This thesis aims to revise the established history of the passage of the Second Crusade through the Byzantine Empire and Anatolia in 1147. In particular, it seeks to readdress the ill-fated advance of the army nominally headed by King Conrad III Staufen of Germany towards Ikonion, the fledging Seljuk capital of RÅ«m. The work consists of four mutually supportive parts. Part I serves to introduce the thesis, the historiographical trends of the current scholarship, and the Byzantine notion of the Latin 'barbarian', a stock, literary representation of the non-Greek other which distorts the Greek textual evidence. Part II analyses the source portrayal of particular incidents as the army marched through the Byzantine Empire, provides analyses of those events based on new approaches to interpreting the sources and a consideration of the army's logistical arrangements, and argues that the traditional historiography has been and continues to be subject to textual misrepresentation. An understanding of the topology of Anatolia is required to appreciate why the army failed to reach Ikonion. Part III therefore consists of chapters devoted to the geography of Anatolia, the form, function and the population density of the typical twelfth-century town, the country's changeable medieval geopolitical landscape, and the settlement patterns and the way of life of western Anatolia's pastoral-nomadic warriors. Part IV revisits the Latin, Syriac and Greek sources which constitute the written history of the crusade in Anatolia, analyses the concerns of the army's executive decision makers within geopolitical, logistical, topographical and tactical frameworks, and offers a reconsideration of the established location of where the army ceased to advance on Ikonion, and a new version of the circumstances which led to the decision to retreat.

Why do some religious movements succeed and spread, while others, seemingly equally popular and successful at a certain time, ultimately fail? It is from this starting point that this thesis approaches religious success or failure in the Roman Empire: exploring a new analytical method for understanding religious change: network theory. The thesis forms two parts. Part I sets out the theoretical frameworks. The focus of network theory is on the processes by which innovation spreads: how interconnectedness facilitates change. Although some innovations might be ‘superior’, viewing success or failure as the result of interplay between inherent qualities of a religious movement and the structure of the social environment in which it is embedded means it is possible to reduce value judgements about superiority or inferiority. The discussion then turns to religious change. The key point is that sociologists of religion can explain something of the processes of religious conversion (or ‘recruitment’) and the success or failure of a religious movement through an analysis of social interactions. Finally, I explain how I shall use networks both as a heuristic approach and a practical modelling technique to apply to the epigraphic data, and detail some of the previous application of networks to archaeological test cases. Part II applies these methods to the epigraphic data of three religions. In Chapter Four, I examine the cult Jupiter Dolichenus, arguing that the previous explanations for the success of the cult are untenable, showing from the epigraphy that the cult spread through a strong-tie network of Roman military officials. In Chapter Five, I look at the development of Jewish identity in the Diaspora, showing that, during the second century AD, Diaspora Jews began to actively display their Jewish identity in their epitaphs. I argue that this re-Judaization represents the ‘activation’ of an ethno-cultural network, as a response to the destruction of the Temple in Jerusalem and the crushing of the Bar Kokhba rebellion; the visible remains of the rabbinic reforms. In Chapter Six, I discuss the cult of the ‘Highest God’, Theos Hypsistos, taking Mitchell’s argument further to suggest that the huge increase in the dedications during the second-third centuries is not simply a reflection of the epigraphic habit, but rather, that the cult of Hypsistos was swelled by the Gentile god-fearers, as a result of the changes happening within Judaism itself at this time.

At its greatest extent, the Roman empire represented one of the largest continuous areas of land to have been ruled by a single central administration in the classical period. While the extent of the empire may be determined from both the extensive body of literary evidence from the Roman world, and also from the physi- cal remains of great public works stretching from Britain to Arabia, the processes by which the Romans were able to apprehend larger spaces remain infrequently studied in modern scholarship. It is often assumed that Roman spatial awareness came from cartographic representations and that the imperial Roman administration must have possessed detailed scale maps of both individual regions and of the empire as a whole. In the first part of the present study, it is demonstrated that Roman spatial understanding may not have relied very extensively on cartography, and that any maps produced in the Roman world were designed to serve very different purposes from those that we might associate with maps today. Instead, it is argued that the extensive construction projects that defined the character of the imperial world would have pro- vided a means by which the larger physical spaces of the empire could be understood. However, as transformations began to occur within the built environment between the late-third and late-sixth centuries, spatial processes would have necessarily started to change. In the second part of the present study, it is suggested that attitudes toward the built environment would have led to changes in the physical arrangement of rural and urban spaces in late antiquity; furthermore the eventual dissolution of the constructed landscape that defined the Roman empire would have resulted in new approaches to the apprehension of larger spaces, approaches in which cartographic expression may have played a more central role.

En continuité avec les ouvrages récents (Veyne 1981, MacMullen 1988 et Kelly 2004) qui tentent de relativiser les effets néfastes de la corruption lors du Bas-Empire, ce travail étudie le suffragium, le processus de nomination des fonctionnaires de bureaux, afin d'évaluer comment les acteurs sociaux du IVe siècle considéraient ce phénomène. Ce système, organisé d'une telle façon que les hauts fonctionnaires devaient fournir des lettres de recommandation aux candidats postulant à des postes au sein de la fonction publique, serait devenu complètement corrompu durant le IVe siècle et les lettres de recommandation auraient commencé à être systématiquement vendues. Pourtant, les lois de Constantin, Constance et Julien ne fournissent aucune preuve tangible que le suffragium était dans tous le cas vénal à cette époque. Bien au contraire, les empereurs ajoutaient la plupart de temps des épithètes au terme suffragium pour spécifier qu'il parle du suffragium vénal. Généralement, les empereurs sont présentés comme farouchement opposés au suffragium et à toutes les tractations qui y sont attachées. Loin d'être aussi hostiles envers les « pratiques corrompues », les empereurs de la dynastie constantinienne firent preuve d'un certain pragmatisme en voyant qu'ils ne pouvaient contrôler toutes les nominations de ceux qui voulaient entrer dans la fonction publique et que ce n'était pas nécessairement à leur avantage de le faire. Les empereurs se concentrèrent plutôt sur les restrictions entourant les promotions afin de faire en sorte que les personnes qui avaient de réels pouvoirs soient celles qui avaient démontré leurs qualités tout au long de leurs années de service. Bien qu'ils n'aient pas concrètement légiféré sur les critères d'embauche des candidats, cela ne veut pas dire que n'importe qui pouvait obtenir un poste. À travers l'étude des lettres de Libanios et de Symmaque, ce travail démontre que les hauts fonctionnaires ne fournissaient pas de lettres à quiconque le demandait, puisque leur réputation pouvait être entachée par le fait d'avoir recommandé un mauvais candidat à un de leurs amis. Les hauts fonctionnaires qui recevaient les recommandations pouvaient également soumettre les candidats à des examens afin d'être certains de la qualité de l'individu. Ce système officieux de contrôle des candidats vint pallier, en partie, les déficits de la législation impériale. Conjointement, la loi et les usages permirent à l'administration de fonctionner en lui fournissant des candidats qui répondaient aux critères de l'époque. / In line with recent literature (Veyne 1981, MacMullen 1988 and Kelly 2004) that attempts to relativize the negative effects of corruption during the later Roman Empire, this paper examines suffragium, the process of appointing officials, in order to demonstrate that this phenomenon is not as bad as the historiography of the twentieth century makes it out to be. This system, which was organized in such a way that the high officials had to provide letters of recommendation to candidates to positions in the public service, became completely corrupted during the fourth century and the letters were eventually systematically sold. Yet the law of Constantine, Constantius and Julian provides no tangible evidence that suffragium was bought in all instances during that period. On the contrary, the emperors often added an adjective after the noun suffragium to specify that it was bought. Typically, emperors are portrayed as fiercely opposed to suffragium and all negotiations pertaining thereto. The emperors of the Constantinian dynasty were not nearly as fierce against those "corrupt practices and they even showed some pragmatism, having understood that they could not control all appointments of those who wanted to enter the public service and that it was not necessarily in their best interest. The emperors focused mainly on legislation surrounding promotions to ensure that people who had real power were those who have shown their qualities throughout all their years of service. Although they did not specifically stated the criteria for hiring candidates, it does not mean that anyone could enter. Through the study of Libanios' and Symmachus' letters, this paper demonstrates that high officials did not provide letters to anyone who asked for them, as their reputation might have been tainted by having recommended a poor candidate to their friends. High officials who received the recommendations could also ascribe certain tests to the candidates to be certain of the individual's quality. This informal system of control of the candidates compensated, in part, for the deficits in the imperial legislation. Together, these two systems enabled the administration to function by providing candidates who met the criteria of the time.

C’est pendant une période très troublée que Saint Jérôme (347-419) exerce son activité intellectuelle surabondante.Remarqué par le pape Damase en 382, ce dernier lui confie la lourde tâche de refaire la traduction latine des textes de la Bible. Cette traduction sera connue sous le nom de Vulgate. Certes Saint Jérôme n’est pas un juriste de formation, mais son érudition et ses solides connaissances juridiques lui permettent d’analyser le déclin de l’Empire Romain avec une double approche : à la fois religieuse et institutionnelle. Cette analyse met en exergue un véritable sens de l’histoire propre au saint Docteur de l’Eglise.Ainsi après une lutte acharnée contre les hérésies, Saint Jérôme va s’attacher à peindre le tableau de ce monde romain s’effondrant sous les coups répétés des barbares : « Mon cœur frémit en abordant les désastres de notre temps. Voilà plus de vingt ans qu’entre Constantinople et les Alpes Juliennes, le sang romain coule tous les jours ». (Epist. IX, 16). Les écrits de Jérôme, avec notamment les fameuses Correspondances, en disent beaucoup sur le désarroi éprouvé par un peuple entier.Grâce à l’éclairage d’autres auteurs, nous étudierons cette période cruciale de l’Antiquité, qui a vu l’éclosion des plus grands esprits de l’époque et dont Saint Jérôme est l’une des figures les plus marquantes. / It was during a very troubled period that Saint Jerome (347-419) operated his abundant intellectual activity.Noticed by Pope Damasus in 382, he entrusted him the arduous task of re-translation of Latin texts of the Bible. This translation will later be known as the Vulgate. Although Saint Jerome is not a lawyer by training, his erudition and solid legal knowledge enable him to analyze the decline of the Roman Empire with a dual approach : both religious and institutional. This analysis demonstrakes a true vision of History in this Church Father’s mind.Thus after a fierce fight against heresies, Saint Jerome will focus on the disaster of the Roman’s world collapse, under the repeated blows of the barbarians : « My heart trembles in thinking of the disasters of our time. For over twenty years, between Constantinople and the Julian Alps, the Roman blood has been flowing every day ». (Epist. IX, 16). Jerome’s writings, including the famous « Correspondances », say much about the distress experienced by an entire people.With the lighting of other authors, we will examine this crucial period of antiquity, which saw the emergence of the greatest minds of our time, which Saint Jerome is one of the most significant.

Erotic tokens or the so-called spintriae leave little to the imagination. These coin-like tokens depict acts of love making couples with Roman numerals on the reverse. The tokens are believed to have been in use during the 1st century A.D. and is often attributed to the reign of Tiberius. The material examined in the thesis are the four spintriae from Uppsala University Coin Cabinet. Due to the specific characteristics, scholars have been questioning the function of the erotic tokens. The most accredited hypothesis is that erotic tokens was used as payment in brothels. The purpose of this thesis is to discern whether the erotic tokens had a monetary value in Pompeii. The study also aims to examine if the tokens were used as payment in brothels instead of contemporary currencies and as to why the reason for this could be. To be able to discern a purpose, function and value of erotic tokens, three analyses on the basis of graffiti, iconography and ancient literature are made.

Utilizando-se da metodologia proposta pela Arqueologia da Imagem, assim como dos estudos iconográficos tradicionais, este trabalho procura compreender a origem e posterior evolução das imagens paleocristãs entre os séculos III e inícios do VI.Considerando que a cristianização do mundo romano foi um processo lento e gradual, o estudo deimagens cristãs do período assinalado pretende averiguar, com o auxílio da análise da cultura material, a possibilidade de se identificar a formação de um discurso imagético, ou de um programa doutrinário visual cristãoao longo da Antiguidade Tardia. A investigação e explicitação deste discurso, por meio da pesquisa arqueológica, intenta decifrar a conexão existente entre arte e sociedade, localizando na evolução da iconografia cristã antiga a essência do poder das imagens para aquela comunidade, seu conteúdo de produção e difusão de símbolos identitários e espirituais. / Using the methodology established by the Archaeology of Image and the traditional iconographic studies, this present work intends to understand the origins and further evolution of paleochristian images between the IIIth and the beggining of the VIth century. The christianization of the Roman world was a slow and gradual process. The work with christian images of the period tries to investigate, with also the help of christian material culture, the creation of an imagetic discourse, or a visual doctrinal program through the Late Antiquity. The research and the exploitations of this discourse in archaeology intends to decipher the connection between art and society, localizing in the evolution of the ancient christian iconography the power of images, its content of production and the diffusion of spiritual and identity symbols.

Orientador: Margarida Maria de Carvalho / Resumo: A dinastia dos Severos foi a primeira de origem africana e semítica no Império Romano. Tal dinastia teve início no final do século II d.C. com a conquista do Principado por Septímio Severo, o qual foi sucedido por Caracala, Macrino, Heliogábalo e Severo Alexandre, respectivamente. Dentre os governantes da Dinastia Severa, destacamos o jovem Heliogábalo, proveniente da Síria. Trata-se de um imperador romano que foi muito criticado por autores como Dião Cássio, um senador romano, e Herodiano, que era associado à aristocracia imperial, de modo que a partir das críticas feitas por esses dois autores podemos perceber uma grande resistência às inovações introduzidas por Heliogábalo no campo políticoadministrativo, sobretudo devido à influência do mos maiorum sobre os modelos de análise de Dião Cássio e Herodiano. Uma dessas inovações realizadas pelo imperador foi a concessão de cargos administrativos a artistas da parte oriental do Império. Assim, com base na leitura da documentação, pensamos que para Heliogábalo não era um problema nomear artistas em cargos administrativos, já que ele mesmo se considerava um artista e ocupava o cargo de imperador. Heliogábalo apenas reproduziu, como imperador romano, as práticas culturais que executava na cidade de Emesa, na Síria, onde ocupava o posto de sacerdote antes de se tornar o Princeps. Objetivamos, portanto, compreender a confluência cultural entre a parte oriental e ocidental do Império Romano e como, por meio dela, se abre uma brecha p... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: The Severan Dynasty was the first of an African and Eastern origin in the Roman Empire. This dinasty has its origin in the endind of the century 2 A.D with the conquest of the principate by Septimius Severus, who was sucessed by Caracalla, Macrinus, Elagabalus and Severus Alexander, respectively. Between the rulers of the Severan dynasty we highlight the young Elagabalus, who came from Syria. It is a Roman Emperor who was very criticized by autors like Cassius Dio, a Roman senator, and Herodian, who was associated with the imperial aristocracy, in a way that with the critics made by this two autors we can realize a great resistance to the innovations introduced by Elagabalus in the administrative-political field, above all by the influence of mos maiorum in the analysis models of Cassius Dio and Herodian. One of those innovations realized by the emperor was the concession of administrative posts to artists of the eastern part of the empire. Thus, whith base on the lecture of documentation, we think that for Elagabalus it was not a problem to name artists in administrative posts, because he considered himself an artist who occupied the post of emperor. Elagabalus only has reproduced, as a Roman Emperor, the cultural pratices that he has executed in the city of Emesa, in Syria, where he occupied the post of priest before and became the Princeps. We have, therefore, like objective, understand the cultural confluence between the eastern and western parts of the Roman Empire and h... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

Submitted by admin tede (tede@pucgoias.edu.br) on 2017-03-07T12:03:56Z No. of bitstreams: 1 ISRAEL SERIQUE DOS SANTOS.pdf: 1767343 bytes, checksum: 8ab38c3ebd7bcc910e8f3a807d5c6b0a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-07T12:03:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ISRAEL SERIQUE DOS SANTOS.pdf: 1767343 bytes, checksum: 8ab38c3ebd7bcc910e8f3a807d5c6b0a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-12-14 / This thesis presents results of the research on the Christian glossolalia phenomenon in the first century from the First Epistle to the Corinthians (1Cor 12,12-26), having as focal point of analysis the relation between social status, charisma and relations of power. The data were analyzed under the prism of Conflict Analysis, using the instruments of bibliographic and exegetical research. This work is divided into three chapters. In the first chapter, it is discussed the history of the Roman Empire and the city of Corinth, trying to indicate the points of connection between them and how it, as an imperial colony, reproduced the values and social structures of Rome. In the second chapter, it is discussed the Christian church in Corinth, explaining the historical context of its origin, its ethnic, economic and social composition. Finally, in the third chapter, it is defended the idea that the glossolalia phenomenon was a symbol of power, in which part of the religious agents that belonged to the church, who had high status in Corinthian society, aligned themselves with the values and the social structure of the Roman Empire. / Esta Tese apresenta resultados da pesquisa sobre o fenômeno glossolálico cristão no primeiro século a partir da Primeira Epístola aos Coríntios (1Cor 12,12-26), tendo como ponto focal de análise a relação entre status social, carisma e relações de poder. Os dados foram analisados sob o prisma da Análise Conflitual, utilizando instrumentos da pesquisa bibliográfica e exegética. O trabalho está dividido em três capítulos. No primeiro capítulo, discorre-se sobre a história do Império Romano e da cidade de Corinto, procurando indicar os pontos de conexões entre eles e de que forma esta, como colônia imperial, reproduzia os valores e estruturas sociais de Roma. No segundo capítulo, disserta-se sobre a igreja cristã em Corinto, explicitando o contexto histórico de sua origem, sua composição étnica, econômica e social. Por fim, no terceiro capítulo, defende-se a ideia de que o fenômeno glossolálico era um símbolo de poder, no qual parte dos agentes religiosos pertencentes à igreja, os quais possuíam status elevado na sociedade coríntia, se alinhavam aos valores e à estrutura social do Império Romano.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-27T13:49:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 VALDIVINO JOSE FERREIRA.pdf: 424669 bytes, checksum: 8d5756cda25f4de3c571302abf1bf074 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-08-14 / This research is about the political dimension of the Jesus praxis on the Gospel of Luke. From the fact that this gospel is the popular and historical memory of the communities on the person of Jesus and his project, we discuss the conflicts in Jesus times and after 80 s a.C., especially, the conflicts with the temple of Jerusalem and the Roman Empire. The desire and the practice that intended a transformation on the reality is what we mention as the Jesus political praxis. It is about a releasing praxis that faced the Temple and the Empire. A praxis that intended the ideological release of the Roman Empire, that made people slave through taxes, and intended the liberation from the oppression caused by the religious an political ideology justified by the name of God. Several bible pericope from Luke s gospel are analyzed through this point of view in our research. To conclude we descant about the political praxis of Jesus and it s reflects in present times, in other words, the implications of Jesus political praxis in the political praxis nowadays. / Esta pesquisa aborda a dimensão política da práxis de Jesus no Evangelho de Lucas. Partindo do pressuposto de que o Evangelho de Lucas é a memória popular e histórica de comunidades na pessoa e no projeto de Jesus, refletimos os conflitos que existiam tanto na época de Jesus como posteriormente na década de 80 d.C., em especial, os conflitos com o Templo de Jerusalém e com o Império Romano. O desejo e a prática que visaram a transformação da realidade é o que mencionamos como práxis política de Jesus. Trata-se de uma práxis libertadora que se chocou diretamente com o Templo e o Império. Uma práxis que visou a libertação ideológica do Império Romano, que escravizava e oprimia o povo por meio de impostos, e a libertação da opressão gerada pela ideologia religiosa-política, que se justificava em nome de Deus. Diversas perícopes do Evangelho de Lucas são analisadas nesta perspectiva em nossa pesquisa. Por fim discorremos sobre a práxis política de Jesus e suas nuanças na contemporaneidade, ou seja, as implicâncias da práxis política de Jesus para a nossa práxis política hoje.