Les armées romaines républicaines avaient atteint un haut degré d'organisation. Avec l'avènement du Principat, les légions furent établies aux frontières de l'empire, et l'approvisionnement dut se maintenir en période de paix. Cette thèse tente d'expliquer le système logistique des armées romaines sous le Haut-Empire. Pour ce faire, il faut d'abord évaluer les besoins en nourriture, en matériaux et en animaux. Il est également nécessaire de présenter les théories actuellement reçues, et d'expliquer les bases sur lesquelles elles se fondent, afin de comprendre les biais qui auraient pu s'y introduire inconsciemment. Pour la suite, la recherche s'articule autour de deux axes différents, mais complémentaires : d'abord la logistique en période de guerre, puis la fiscalité. La question de la logistique en période de guerre, incluant l'ère républicaine, a été abordée sous trois angles : l'approvisionnement individuel, celui organisé par le général et celui organisé depuis la capitale. La compréhension de ces aspects est primordiale pour évaluer la place qu'occupait chacune des méthodes de ravitaillement dans le tableau de la logistique. Ensuite, elle permet de mettre en évidence les circonstances entourant certaines habitudes, ainsi que les tendances qui se démarquent. La fiscalité, qui n'est trop souvent étudiée qu'en surface par les historiens militaires, est cependant au cœur de la logistique en période de paix. Les réquisitions étaient remboursées par l'argent des impôts, les achats également. La présence d'un impôt en nature pourrait changer la donne. Suit enfin une présentation de l'organisation qui encadrait le service logistique et des infrastructures qu'il employait. / The roman armies of the republican era had reached a high degree of organization. With the coming of the Principate, the legions were sent on the frontiers of the empire, and their supplying had to be maintained during peacetime. This thesis tries to explain the logistical system of the roman armies under the Early Empire. To do so, the needs in food, materials and animals must be assessed. It is equally important to present the theories actually accepted, and to explain the basis on which they stand, in order to understand the biases which may have been introduced unconsciously. For the next part, the research focuses on two very different, yet complementary axes : firstly, the logistics in times of war, and secondly, the tax system. The question of the logistics in times of war, which includes the republican era, has been studied under three angles : individual supplying, supplying organized by the general, and the one organized from the capital. The understanding of these aspects is paramount to assess the importance each of those methods of supplying occupied in the bigger picture of the logistics. It will also allow to underline the circumstances surrounding some habits and the tendencies that emerge. The tax system, which is often studied too briefly by modern military historians, is however at the heart of the logistics in peacetime. Requisitions were reimbursed with tax money, the same is also true for purchases. The presence of a tax in kind could change our understanding of the system. A presentation of the organization that structured the logistics, and the infrastructures it used, follows.

Die vorliegende Dissertation setzt sich mit dem Einfluß ökonomischer Geographie auf die Geschichte des Heiligen Römischen Reichs deutscher Nation bis zum Deutschen Zollverein auseinander. Die Dissertation besteht aus drei Kapiteln. Im ersten Kapitel werden die Effekte von Heterogenität in der Beobachtbarkeit der Bodenqualität auf Besteuerung und politischen Institutionen erläutert, theoretisch betrachtet und empirisch anhand von Kartendaten analysiert. Es wird ein statistischer Zusammenhang zwischen Beobachtbarkeit der Bodenqualität und Größe und Überlebenswahrschenlichkeit von mittelalterlichen Staaten hergestelt. Das zweite Kapitel befasst sich mit dem Einfluß dieses Mechanismus auf die spezielle Geschichte Brandenburg-Preußens, und erläutert die Rolle der Beobachtbarkeut der Bodenqualität auf die Entwicklung zentraler Institutionen nach dem Dreißigjährigen Krieg. Im empirischen Teil wird anhand von Daten zu Provinzkontributionen ein statistisch signifikanter Zusammenhang zwischen Bodenqualität und Besteuerug erst im Laufe des siebzehnten Jahrhundert deutlich. Das dritte Kapitel befasst sich mit dem Einfluß relativer Geographie auf die Gründung des Deutschen Zollvereins als Folge des Wiener Kongresses. Durch Analyse der Handelsströme und potentieller Zolleinnahmen wird ein Zusammenhang zwischen Geographischer Lage und der Entscheidung, dem Zollverein anzugehören deutlich. Dies erklärt in Teilen, wie einnahmemaximierende Staaten dem Zollverein aus Eigeninteresse beitreten konnten. / This dissertation features three essays on the influence of Economic Geography on the development of the Holy Roman Empire until the German Zollverein. The dissertation consists of three essays. The first analyzes the effect of geographically induced heterogeneity of soil quality, which has knock on effects on the development of taxation and political institutions. These ideas are analyzed both theoretically and empirically, using a novel dataset of GIS maps. Results indicate a relationship between observability and states' geographic sizes and survival probability. The second chapter employs these ideas in the context of Brandenburg-Prussia, striving to create a centralized state after the Thirty Years War. Empirics indicate a relationship between observability and provincial contribution during the decades following the Thirty Years War. The third chapter analyzes the influence of geography on the foundation of the German Zollverein as a consequence of the Congress of Vienna. By analyzing trade flows and potential tariff revenues, a relationship between a state's geographic location and its decision to join the Zollverein is revealed. In parts, this explains how revenue-maximizing states could join the Zollverein, for their own interest.

This thesis explores the life and reign of Julian the Apostate the man who ruled over the Roman Empire from A.D. 361-363. The study of Julian the Apostate’s reign has historically been eclipsed due to his clash with Christianity. After the murder of his family in 337 by his Christian cousin Constantius, Julian was sent into exile. These emotional experiences would impact his view of the Christian religion for the remainder of his life. Julian did have conflict with the Christians but his main goal in the end was the revival of ancient paganism and the restoration of the Empire back to her glory. The purpose of this study is to trace the education and experiences that Julian had undergone and the effects they it had on his reign. Julian was able to have both a Christian and pagan education that would have a lifelong influence on his reign. Julian’s career was a short but significant one. Julian restored the cities of the empire and made beneficial reforms to the legal, educational, political and religious institutions throughout the Empire. The pagan historians praised him for his public services to the empire while the Christians have focused on his apostasy and “persecution” of their faith. With his untimely death in Persia, Julian’s successor Jovian, reversed most of his previous reforms and as such left Julian as the last pagan emperor of the Roman Empire.

This thesis examines the relationship between language and Roman identity, defined in the broadest sense as the political and cultural practices involved in being Roman. It focuses on evidence of multilingualism: Roman identity was defined through opposition and interaction, and it is at points of contact that these debates are cast into relief. It looks predominantly at evidence of Greek-Latin bilingualism, but also considers evidence of other languages to consider how their relationship to Roman identity differs. It combines historical and sociolinguistic approaches to multilingualism. Understanding bilingual language practices requires close sociolinguistic reading of evidence to understand how languages interrelate and analysis of the historical factors and contexts that determine language choices and their social, cultural and political implications. The thesis responds especially to the use of bilingualism as a model for Roman cultural relations, arguing that a closer engagement with sociolinguistic terminology and with linguistic evidence is necessary if we are to use language and bilingualism as a way into broader issues of politics and identity. Language is simultaneously a model for identity that works across ancient and modern thought and a central part of this identity. It frequently plays into other markers of Roman identity and a range of themes and concerns surrounding it including integration, migration and citizenship. The thesis examines three case studies in detail: the different layers of bilingualism in Suetonius' biographies; Greek in the graffiti of Pompeii; epigraphic and literary evidence for different languages in the city of Rome. These case studies demonstrate the politics of language in different types of practice and at different levels of society: the thesis argues that the overlaps between them are greater than has sometimes been appreciated. The case studies also show that the boundaries of Roman identity did not develop in a progressive or linear fashion but were continually defined and redefined through ongoing processes of absorption and rejection.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:21:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jose Guida Neto.pdf: 751785 bytes, checksum: c503791b85704d402e158e36682dbcbf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-10-19 / This thesis seeks to demonstrate how, in the Principate (High Roman Empire - the classic period from 27 BC to 284 AD), Stoic philosophy, absorbed by the sovereign of Rome, influenced the Roman law. As a guiding principle, we use the work of the jurist Ulpian in particular its Liber Singularis Regularum and the Title I of Book I from the Digesta of the Justinian I the Great, emperor of Easten Roman Empire. The history of the Principate is presented, preceded by the reasons that led to the end of the Republic, and gave rise this kind of Roman monarchy. After the presention of the history of the period, there is an explanation of Stoic thought, with emphasis on the last phase of this ancient school of philosophy, precisely the one that coincides with the Principate, and represents the pinnacle of Latin philosophical thought. Once the history of the period is presented together with the history of philosophy, then it is shown how classical Roman law absorbed these ideas that were found in legal texts of the jurist Ulpian. Completing the thesis, there is an explanation on how Ulpian s philosophy of justice was transmitted by means of the consolidation of Emperor Justinian "Corpus Juris Civilis" , thereby contributing to the formation of the Western civilization and, consequently, becoming the basis of Brazilian law / A presente tese busca demonstrar de que modo, durante o Principado (Alto- Império Romano - período clássico de 27 a.C. até 284 d.C), a filosofia estóica, absorvida pelos soberanos de Roma, influenciou o Direito Romano. Como fio condutor do trabalho usa-se a obra do jurisconsulto Ulpiano, em particular o título I do livro I do Digesto (do Imperador Justiniano I o Grande, Imperador Romano do Oriente) e seu livro de Regras . Faz-se um relato da história do Principado, antecedido dos motivos que culminaram com o fim da República e ensejaram esse gênero de monarquia romana. À história do período segue-se uma explanação do pensamento estóico com ênfase na última fase antiga de tal escola filosófica, justamente aquela que coincide com o Principado e representa o auge do pensamento filosófico latino. Posta a história do período, e, sobreposta a história da filosofia de então, procura-se demonstrar como o direito romano clássico absorveu tais ideais que são encontrados nos textos legais do jurisconsulto Ulpiano. Por fim, segue uma explanação de como a jus filosofia de Ulpiano foi transmitida graças à consolidação justinianeia do Corpus Juris Civilis e desse modo contribuindo com a formação da civilização ocidental e consequentemente tornando-se a base do Direito brasileiro

Le sujet interroge les procédés de structuration et de configuration d’une cour impériale, qu’ils soient spontanés ou à l’initiative de l’empereur. Comme le rappelle le sociologue allemand Norbert Elias, dont les travaux encadrent largement cette étude, la cour ne doit pas son existence à la volonté d’un seul individu. Le cadre chronologique de cette étude est celui d’un long IVe siècle, prétexte à l’observation d’une évolution de la structure aulique et de l’image de la dignité impériale sur le long terme. L’Occident offre un objet d’étude privilégié, par sa diversité et ses pratiques du pouvoir héritières d’une ancienne centralité axée sur la ville de Rome. Notre hypothèse de recherche vise à pondérer le « paradigme du prince décideur » et à faire de l’empereur du IVe siècle un acteur de la cour et non plus seulement le point nodal d’une structure aulique qui tend à s’autonomiser. Il s’agit de mieux appréhender l’évolution de la pratique d’un pouvoir souvent perçu comme autocratique, le façonnement d’une cour destinée à servir le prestige d’une dignité impériale restaurée et l’autonomisation d’une administration extrêmement lourde. La permanence de certains réseaux d’influence à la cour semble entraîner un paradoxe entre le renforcement de l’autorité impériale et la faiblesse de l’influence décisionnelle des empereurs dans certains domaines de la vie politique. Cette contradiction ménage de nouveaux espaces du pouvoir jusque dans les territoires de l’empire, sous la forme de projections spatiales de la réalité aulique à travers la mobilité des hauts fonctionnaires. De là, la cour apparaît d’abord comme une abstraction soumise au politique avant que d’être une réalité topographique. L’ « absolutisme » en tant que « trait dominant du régime » mérite une nouvelle approche historiographique à l’aune de ces nouvelles pratiques du pouvoir à l’œuvre dès la Tétrarchie. / The present subject examines the processes of structuration and configuration of an imperial court. Those processes could be spontaneous or on the emperor’s initiative. As the German sociologist Norbert Elias reminds us, the court doesn’t owe its existence to the will of one person. This study takes place in a long 4th century and highlights the evolution of the court structure and the representation of the imperial dignity over the long term. The Western empire is a priviledged field of study due to the diversity of its political practices of power inherited from the old centrality of power settled in Rome. Our research hypothesis is about moderating the paradigm of the ‘decision-maker prince’. In that sense, the emperor of the Late Roman Empire would become an actor of the court again and not only the nodal point of this structure which is trying to become autonomous. We would like to better comprehend the evolution of a power usually regarded as autocratic, the making process of a court intended to serve the prestige of a restored imperial dignity and the autonomisation of an heavy administration. There is a paradox between the permanency of some political networks at court, the reinforcement of the imperial authority and the decision-making weakness of the emperors in some aspects of the political life. This contradiction creates new spaces of power in empire's territories because of the mobility of the senior officials. In that, the court appears more as a political abstraction than just a topographic reality. The ‘absolutism’ of that time deserves a new historiographical approach to understand those new political practices noticeable since the Tetrarchy.

Entre le milieu du Ve siècle, plus particulièrement après l’assassinat de Valentinien III (455), et la toute fin du VIe siècle, période de l’établissement temporaire d’un certain équilibre entre les forces byzantines et lombardes, Rome fut le théâtre d’importantes mutations sociales, économiques et politiques. Dans ce contexte trouble, l’épiscopat apparut progressivement comme la seule institution suffisamment stable pour exécuter plusieurs tâches autrefois inhérentes aux fonctionnaires municipaux et impériaux. Pour ne nommer que quelques exemples, l’évêque romain se retrouva en charge de responsabilités aussi profanes que l’approvisionnement de sa cité, la nomination de certains magistrats ou la négociation de traités et de trêves. Avec plus de 1 520 actes pour la seule période comprise entre Léon le Grand et Grégoire le Grand (440-604), la correspondance pontificale constitue la principale source d’information sur cet aspect relativement mal connu de la fonction épiscopale à Rome. Longtemps boudée, voire ignorée, par les historiens du monde romain civil, une grande partie de ces documents n’a été que peu analysée. Les résultats qui en ressortent sont souvent inédits, surtout lorsque les textes sont mis en perspective. Avant de se concentrer sur l’examen des compétences de l’évêque de Rome dans le domaine temporel, il est toutefois apparu fondamental de consacrer une étude historique complète sur les actes pontificaux antiques, en matière juridico-canonique, diplomatique et, sur certains points précis, philologique. Le présent travail s’attache aussi à proposer des approches de l’histoire socioéconomique et sociopolitique du Siège apostolique, s’intéressant principalement à la conception pontificale des difficultés de l’Antiquité tardive, à l’origine et aux relations sociales des détenteurs de l’épiscopat, à leur rôle dans la vie quotidienne ainsi qu’à l’élément clé de la richesse de leur institution : les patrimonia. / Between the middle of the Vth century, more particularly after the murder of Valentinian III (455), and the very end of the VIth century, the period of the establishment of a temporary balance between the Byzantine and Lombard forces, Rome was the theater of important social, economic and political transformations. In this troubled context, the episcopacy appeared gradually as the only institution which was stable enough to execute several tasks formerly inherent to the municipal and imperial civil servants. To name only a few examples, the Roman bishop found himself in charge of responsibilities so profane as the supply of his city, the appointment of certain magistrates or the negotiation of treaties and truces. With more than 1 520 acts for the only period between Leo the Great and Gregory the Great (440-604), the papal correspondence constitutes the main information source on this not fully known aspect of the episcopal office in Rome. For a long time avoided, even ignored, by the historians of the Roman civil world, a great part of these documents has been little analysed. The findings are often novel, especially when texts are put in perspective. Before concentrating on the examination of the capacities of the bishop of Rome in the temporal field, it seemed fundamental to dedicate a complete historical study on the ancient papal acts, in juridico-canonical, diplomatic and, on some precise points, philological matters. The present work also attempts to propose approaches of the socioeconomical and sociopolitical history of the Apostolic Seat, being mainly interested in the papal conception of the difficulties of Late Antiquity, in the social origin and relationships of the holders of the episcopate, in their role in everyday life as well as in the key element of the wealth of their institution : the patrimonia.

Um estudo historiográfico das Historiae abbreuiatae de Aurélio Vítor. Nisto consiste o presente trabalho, que procura determinar de que modo o referido historiador, no ocaso do reinado de Constâncio II, compôs uma narrativa dedicada à história do Império romano em sua totalidade. Para tanto, em primeiro lugar buscamos definir a natureza da obra. Em que pese os nítidos elementos biográficos que a integram, assim como a brevidade do texto, a obra de Aurélio Vítor deve ser pensada enquanto uma história, na medida em que o objetivo do autor se voltava para a exposição das causas que teriam condicionado o curso dos acontecimentos, da batalha de Ácio até o penúltimo ano do governo de Constâncio II. Desta forma, em um segundo momento, analisamos as estratégias de periodização e as concepções que Aurélio Vítor adotou a fim de contemplar a história imperial. As ações e o caráter moral dos sucessivos imperadores emergem nas Historiae abbreuiatae como o motor a partir do qual se movimentava a história da era imperial romana. Isto implicava, pois, o reconhecimento das oscilações que o mundo romano teria vivenciado ao longo de quase quatro séculos e as contradições que animavam a conduta das personagens históricas. Do que resultava, igualmente, na impossibilidade de se identificar um modelo ideal de imperador, em razão dos fatores e das circunstâncias distintas que marcariam o desenrolar da história do Império romano, como narrada por Aurélio Vítor. / A historiographical study of Aurelius Victors Historiae abbreuiatae. That is what defines the present work, which tries to ascertain how the aforementioned historian settled up a narrative about the history of the Roman Empire in the twilight of the reign of Constantius II. Therefore, we discuss at first the nature of the work. Despite the clear biographical trend we can observe in the text, as well as the brevity that characterizes it, the work of Aurelius Victor should be seen as a historical narrative since the author aimed to expose both the causes and the course of Roman imperial history, from the Battle of Actium to the last but one year of Constantius IIs reign. Thereupon we examine the strategies of periodization and the perspectives defined by Aurelius Victor in order to compose his text. In the Historiae abbreuiatae, the conduct showed by the emperors and their moral character represented the driving force of the narrative. That led the author to emphasize the ups and downs of Roman past in almost four hundred years of history. In this sense, Aurelius Victor did not lose track of some contradictions that encourage historical figures into action. That resulted in Aurelius Victors failure to identify an idealized model of Roman emperor due to distinct elements and circunstances that he himself pointed out in the course of the history of the Roman Empire.

Cette thèse étudie, dans toute leur complexité et leur variabilité, les pratiques funéraires au sein du territoire de Forum Iulii (commune actuelle de Fréjus), l’une des civitas de la Province de Narbonnaise définie par Auguste à la fin du Ier siècle av. n. è. Il s’inscrit sur une période chronologique longue riche en bouleversements socio-culturels (Ier s.- IVe s. de n.è.), propre à révéler l’évolution de ces pratiques et ainsi d’appréhender la relation qu’entretiennent les individus et/ou les groupes sociaux avec leurs traditions funéraires. Ce cadre spatio-temporel est également choisi pour sa cohérence et sa richesse documentaire. L’étude est basée sur une approche interdisciplinaire,entre archéologie et anthropologie biologique. Les paramètres étudiés, selon cette double perspective, participent conjointement à une lecture individuelle puis globale des sépultures et des ensembles funéraires afin de restituer les pratiques et l’influence des facteurs socio-culturels sur le traitement des morts. Le recours à ces deux disciplines garantit une compréhension optimale des systèmes de représentations sociales propres à une communauté face au décès de l’un de ses membres. L’analyse des restes osseux humains (âge au décès, sexe, état sanitaire), mais également celle des restes matériels (ensemble de dépôts associés, architecture de la sépulture, mode d’implantation traitement du corps, etc.) constituent les outils incontournables de l’archéologie de la mort qui vise alors à contribuer à une meilleure connaissance des populations antiques grâce à une approche bioculturelle. / This study aims to understand, in all their complexity and variability, the funerary practices of the territory of Forum Iulii (Fréjus), one of the civitas of the Gallia Narbonnensis, defined by Auguste at the end of the 1st century. BC. It is part of a long chronological period rich in socio-cultural upheavals (1st-4th century AD), wich reveals the evolution of these practices, and thus allow us to apprehend the relationship between individuals and / or social groups with their funerary traditions. This spatio-temporal framework is also chosen for its coherence and documentary richness. The study is based on an archaeothanatology approach, between archeology and biological anthropology. The studied parameters, considered in the both perspective, participate together in an individual, and then global reading of burials and funerary spaces in order to return practices, funerary rites, but also the influence of socio-cultural factors on the treatment of the dead corpses.The use of these two disciplines insures an optimal understanding of the social systems and religious representations specific to a community confronted with the death of one of its members. The human bones analysis (age and sex determination, health status), but also the study of the material (set of deposits, burial architecture, implantation of the tomb, body’s treatment, etc.) are the essential tools for the archeology of death, which aims to contribute to a better knowledge of ancient populations through a biocultural approach.

According to the orthodox priest John Meyendorff, the Byzantine dream consisted of the establishment of a universal Christian empire spiritually and politically governed by the emperor of Constantinople. This essay intends to shed light on the topic of Byzantine religious and political expansion in the context of Byzantine view on Barbaricum and the barbarians inhabiting it. The fundamental question asked is: how do the Byzantines view the barbarians outside the Byzantine Empire and in what sense, if any, does this view have implications for the Byzantine dream? To answer the question the essay examines four 6th century historians, namely: Procopius of Caesarea, Johannes Malalas, Menander Protector and Agathias of Myrina. The method being used is a hermeneutical method and the theoretical framework is made up of Edward Said’s Orientalism. The results indicate that the barbarians in Barbaricum were viewed upon with great distrust. The Byzantines considered the barbarians to be ontologically different from themselves. Furthermore, the Byzantines regarded the barbarians behaviour as uncivilized. The typical barbarian was deemed to be wild, cruel, irrational, mostly religiously backwards, lacking in education and, more often than not, displaying arrogance and boasting. At the same time they were mystified, and thought of as physically impressive beings capable of unnatural strength. Consequently, the barbarians were viewed upon as creatures of lust and physicality rather than, like the Byzantines, beings of rationality and sense. The conclusion can be made that the Byzantines regarded Barbaricum in much the same manner as the postcolonial powers regarded the Orient – through the construction of a dichotomy between the self and the other. Concerning the Byzantine adherence to the Byzantine dream as expressed by John Meyendorff, to spread the Byzantine Empire beyond its borders and consume Barbaricum by political and religious means, the results indicate that there are reasons to question Meyendorff’s assumption. It’s plausible that there indeed were Byzantine inclinations to transform Barbaricum. Furthermore, the results indicate that the Byzantine view of the barbarians played some part in shaping that inclination. It’s, however, also plausible that while the Byzantines may have strived to transform Barbaricum, it doesn’t neccessarily follow that it had to succumb to Byzantine imperial authority. The investigated sources seem to suggest that the primary Byzantine goal was solely to transform Barbaricum religiously and politically into something that resembled the Byzantine Empire but wasn’t necessarily a full fledged part of it.