Inaug.-Diss.--Göttingen. / Filmed with: Jacobi, J.L. / Basilidis philosophii gnostici sententiae ... -- Rutilius Lupus, Publius ; Jacob, Friedrich / P. Rutilii Lupi De figuris sententiarum et elocutionis libri duo ... -- Jacobi, Victor Friedrich Leopold / De rebus rusticis veterum Germanorum. Part I, De veteris Germaniae ... -- Jahn, Johann Christian / De P. Ovidii Nasonis et a Sabini epistolis disputatio : Pars I -- Jaep, Karl Christoph / Que anno et quibus diebus festis Aristophanis Lysistrata atque Thesmophoriazusae doctae sint -- Hölk / Aeschylus Orestie : vortrag als einführung in die antike Trilogie -- Heimback, Gustav Ernst / De origine et fatis corporis, quod CLXVIII. Novellis constitutionibus constat -- Jacobi, Olaf / In Satiras Horatianas adversaria -- Jacob, August / Ueber die behandlung der griechischen mythologie -- Höfer, Paul / Die bedeutung der philosophie für das leben nach Plato -- Xenophon. ; Heiland, Carl Gustav / Xenophontis Agesilaus -- Holzinger, Carl / Beitrage zur Erklärung des Demosthenes : 1. Dionysios oder Libanios? : Zur ersten olynthischen Rede -- Hoffmann, Otto / Eine Neugestaltung des griechischen Unterrichtes besonders des Elementarunterrichtes -- Hollander, Hermann / Die handschriftliche überlieferung der Homerischen Hymnen -- Höfer, Ulrich / Eine gemeinsame quelle Strabons u. des sog. Skymnos -- Hoffmann, Heinrich, of Erlangen / Der Zweite und dritte Hauptteil von Plato's Theätet -- Höger, Franz Christian / Kleine Beiträge zur Erklärung von Vergil's Aeneis -- Hoffmann, Otto Adalbert / Ägis oder Bogen? : beitrag zur Erklärung des Apollo von Belvedere.

Desde a entrada dos visigodos nas terras do Império Romano percebemos uma intenção clara da aristocracia dirigente de fixação do povo em um território e de normatização de um poder sistemático. Ao longo dos séculos IV ao VII esse processo esbarrou em diversos fatores, como as disputas entre as aristocracias pelo poder e a fragilidade da transmissão do poder entre os visigodos, que não possuíam o critério hereditário para isso. Dessa forma, a partir do governo de Leovigildo notamos uma tentativa de normatização política e de reforço da autoridade do rei e da monarquia por meio da unidade religiosa. Para conquistar essa unidade religiosa não alcançada por Leovigildo, seu filho Recaredo buscou o apoio legitimador da Igreja Católica. A partir desse episódio, os governantes que o sucederam também deram continuidade a essa política de unificação religiosa, o que contribuía para o fortalecimento do poder real e da monarquia enquanto instituição.Para buscar essa unidade religiosa os cânones conciliares da Península Ibérica passaram a sistematizar um vasto corpo de legislação antijudaica. Nesse sentido, questionamos se essas medidas contribuíam para o reforço da unidade religiosa e política na região, além de contribuir para o reforço da identidade entre a aristocracia católica, já que agora esses possuíam um inimigo em comum para combater, no caso os judeus. Essa união gerada para combater um inimigo compartilhado pode ter favorecido a governabilidade na região, já que o rei é quem liderava esse processo de combate àqueles que comprometiam a salvação do reino. / Since the entry of the Visigoths in the lands of the Roman Empire perceive a clear intention of the ruling aristocracy attachment of the people in a territory and standardization of a systematic power. Over the centuries IV to VII this process ran on several factors, such as disputes between the aristocracy and the fragility of the power transmission of power between the Visigoths, who had no hereditary criterion for this. Thus, from the government Leovigild noticed an attempt to standardize policy and strengthening the authority of the king and the monarchy through religious unity. To conquer this religious unity not achieved by Leovigild his son Reccared sought support legitimizing the Catholic Church. From this episode, the rulers who succeeded him also continued this policy of religious unity, which contributed to the strengthening of royal power and the monarchy as an institution. To get that religious unity conciliar canons of the Iberian Peninsula began to systematize a large body of anti-Jewish legislation. Accordingly, we question whether these measures contributed to strengthening the unity of religion and politics in the region and contribute to the strengthening of the identity of the Catholic aristocracy, now that these had a common enemy to fight, if the Jews. This union created to fight an enemy may have favored the shared governance in the region, as the king who is leading this process to combat those who committed the salvation of the kingdom.

Desde a entrada dos visigodos nas terras do Império Romano percebemos uma intenção clara da aristocracia dirigente de fixação do povo em um território e de normatização de um poder sistemático. Ao longo dos séculos IV ao VII esse processo esbarrou em diversos fatores, como as disputas entre as aristocracias pelo poder e a fragilidade da transmissão do poder entre os visigodos, que não possuíam o critério hereditário para isso. Dessa forma, a partir do governo de Leovigildo notamos uma tentativa de normatização política e de reforço da autoridade do rei e da monarquia por meio da unidade religiosa. Para conquistar essa unidade religiosa não alcançada por Leovigildo, seu filho Recaredo buscou o apoio legitimador da Igreja Católica. A partir desse episódio, os governantes que o sucederam também deram continuidade a essa política de unificação religiosa, o que contribuía para o fortalecimento do poder real e da monarquia enquanto instituição.Para buscar essa unidade religiosa os cânones conciliares da Península Ibérica passaram a sistematizar um vasto corpo de legislação antijudaica. Nesse sentido, questionamos se essas medidas contribuíam para o reforço da unidade religiosa e política na região, além de contribuir para o reforço da identidade entre a aristocracia católica, já que agora esses possuíam um inimigo em comum para combater, no caso os judeus. Essa união gerada para combater um inimigo compartilhado pode ter favorecido a governabilidade na região, já que o rei é quem liderava esse processo de combate àqueles que comprometiam a salvação do reino. / Since the entry of the Visigoths in the lands of the Roman Empire perceive a clear intention of the ruling aristocracy attachment of the people in a territory and standardization of a systematic power. Over the centuries IV to VII this process ran on several factors, such as disputes between the aristocracy and the fragility of the power transmission of power between the Visigoths, who had no hereditary criterion for this. Thus, from the government Leovigild noticed an attempt to standardize policy and strengthening the authority of the king and the monarchy through religious unity. To conquer this religious unity not achieved by Leovigild his son Reccared sought support legitimizing the Catholic Church. From this episode, the rulers who succeeded him also continued this policy of religious unity, which contributed to the strengthening of royal power and the monarchy as an institution. To get that religious unity conciliar canons of the Iberian Peninsula began to systematize a large body of anti-Jewish legislation. Accordingly, we question whether these measures contributed to strengthening the unity of religion and politics in the region and contribute to the strengthening of the identity of the Catholic aristocracy, now that these had a common enemy to fight, if the Jews. This union created to fight an enemy may have favored the shared governance in the region, as the king who is leading this process to combat those who committed the salvation of the kingdom.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Cornell University, 1933. / Without thesis note. Bibliographies: p. 166-178.

No description available.

Thesis (S.T.D.)--Catholic University of America, 1930. / Half-title: Universitas Catholica Americae, Washingtonii. S. facultas theologica, 1929-1930, no. 32. Bibliography: p. 208-216.

Gothic tribes settled on the lower Danube and on the northern shore of the Black Sea entered in the year 376 the territory of the Roman Empire. This was followed by fierce fighting and migration of the Goths, who passed through the Balkans and Italy and reached Aquitaine in 413, where they settled temporarily. Here, originally various Gothic groups were formed into the one tribe gens, which we now call Visigoths. The pressure of the Franks from the north forced the Visigoths to leave Aquitaine at the beginning of the 6th century and move on to the Iberian Peninsula. Here the Visigoths established their own Kingdom of Toledo. Because the Visigoths at the time of their formation were not a homogeneous group, but rather a lose conglomerate of various barbarian groups and military units, they had no tradition of appointing their rulers. For this reason, they created the mechanism of the royal elections. Vallia was the first elected king in 415. During Visigothic history, a sequence of elected kings was disrupted several times by attempts of some kings to enforce a hereditary monarchy. This led in 633 to the enactment of the royal elections at the 4th Council of Toledo. Other ecclesiastical councils further improved the principles of election. The work will focus on the development of the Visigothic...

In the year 589 Reccared, king of the Visigoths, called together leaders of the Catholic Church and the Visigothic nobility to meet at the Third Council of Toledo. That council marked a dramatic change in the Visigothic Kingdom and began a collaboration between the Catholic Church and the Visigothic royal government that would come to define the kingdom, and has forever colored our view of the history of Spain. This dissertation will attempt to place the events that occurred at the Third Council of Toledo into the larger context of the sixth century and will show that the union between the Catholic Church and the Visigothic royal government that occurred at Toledo III was the result of a connection between two longstanding forces in society: the efforts of a small number of provincial bishops to purify society through strict, orthodox Catholicism and the efforts of a few Visigoth monarchs to centralize the kingdom and create a political entity that would be the natural heir to official Roman legitimacy in the west as well as offer a counterbalance to the Eastern Roman Empire. Further, it will draw some connections between the work of the Catholic Church in the Suevic Kingdom, the other Germanic Kingdom that existed on the Iberian Peninsula during the sixth century, and the the Third Council of Toledo. Finally, it will show that in the immediate aftermath of the Third Council of Toledo the bishops were disappointed to find that the introduction of coercive power as a tool of instruction for bishops proved largely unworkable in the short term which led them to abandon some of their new found powers.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T15:25:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 GustavoHSSS_DISSERT.pdf: 1419465 bytes, checksum: 8c673af6f681d84dd2fb46f03c113540 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-08-10 / In the year 376 of the Common Era, a tribe of Germanic warriors known as Tervingi , of Gothic extraction, crossed the Hister (Danube) river due south, entering the Roman Empire. They fled the Huns, a nomadic group that came plundering their way from the East. It did not take long for a conflict between the Roman imperial authorities and the refugees to begin. Peace was reached in 382 and, henceforth, the Tervingi would be officially foederati (allies) of the Romans, gaining the right to remain an autonomous tribe inside the borders of the Empire. For the next thirteen years the Tervingi warriors fought beside the Roman imperial armies in every major conflict. Nevertheless, after the death of the emperor Theodosius I in 395, their relations deteriorated severely. In theory, the Tervingi remained Roman allies; in practice, they begun to extort monies and other assets from the emperors Honorius and Arcadius. The sack of Rome by the Tervingi king Alaric in 410 was both the culmination and the point of inflection of this state of affairs. During the 410s the Tervingi warriors would fought again beside the Roman Imperial armies and be rewarded with a piece of land in the southwestern portion of the Gallic diocese. Dubbed Visigoths , they would remain trusted Roman allies throughout the next decades, consolidating their own kingdom in the process. This dissertation deals not only with the institution of the Visigothic kingdom in the southwestern portion of the Galliae but also with the social and economic conditions that hindered the Roman ability to defend their territory by themselves, hence opening opportunities for foederati like the Tervingi to carve out a piece of it for themselves. / No ano de 376 da era comum, uma tribo de guerreiros germ?nicos conhecidos como tervingi (terv?ngios), de origem g?tica, cruzou o rio Hister (Dan?bio) rumo ao sul, adentrando o Imp?rio Romano. Eles fugiam dos hunos, um grupo n?made que vinha do leste saqueando tudo em seu caminho. N?o passou muito tempo at? que tivesse in?cio conflito entre as autoridades imperiais romanas e os refugiados. A paz foi alcan?ada em 382 e, dali em diante, os terv?ngios seriam, oficialmente, foederati (aliados) dos romanos, ganhando o direito de continuar sendo uma tribo aut?noma dentro das fronteiras do Imp?rio. Durante os treze anos seguintes os guerreiros terv?ngios lutaram ao lado dos ex?rcitos imperiais romanos em cada um dos conflitos importantes. Ainda assim, ap?s a morte do imperador Teod?sio I em 395, as rela??es entre eles se deterioraram severamente. Em teoria, os terv?ngios permaneciam aliados dos romanos; na pr?tica, haviam come?ado a extorquir dinheiro e outros recursos dos imperadores Hon?rio e Arc?dio. O saque de Roma pelo rei terv?ngio Alarico em 410 foi tanto a culmina??o quanto o ponto de inflex?o nesse estado de coisas. Durante a d?cada de 410, os guerreiros terv?ngios lutariam novamente ao lado dos ex?rcitos imperiais romanos e seriam recompensados com uma por??o de terra na ?rea sudoeste da diocese gaulesa. Apelidados de visigodos , eles permaneceriam aliados dos romanos ao longo das d?cadas seguintes, consolidando seu pr?prio reino no processo. Esta disserta??o trata n?o apenas do estabelecimento do reino visig?tico na por??o sudoeste das Galliae mas tamb?m das condi??es sociais e econ?micas que restringiram a capacidade romana de defender por conta pr?pria seu territ?rio, dando oportunidade para que foederati como os terv?ngios arrancassem um peda?o dele para si.

Cette thèse a comme objectif de démontrer combien Alaric et ses Goths étaient Romains dans pratiquement toutes les catégories connues sur leur compte. Pour ce faire, l’auteur a puisé dans les sciences sociales et a emprunté le champ conceptuel de l’éminent sociologue Pierre Bourdieu. À l’aide du concept d’habitus, entre autres choses, l’auteur a tenté de faire valoir à quel point les actions d’Alaric s’apparentaient à celles des généraux romains de son époque. Naturellement, il a fallu étaler le raisonnement au long de plusieurs chapitres et sur de nombreux niveaux. C’est-à-dire qu’il a fallu d’abord définir les concepts populaires en ce moment pour « faire » l’histoire des barbares durant l’Antiquité tardive. Pensons ici à des termes tels que l’ethnicité et l’ethnogenèse. L’auteur s’est distancé de ces concepts qu’il croyait mal adaptés à la réalité des Goths et d’Alaric. C’est qu’il fallait comprendre ces hommes dans une structure romaine, au lieu de leur octroyer une histoire et des traditions barbares. Il a ensuite fallu montrer que la thèse explorait des avenues restées peu empruntées jusqu’à aujourd’hui. Il a été question de remonter jusqu’à Gibbon pour ensuite promouvoir le fait que quelques érudits avaient autrefois effleuré la question d’Alaric comme étant un homme beaucoup moins barbare que ce que la tradition véhiculait à son sujet, tel que Fustel de Coulanges, Amédée Thierry ou encore Marcel Brion. Il s’agissait donc de valider l’angle de recherche en prenant appui d’abord sur ces anciens luminaires de la discipline. Vint ensuite l’apport majeur de cette thèse, c’est-à-dire essentiellement les sections B, C et D. La section B a analysé la logistique durant la carrière d’Alaric. Cette section a permis avant tout de démontrer clairement qu’on n’a pas affaire à une troupe de brigands révoltés; le voyage de 401-402 en Italie prouve à lui seul ce fait. L’analyse approfondie de l’itinéraire d’Alaric durant ses nombreux voyages a démontré que cette armée n’aurait pas pu effectuer tous ces déplacements sans l’appui de la cour orientale. En l’occurrence, Alaric et son armée étaient véritablement des soldats romains à ce moment précis, et non pas simplement les fédérés barbares de la tradition. La section C s’est concentrée sur les Goths d’Alaric, où on peut trouver deux chapitres qui analysent deux sujets distincts : origine/migration et comparaison. C’est dans cette section que l’auteur tente de valider l’hypothèse que les Goths d’Alaric n’étaient pas vraiment Goths, d’abord, et qu’ils étaient plutôt Romains, ensuite. Le chapitre sur la migration n’a comme but que de faire tomber les nombreuses présomptions sur la tradition gothe que des érudits comme Wolfram et Heather s’efforcent de défendre encore aujourd’hui. L’auteur argumente pour voir les Goths d’Alaric comme un groupe formé à partir d’éléments romains; qu’ils eurent été d’une origine barbare quelconque dans les faits n’a aucun impact sur le résultat final : ces hommes avaient vécu dans l’Empire durant toute leur vie (Alaric inclus) et leurs habitus ne pouvaient pas être autre chose que romain. Le dernier chapitre de la section C a aussi démontré que le groupe d’Alaric était d’abord profondément différent des Goths de 376-382, puis d’autres groupes que l’on dit barbares au tournant du 5e siècle, comme l’étaient les Vandales et les Alamans par exemple. Ensemble, ces trois chapitres couvrent la totalité de ce que l’on connait du groupe d’Alaric et en offre une nouvelle interprétation à la lumière des dernières tendances sociologiques. La section D analyse quant à elle en profondeur Alaric et sa place dans l’Empire romain. L’auteur a avant tout lancé l’idée, en s’appuyant sur les sources, qu’Alaric n’était pas un Goth ni un roi. Il a ensuite analysé le rôle d’Alaric dans la structure du pouvoir de l’Empire et en est venu à la conclusion qu’il était l’un des plus importants personnages de l’Empire d’Orient entre 397 et 408, tout en étant soumis irrémédiablement à cette structure. Sa carrière militaire était des plus normale et s’inscrivait dans l’habitus militaire romain de l’époque. Il a d’ailleurs montré que, par ses actions, Alaric était tout aussi Romain qu’un Stilicon. À dire le vrai, mis à part Claudien, rien ne pourrait nous indiquer qu’Alaric était un barbare et qu’il essayait d’anéantir l’Empire. La mauvaise image d’Alaric n’est en effet redevable qu’à Claudien : aucun auteur contemporain n’en a dressé un portrait aussi sombre. En découle que les auteurs subséquents qui firent d’Alaric le roi des Goths et le ravageur de la Grèce avaient sans doute été fortement influencés eux aussi par les textes de Claudien. / This thesis hopes to demonstrate how Alaric and his Goths were Romans in virtually all that is known about them. To do this, the author has drawn from the social sciences to take the conceptual scope of the eminent sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. Using the concept of habitus, among other things, the author has tried to argue how Alaric’s ‘habits’ were similar to those of the Romans of his time. Naturally, the reasoning was spread over several chapters and on several levels. That is to say, it was first necessary to define the concepts popular at this time to "tell" the History of the Barbarians in Late Antiquity. We have to think here of terms such as ethnicity and ethnogenesis. The author has distanced himself from these concepts he thought ill-suited to the reality of the Goths and of Alaric. We should understand these men in a Roman structure, instead of granting them a History and/or barbaric traditions. He then had to show that the thesis explored avenues which have remained understudied until today. He had to start with Gibbon and work his way up the erudite chart while promoting the fact that some scholars had previously touched on Alaric as a man much less barbaric than the tradition was promoting, such as Fustel de Coulanges, Amédée Thierry and Marcel Brion. It was therefore important to validate the research angle by first acknowledging the place of these great scholars. Then came the major contribution of this thesis, that is to say essentially the sections B, C and D. Section B is focusing on the logistical side of Alaric’s story. This section have foremost allowed to demonstrate clearly that we are not dealing with a band of revolted brigands : the travel of 402 in Italy alone proves this fact. The detailed analysis of the routes taken by Alaric during his many trips demonstrates that the army could not have done all these movements without the support of the eastern court. In that case, Alaric and his army were truly Roman soldiers and not just the barbarous federated people of the tradition. Section C focus on Alaric's Goths where one can find two chapters covering two distinct areas: Origin/Migration and Comparison. It is in this section that the author attempts to support the hypothesis that the Goths of Alaric were not really Goths but rather Romans. The chapter on migration had the goal to break down many assumptions about this gothic tradition that scholars like Wolfram and Heather are still trying to defend. The author argues to see Alaric's Goths as a group formed from Roman elements; to know if in fact any of them was of barbarian stock is irrelevant to the end result : these men had lived in the Empire throughout their entire lives (Alaric included) and their habitus could not have been anything other than Roman. The last chapter of Section C showed without any doubt that the group of Alaric was firstly deeply different from the Goths of 376-382, but then also from other groups that are said to have been barbarians at the turn of the fifth century, as were the Vandals and Alamanni for example. Together, these three chapters cover the totality of what is known about the group of Alaric and offers fresh interpretation following the last trends in social sciences. The section D is for its part an in-depth analysis of Alaric and his place in the Roman Empire. The author has demonstrated above all, relying on sources, that Alaric was not a Goth nor a king. He then analyzed the role of Alaric in the power structure of the Empire and came to the conclusion that he was one of the most important men of the Eastern Empire between 397 and 408, while still being totally dependant on that structure. His whole military career up to 397 was unassuming and was part of the Roman military habitus of the time. He also showed that by his actions, Alaric was also as Roman as Stilicho. To tell the truth, apart from Claudian, nothing could tell us that Alaric was a barbarian and was trying to destroy the Empire. The bad image of Alaric is liable only to Claudian alone : no contemporary writer did draw such a dark portrait of him. It follows that subsequent authors who made Alaric the king of the Goths and the destructor of Greece must had followed Claudian as well.