elle devra composer. Pour traiter un sujet de cet ordre il semble donc pertinent de s'appuyer sur la sociologie interactionniste, d'analyser de façon diachronique cette politique à partir de 1972, de l'étudier à divers échelons, de procéder enfin à des comparaisons diverses, entre États, entre capitales, mais aussi avec une politique publique qui traite de façon fort différente les utilisateurs d'un autre deux-roues, la bicyclette. / This thesis is devoted to an aspect of road safety policy, an almost universal public policy, and to a particular category of drivers, namely motorcyclists. They represent both a distinct road users' group, subject as such to specific regulations, and, at least when there are and do consider themselves as motorcycle riders, a social group. When the French road safety policy was designed, in the early 70's, motorcyclists turned out to be an unexpected problem. After vanishing during the 60's, the motorcycle was back in large numbers with new and young users. The state therefore invented a way of dealing with the unprecedented risk they represented. Among several options, it chose a repressive policy whose evolution we will trace from the 1970s to today. This policy was grounded on moral justifications and strengthened by an inadequate, incomplete and sometimes fictitious statistical body.This policy endangered a social group ready to defend itself, thus creating an organized opposition able to reorientate it partially. To this day, motorcycles remain an opponent the state has to cope with. To deal with this subject, it seems relevant to use the findings of interactionist sociology and to analyse this policy from a diachronic point of view, starting in 1972. We will study this subject at different scales and proceed to various comparisons between countries or capitals. Furthermore, we'll see how it compares to public policy that deals, in a very different manner, with users of another two-wheel vehicle, the bicycle.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-01T19:11:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 120584.pdf: 2783226 bytes, checksum: e9e9f2367a62358a96dded6dc7202d02 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-12-02 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The Brazilian Movement Against Electoral Corruption (MCCE) has been promoting social innovations in the Brazilian public sphere, since its formalization, in 2002, leading mobilization towards the creation of the only two popular initiative laws in Brazil, Law Against Vote Buying (Law n. 9840/1999) and Clean Slate Law (Complementary Law 135/2010). The main objective of this dissertation is to comprehend how MCCE has been promoting social innovation, on the attempt of responding the public problem of electoral corruption in Brazil. To accomplish this objective, this dissertation is structured in seven chapters, including the introduction, which we present the research problem and its frame. In chapter two, we constructed a theoretical and analytical frame to better comprehend the collective action of civil society actors. To do so, we started with the social innovation debate and its perspectives. The chosen perspective for this dissertation was based on an understanding of social innovation analyzed as a process. Specifically, this perspective is understood as an expression of the collectives actors in self-reflexing, self organizing and self-reforming (CEFAÏ; TERZI, 2012). In this sense, having the pragmatic sociology as a theoretical reference (BARTHE et al, 2013), we promote a debate between the Actor-Network Theory (ANT) (CALLON; LATOUR, 1981; LAW, 1999; LATOUR, 2001 and 2012) and the studies about the experience of the public problems (CEFAÏ, 2002, 2009 and 2012; CEFAÏ; TERZI, 2012) to build our own an analytical and methodological frame. This frame, which moments will be detailed in Chapter 3, had an ethnographic posture that led the research field, since August 2013 until October 2014. It was made different research strategies that resulted in a data triangulation, involving direct observation on different scenes of MCCE and also through the internet. The research field also had six interviews, with founders, directors, technicians and other members of the movement. A documental analysis was based on following the news about the movement, other dissertations and official documents. The results are presented in Chapters 4 to 6, which respond to the specific objectives of the research. First we mapped the public arena of electoral corruption in Brazil, based on cartography of controversies (VENTURINI, 2010). We aimed to map this public arena in three fields: political (mapping the news), scientific (analyzing the peer-reviewed scientific papers) and technical-legal (with the analysis of the most important laws regarding the issue). The time span of this mapping was between the years of 1988, took as a reference to us, which represented a year of democratic opening in Brazil, and 2014. The mapping made us identify the main actors-network of the public problem of electoral corruption in Brazil, their main statements, the controversies that appear and the world visions that are built during the time around this public problem. The analysis of this chapter resulted in a visualization of configuration process (CEFAÏ, 1996) or translation process (LATOUR, 2012), which problem public faces and that is influenced in your definition and its forms of interpretation. We provide evidences, which actors-networks linked with MCCE were leaders in this process and a question is raised, on how the movement promotes this incidence, focusing the analysis of the movement s experience. This is made in Chapters 5 and 6, which focus on the MCCE s experience, making a diachronic analysis (focusing on its trajectory) and synchronic (exploring its most recent experiences). The analysis of the trajectory showed us that the main mobilizations promoted by movement in the macro public arena and its developments. We could observe that, during the time, the movement constituted a network of different collectives, which they contributed for creating a transversal intelligence and a collective learning on coping with concrete problematic situations. The social innovations that appear on this process configure not only as final results , but as processes, which multiple collectives contribute and that involves a great dose of uncertainties (LATOUR, 2012). In Chapter 6, this network is then followed closely, aiming to identify how the movement is organized, its particularities and the main controversies endured nowadays. This chapter focuses on following the collective action on its course, making it possible to comprehend what characterizes the movement. In Chapter 7, the final considerations of this dissertation are presented, linking the previous analysis, focusing the interfaces between the MCCE network and the greater public arena of electoral corruption. The chapter finalizes with some questions about the study and the future perspectives of new research about the subject. / O Movimento de Combate à Corrupção Eleitoral (MCCE) vem provocando inovações sociais na esfera pública brasileira, desde antes da sua formalização, em 2002, tendo sido protagonista na mobilização para elaboração e aprovação das duas únicas leis de iniciativa popular no país ¿A Lei da Compra de Votos¿ (Lei 9.840/1999) e a ¿Lei da Ficha Limpa¿ (Lei Complementar 135/2010). Essa dissertação tem como objetivo geral buscar compreender como o MCCE vem promovendo inovações sociais ao responder ao problema público da corrupção eleitoral no Brasil. Para cumprir este objetivo, esta dissertação estrutura-se em sete capítulos, incluindo a introdução, na qual apresentamos a problematização e o quadro geral da pesquisa. No capítulo dois, construímos um enfoque teórico-metodológico próprio para compreender melhor a ação coletiva dos atores da sociedade civil na esfera pública e o seu papel na promoção da inovação social. Para tanto, partimos do debate sobre inovação social e suas correntes. Adotamos uma perspectiva de análise da inovação social como processo, ou seja, como expressão da capacidade dos próprios coletivos de se autorefletir, auto-organizar e auto-reformar (CEFAI; TERZI, 2012). Desse modo, tendo por fundamento a sociologia pragmática (BARTHE et al), promovemos um debate entre a Teoria do Ator-Rede (TAR) (CALLON; LATOUR, 1981; LAW, 1999; LATOUR, 2001 e 2012) e os estudos sobre as experiências dos problemas públicos (CEFAI, 2002, 2009 e 2012; CEFAÏ; TERZI, 2012) para construir um caminho analítico-metodológico próprio. Tal caminho, cujos momentos são detalhadamente apresentados, no capítulo três, teve por base uma postura etnográfica que norteou o trabalho de campo realizado de agosto de 2013 a outubro de 2014, no qual foi feita uma triangulação de diferentes estratégias de pesquisa, envolvendo a observação direta de cenas e eventos do MCCE e de sua atuação, in loco e também por meio da internet, seis entrevistas com fundadores, diretores, técnicos e outros membros do movimento, além de ampla análise documental, de notícias sobre o movimento, dissertações, além de documentos oficiais. Os resultados são então apresentados nos capítulos quatro a seis, que respondem aos objetivos específicos da dissertação. Primeiramente, realizamos um mapeamento da arena pública da corrupção eleitoral no Brasil, por meio da ¿cartografia de controvérsias¿ (VENTURINI, 2010). Buscamos mapear a arena pública em três campos: político (por meio do mapeamento das mídias), científico (por meio da análise dos artigos científicos publicados) e técnico-legal (com a análise das leis mais importantes referentes a matéria). O mapeamento teve como ponto de partida ano 1988, marco que representou a abertura democrática no Brasil e foi feito até o ano de 2014. Tal mapeamento permitiu identificar os principais ¿atores-rede¿ porta-vozes do problema público da corrupção eleitoral no Brasil, suas declarações principais, as controvérsias que emergem e as visões de mundo que são construídas ao longo do tempo em torno do problema público. Tal análise, resultou numa visualização do processo de ¿configuração¿ (CEFAÏ, 1996) ou ainda de ¿translação¿ (LATOUR, 2012) que vive o problema público e que influencia na sua definição, nas formas de interpretá-lo e também de fazer face a ele. Evidenciase aqui que os atores-rede ligados ao MCCE foram protagonistas nesse processo e levanta-se a questão de como o movimento promove essa incidência, voltando-se para análise de sua experiência. Isso é feito nos capítulos cinco e seis, nos quais aborda-se a experiência do MCCE, por meio de uma leitura diacrônica (focalizando a sua trajetória) e sincrônica (explorando a sua experiência atual). A análise da trajetória permitiu evidenciar as principais ações de mobilização do movimento na arena pública mais ampla e seus desdobramentos. Pôde-se constatar como, ao longo do tempo, o movimento se constitui numa ¿rede¿ de coletivos que contribuem para criar uma ¿inteligência transversal¿ e um aprendizado coletivo no enfrentamento de situações problemáticas concretas. As inovações sociais que emergem nesse percurso configuram-se não apenas como ¿resultados finais¿, mas como processos, nos quais múltiplos coletivos parecem contribuir e que envolve uma grande dose de incerteza (LATOUR, 2012). No capítulo seis essa rede é então acompanhada mais de perto, buscando-se identificar como se organiza, as suas particularidades e as principais controvérsias enfrentadas atualmente. Esse capítulo busca acompanhar mais de perto a ação coletiva do MCCE, possibilitando compreender o que caracteriza o movimento. No capítulo sete as considerações finais são apresentadas, buscando religar as análises apresentadas, focalizando as interfaces entre a rede do MCCE e a arena pública mais ampla da corrupção eleitoral. O capítulo se encerra com o levantamento de algumas questões que este estudo suscita para novas pesquisas.

Depuis la fin des années 1990, les jeux de hasard et d’argent (JHA) sèment régulièrement la controverse dans l’espace public québécois. En effet, au cours des dernières années, la question du management et de la régulation des JHA a pris une place de plus en plus importante dans les débats publics. Dans le cadre de cette thèse, qui prend la forme d’une thèse par articles, nous nous intéresserons au processus de construction du problème public que représente maintenant le jeu excessif au Québec. Pour ce faire, nous tracerons, dans un premier temps, la genèse de ce problème public en remontant à ses origines. Ce détour historique nous permettra de mettre en relief les diverses constructions par lesquelles l’action de s’adonner aux JHA et ce, de manière excessive ou non, est passée au cours du dernier siècle, soit de vice, à crime, à loisir en passant par maladie et problème de santé publique. Cette genèse nous permettra d’apporter un nouvel éclairage sur la présente controverse relative aux JHA au Québec. Nous tenterons, dans un premier temps, de mettre en relief comment la santé publique a réussi à construire ce « nouveau risque » que représente maintenant l’action de s’adonner aux JHA. Par la suite, nous tenterons de tirer des leçons pour la compréhension, l’analyse et le management des politiques publiques et ce, via une analyse de la controverse portant sur les JHA (article 1), un travail de reconceptualisation théorique (article 2) ainsi qu’une réflexion épistémologique sur des fondements de l’analyse et du management des politiques publiques (article 3). / Since the late 1990s, gambling is an object of controversy in Quebec public space. In recent years, the issue of management and regulation of gambling has become increasingly important in public debates and, excessive or pathological gambling is now a central concern. In this thesis, which will take the form of a thesis by articles, we will look at the process of “construction” of the public problem of excessive gambling in Quebec. To do so, we will trace the genesis of this public issue by going back to its origins. This historical detour will allow us to highlight the various constructions by which gambling passed during the last century (vice, crime, leisure, disease and public health concern). This genesis will also allow us to shed new light on this controversy related to gambling in Quebec. We will attempt, among other things, to highlight how public health has managed to build this "new risk" that now represents gambling. And, beyond this analysis of the current and past situation, we will try to draw lessons for the understanding, analysis and management of public policies by an analysis of the controversy related to gambling (article 1), a theoretical work on morality policies (article 2) and, a reflection on epistemological foundations of public policy analysis and management (article 3).

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