This dissertation provides an intellectual and social history of learned writing on Roman religious culture during the late Republic and early Empire. I examine the ways in which an elite learned literature, for which I propose the name "civil theology", constructed "Roman religion" as a religious system. The first part of the dissertation is an intellectual history of civil theology, especially focused on how these learned texts generated "Roman religion" as an object of knowledge. In order to elucidate how texts can authoritatively construct a religious system, I pursue a comparison between civil theology and the Mishnah, a rabbinic textual compilation. The second part of the dissertation is a social history of civil theology, concentrating on the social contexts of production and reception of the discourse. Firstly, I demonstrate how the discourse was embedded in the social relations of the profoundly competitive late Republican elite. Civil theology was not a socially marginal intellectual activity. Rather, knowledge about Roman religion provided resources for the social self-presentation of the elite. Secondly, I consider how civil theology became implicated in the new imperial socio-political order. Emperors drew on civil-theological knowledge to legitimize "religious reforms" and their personal rule; for the aristocracy, civil theology became entangled with responses to the new situation of autocracy. In a conclusion, I outline the continuing influence of civil theology and its construction of "Roman religion" in the high imperial period and late antiquity and consider how Roman civil theology can complicate the established scholarly approaches to the relationship between books and religion. / The Classics

Only recently have scholars given particular attention to the development of the racial discourse present in early Christian apologetics. This study is aimed at understanding the Latin and Greek literary antecedents to the development of a Christian discourse on race and identity and examining in detail the apex of this discourse in the work of third century apologist Origen of Alexandria. Origen’s work represented the apex of an evolving discourse that, while continuing to use traditional vocabulary, became increasingly universalizing with the growth of the Roman Empire. By understanding how Christians in the first three centuries shaped their attitudes on race and identity, scholars can better comprehend the place of Christianity within the cultural framework of the Roman Empire.

This diploma thesis deals with the issue of The Analysis of Construction Activities of the Flavian Dynasty Emperors in the Territory of the Roman Provinces. The Emperors are Vespasian, Titus and Domitian. The time of their rule is second half of the 1. century AD. It is about their lives and impact of the roman provinces territory. All three Emperors are known for their architecture boom in Rome and Italy, but in Roman Provinces it is about Territory expansion. Each Emperor of Flavian dynasty have a big interest in this Era and this leads to architecture construction, where was only barbaricum before it. Key words: Archaeology, Classical Archaeology, Roman Empire, Roman Provinces, Flavian Dynasty, Architecture

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T15:25:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 GustavoHSSS_DISSERT.pdf: 1419465 bytes, checksum: 8c673af6f681d84dd2fb46f03c113540 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-08-10 / In the year 376 of the Common Era, a tribe of Germanic warriors known as Tervingi , of Gothic extraction, crossed the Hister (Danube) river due south, entering the Roman Empire. They fled the Huns, a nomadic group that came plundering their way from the East. It did not take long for a conflict between the Roman imperial authorities and the refugees to begin. Peace was reached in 382 and, henceforth, the Tervingi would be officially foederati (allies) of the Romans, gaining the right to remain an autonomous tribe inside the borders of the Empire. For the next thirteen years the Tervingi warriors fought beside the Roman imperial armies in every major conflict. Nevertheless, after the death of the emperor Theodosius I in 395, their relations deteriorated severely. In theory, the Tervingi remained Roman allies; in practice, they begun to extort monies and other assets from the emperors Honorius and Arcadius. The sack of Rome by the Tervingi king Alaric in 410 was both the culmination and the point of inflection of this state of affairs. During the 410s the Tervingi warriors would fought again beside the Roman Imperial armies and be rewarded with a piece of land in the southwestern portion of the Gallic diocese. Dubbed Visigoths , they would remain trusted Roman allies throughout the next decades, consolidating their own kingdom in the process. This dissertation deals not only with the institution of the Visigothic kingdom in the southwestern portion of the Galliae but also with the social and economic conditions that hindered the Roman ability to defend their territory by themselves, hence opening opportunities for foederati like the Tervingi to carve out a piece of it for themselves. / No ano de 376 da era comum, uma tribo de guerreiros germ?nicos conhecidos como tervingi (terv?ngios), de origem g?tica, cruzou o rio Hister (Dan?bio) rumo ao sul, adentrando o Imp?rio Romano. Eles fugiam dos hunos, um grupo n?made que vinha do leste saqueando tudo em seu caminho. N?o passou muito tempo at? que tivesse in?cio conflito entre as autoridades imperiais romanas e os refugiados. A paz foi alcan?ada em 382 e, dali em diante, os terv?ngios seriam, oficialmente, foederati (aliados) dos romanos, ganhando o direito de continuar sendo uma tribo aut?noma dentro das fronteiras do Imp?rio. Durante os treze anos seguintes os guerreiros terv?ngios lutaram ao lado dos ex?rcitos imperiais romanos em cada um dos conflitos importantes. Ainda assim, ap?s a morte do imperador Teod?sio I em 395, as rela??es entre eles se deterioraram severamente. Em teoria, os terv?ngios permaneciam aliados dos romanos; na pr?tica, haviam come?ado a extorquir dinheiro e outros recursos dos imperadores Hon?rio e Arc?dio. O saque de Roma pelo rei terv?ngio Alarico em 410 foi tanto a culmina??o quanto o ponto de inflex?o nesse estado de coisas. Durante a d?cada de 410, os guerreiros terv?ngios lutariam novamente ao lado dos ex?rcitos imperiais romanos e seriam recompensados com uma por??o de terra na ?rea sudoeste da diocese gaulesa. Apelidados de visigodos , eles permaneceriam aliados dos romanos ao longo das d?cadas seguintes, consolidando seu pr?prio reino no processo. Esta disserta??o trata n?o apenas do estabelecimento do reino visig?tico na por??o sudoeste das Galliae mas tamb?m das condi??es sociais e econ?micas que restringiram a capacidade romana de defender por conta pr?pria seu territ?rio, dando oportunidade para que foederati como os terv?ngios arrancassem um peda?o dele para si.

Cette étude a permis d’analyser un aspect de la condition féminine en Gaule, en partant du présupposé qu'il y ait eu des réalités différentes, unifiées par l’appartenance à une «couche sociale» complexe, divisée à l'intérieur, mais réglé par des lois universellement admises. Non seulement les femmes, mais les hommes également ont cherchés une intégration avec la culture romaine, condition nécessaire pour maintenir leurs privilèges et pour en acquérir de nouveaux. Cette recherche a identifié, dans la mesure du possible, le rôle joué par les femmes dans chaque couche sociale, en se référant plus particulièrement à leur perception du monde romain. Les femmes qui ont habité dans la Gaule, étaient étrangers aux mores romains, et ont été considérées par les romains comme l'antithèse du modèle romain de la pia et pudica matrona. Dans les représentations de elles mêmes, les femmes barbares se représentaient comme des romaines, en suivant les stéréotypes qui on retrouve dans tout l’Empire. Nous avons donc vérifier de quelle manière les provinciales se sont adaptées au modèle romain de la lanifica, c’est à dire la summa des stéréotypes qui voyait la femme comme un annexe du mari, et comme, au contraire, elles en ont refusé quelques aspects, mais aussi de quelle manière un tel modèle culturel a pu s'introduire dans une province, par quelles voies, pour quelles raisons historiques et culturelles, et comme il ait été accepté ou refusé par quelques régions de la Gaule. Notre tentative a donc été celui de tracer le rôle joué par les femmes dans une région qui faisait partie de l'Empire, et que elle en était pour ceci influencée, mais que elle a présenté également des particularités régionales non négligeables. / This research has tried to analyse an aspect of the female condition in Gauls, based on the assumption that there were different realities, unified anyway by a complex class system that was itself divided and settled by laws universally accepted. Not only the women but also the men looked for integration with the Roman culture, the necessary condition for the provincials to maintain their privileges and to acquire new ones. This study identified the role played by the women in every sector of the society, with a particular attention to their perception of the Roman world they were living in. These women were obviously unfamiliar to the Roman mores and were considered by the Roman themselves as the antithesis of the model of pia et pudica matrona. In their own representations, the barbaric women appeared as Romains, following the stereotypes common in all the Empire. This research has also tried to verify how the provincials adapted themselves to the Roman model of the lanifica, the summa of the stereotypes, or, on the contrary, they refused some aspects of it; but also analysed how such a cultural model got into a province, the ways used to diffuse it, the historical and cultural reasons, and how it was accepted or refused by some regions of the Gauls.This work is an attempt to draw the role played by the women in a province that was a part of the Roman Republic and Empire, and was influenced by it, but also had significant regional peculiarities.

Submitted by Cláudia Bueno (claudiamoura18@gmail.com) on 2016-01-13T15:14:34Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Gustavo Cangussu Góes - 2015.pdf: 1157282 bytes, checksum: 1618e1ead4589d8d24462a8fbfdc5aa7 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2016-01-14T11:02:27Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Gustavo Cangussu Góes - 2015.pdf: 1157282 bytes, checksum: 1618e1ead4589d8d24462a8fbfdc5aa7 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-01-14T11:02:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Gustavo Cangussu Góes - 2015.pdf: 1157282 bytes, checksum: 1618e1ead4589d8d24462a8fbfdc5aa7 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-17 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / In this research we will discuss the family role and how Suetonius, in his work De Vita Caesarum, makes use of that to construct a negative memory of the Emperor Nero. For that we will observe the imperial ambience at which the biographer was inserted and we will also try to understand how that, with its political program, influenced the work writting. Because it is a research specially toward to family role, we will have an unfolding about the family centrality in many roman domestic attitudes and the public effects of such actions. However, for considering the biography of an Emperor, we will focus on the way such family values have their potentiality enlarged and modified in imperial family. Then we will see in which aspects Suetonius arranges them in order to present the searched nefarious image about Nero. / Neste trabalho discutiremos o papel da família e como Suetônio, em sua obra De Vita Caesarum, se utiliza desta para a construção de uma memória negativa do Imperador Nero. Para tanto observaremos o ambiente imperial no qual o biógrafo estava inserido e também buscaremos compreender como tal, com seu programa político, influenciou a escrita da obra. Por se tratar de uma pesquisa voltada especialmente para o papel da família, teremos um desdobramento acerca da centralidade familiar nas diversas atitudes domésticas de um romano e os efeitos públicos dessas ações. Contudo, por considerarmos a biografia de um Imperador, iremos focar no modo como tais valores familiares tem sua potencialidade ampliada e modificada na família imperial. Então veremos em que aspectos Suetônio os arranja a fim de apresentar a buscada imagem nefasta acerca de Nero.

Esta pesquisa é um estudo comparativo entre os bagaudas gauleses e os circunceliões africanos, dois grupos revoltosos rurais da Antiguidade Tardia. Seu objetivo primário é descrever o caráter social de ambos os grupos, levando em conta os múltiplos relatos nas fontes antigas e as interpretações modernas divergentes a respeito deles, que vão desde multidões rurais sob domínio patronal, monges cristãos fanáticos, até rebeliões camponesas. A comparação histórica é composta por três perspectivas analíticas. A primeiraestabelece uma compreensão comparada das tradições de composição e recepção dos textos por meio dos quais a memória social sobre bagaudas e circunceliões se objetivou em vestígios textuais. A segundaexplora a hipótese de uma crise de hegemonia nasregiões rurais do Império Romano tardio, tendo como base as possíveis relações das revoltas com as práticas de produção e de reprodução das condições de existência, as relações de trabalho e as experiências de classe. A terceiraobserva as iniciativas e respostas das estruturas imperiais na Gália e na África às ações desses movimentos de insurgência. Tal perspectiva lida com a questão fundamental da ação do Estado imperial contra essas revoltas e o papel desse Estado na manutenção da Ordem social nas zonas rurais do Império Romano, tendocomo contraparte os horizontes de organização comunitária que podem ser encontrados nessas revoltas. Uma questão central está relacionada ao problema teórico do estudo e escrita de uma história das classes subalternas na História Antiga. Esta pesquisa buscou trabalhar com esses problemas não apenas no plano teórico, mas também a partir da investigação histórica prática. / This research is a comparative study between the Gaul bacaudae and the African circumcellions, two groups of rural rebels of late antiquity. Its first aim is to describe the social character of both groups, in view of the multiple accounts from the ancient sources and the divergent modern interpretations on them, which range from patronized rural mobs, fanatical Christian monks, to peasant rebellions. The historical comparison is composed by three analytical perspectives. Firstly, this research establishes a comparative comprehension of the traditionsof composition and reception of the literary texts in which the social memory of the bacaudae and circumcellions were incorporated. Secondly, it explores the hypothesis of a hegemony crisis in the late Roman countryside,basing on the practices of production and reproduction of the conditions of existence, working relationships and class experiences. Thirdly, it observes the initiatives and responses of the imperial structures in both Gaul and Africa to the actions of the insurgents. Such comparative dimension addresses the fundamental issue of imperial state action against these revolts and the role of thatstate in keeping the social order in the Roman countryside. It has as its counterpart the communal organization horizons that can be found on those revolts. Akey issue is related to the theoretical problems concerning the study and writing of the history of subaltern classes in ancient history. This research strived to work these problems not only on the theoretical level, but also from the practical historical investigation.

Esta dissertação apresenta uma investigação cujo objetivo é examinar o problema do confronto de paradigmas explicativos a respeito do fim da Antiguidade: a ascensão da Antiguidade Tardia, uma nova Forma da História, e o Declínio do Império Romano. Busca realizar isso através da compreensão do relato feito por um monge cristão, na forma de poema, sobre sua vida como aristocrata e proprietário de terras na Gália do século V d.C., o Eucharisticos de Paulino de Pella. A pesquisa teve como preocupações teórica e metodológica entender as diferentes mediações necessárias para a composição do poema, principalmente o instrumental literário disponível ao autor, como os gêneros literários clássicos. Estas também buscaram lidar com a relação indivíduo e sociedade na Antiguidade, propondo os limites e potencialidades que a compreensão do poema como expressão ideológica de seu autor e consequentemente de sua consciência de suas posições de classe e de status como critério da parcialidade de sua visão sobre a realidade na qual viveu. / This work consists of an investigation which aims to examine the issue of the opposing explanatory paradigm used to explain the end of Antiquity: the rise of Late Antiquity, a new Form of History, and the Fall of Roman Empire, through the understanding of a narrative poem written by a christian monk about his life as an aristocracy member and landowner in Gaul during the V century AD, Paulinus Paelleus\' Eucharisticus. The research methodological concerns aimed at the understanding of the poem composition through different mediations, mainly the literary background available to the author as, for instance, the classical genres of literature. Methodological and theoretical concerns also aimed to deal with the relation between individual and society in Antiquity, proposing the limits and potentialities that the poem understanding as its author\'s ideological expression - and consequently his consciousness about his class and status within it - as criteria for his biased view about the reality he lived in.

Utilizando-se da metodologia proposta pela Arqueologia da Imagem, assim como dos estudos iconográficos tradicionais, este trabalho procura compreender a origem e posterior evolução das imagens paleocristãs entre os séculos III e inícios do VI.Considerando que a cristianização do mundo romano foi um processo lento e gradual, o estudo deimagens cristãs do período assinalado pretende averiguar, com o auxílio da análise da cultura material, a possibilidade de se identificar a formação de um discurso imagético, ou de um programa doutrinário visual cristãoao longo da Antiguidade Tardia. A investigação e explicitação deste discurso, por meio da pesquisa arqueológica, intenta decifrar a conexão existente entre arte e sociedade, localizando na evolução da iconografia cristã antiga a essência do poder das imagens para aquela comunidade, seu conteúdo de produção e difusão de símbolos identitários e espirituais. / Using the methodology established by the Archaeology of Image and the traditional iconographic studies, this present work intends to understand the origins and further evolution of paleochristian images between the IIIth and the beggining of the VIth century. The christianization of the Roman world was a slow and gradual process. The work with christian images of the period tries to investigate, with also the help of christian material culture, the creation of an imagetic discourse, or a visual doctrinal program through the Late Antiquity. The research and the exploitations of this discourse in archaeology intends to decipher the connection between art and society, localizing in the evolution of the ancient christian iconography the power of images, its content of production and the diffusion of spiritual and identity symbols.

Plus qu’une science auxiliaire, l’épigraphie est une source majeure de l’Histoire romaine. Elle permet de dévoiler des pans de la société antique que ne dévoilent pas toujours des sources littéraires, plus particulièrement lorsqu’on étudie l’histoire des régions du monde romain. Tel est le cas des Alpes-Maritimes, très peu documenté sur le plan littéraire. Il convient alors d’analyser les inscriptions latines qui révèlent certaines mentalités des habitants locaux par rapport à l’écriture sur la pierre et à son support. Pour mieux connaître les rapports entre les anciens et les inscriptions, on établit une comparaison entre l’épigraphie locale (c’est-à-dire les Alpes-Maritimes) et l’épigraphie extérieure, régionale comme universelle. Quelle est la particularité de l’épigraphie locale par rapport à elles ? Quelles sont les formules qui y apparaissent ? Quels sont les supports d’inscriptions qui sont prisés par les habitants ? La géographie joue-t-elle un rôle dans la circulation des idées épigraphiques ? On établit une liste des inscriptions susceptibles d’éclairer les spécificités de l’épigraphie locale. Ces inscriptions concernent principalement les cités de la province des Alpes-Maritimes (Cimiez, Vence, Briançonnet, Castellane), ainsi que les régions qui n’en font pas partie (la côte de Nice jusqu’à Monaco, Saint-Dalmas-de-Valdeblore). S’ensuit une comparaison entre les Alpes-Maritimes et l’extérieur, plus particulièrement les régions les plus proches comme le pays antibois ou la région vintimilloise. La chronologie est prise en compte. La période du Ier au IIIe siècle ap. J.-C. a été choisie, entre autres pour le nombre faramineux des inscriptions de l’Empire Romain, puisque l’épigraphie locale des IVe-Ve siècles manque de documents susceptibles de permettre une comparaison. Une mutation importante des formules ou des matériaux à l’époque chrétienne n’est pas étrangère non plus au rejet de cette période. La thèse se divise en trois parties : à part le catalogue des inscriptions analysées, les deux autres reposent sur une comparaison des matériaux (stèle, urne cinéraire, sarcophage, etc.) et des formules religieuses, funéraires et honorifiques. Les deux derniers chapitres permettent de discerner des différences fondamentales non seulement à l’échelle de l’Empire, mais également au niveau régional (Provence orientale ou Ligurie) et au niveau local (différences intéressantes entre Cimiez et Vence). / More than an auxiliary science, epigraphy is a major source of Roman history. It can reveal pieces of ancient society that does not always reveal the literary sources, especially when studying the history of the regions of the Roman world. Such is the case of the Alpes-Maritimes, poorly documented on the literary map. It is then necessary to analyze the Latin inscriptions that reveal certain attitudes of local people in relation to the writing on the stone and its support. To better understand the relationship between the old and inscriptions, a comparison is made between local epigraphy (that is to say, the Alpes-Maritimes) and external epigraphy, regional as universal. What is special about the local epigraphy in relation to them ? What are the formulas that appear? What are the enrollment materials that are popular with people? Geography does play a role in the movement of epigraphic ideas?It establishes a list of inscriptions that can inform the specifics of local epigraphy. These inscriptions relate mainly to the cities of the province of Alpes-Maritimes (Cimiez, Vence, Briançonnet Castellane) and regions that do not belong (the coast from Nice to Monaco, Saint-Dalmas-de-Valdeblore). Follows a comparison of the Alpes-Maritimes and the outside, especially the closest regions like Antibes country or region vintimilloise. The chronology is taken into account. The period of the first to third centuries AD was chosen among others for the huge number of entries of the Roman Empire, since the local epigraphy fourth-fifth centuries of lack of documents that allow comparison. A significant change formulas or materials in the Christian era is no stranger to the rejection of this period. The thesis is divided into three parts : besides the catalog inscriptions analyzed, the other two are based on a comparison of materials (stone, urn, sarcophagus, etc.) and religious, funerary and honorific forms. The last two chapters can be discerned fundamental differences not only across the Empire, but also at the regional (eastern Provence and Liguria) and local (interesting differences between Cimiez and Vence).