The dissertation deals with political culture in the Age of Liberty as it is manifested in the uprising in Dalarna in 1743. The object of the study is the political repertoire used by the peasants – a combination of utilisation of political institutions and different forms of protest such as tax boycotts and a march from Dalarna to the capital. Emphasis has been placed on the interactive aspects of the movement. Thereby, the repertoire used by central authorities to suppress the movement is equally important. Results show that the peasants formed their actions in close connection with the reactions they were met with by the authorities. Initially, the attempts to demobilise the peasants’ movement actually facilitated its mobilisation. As the peasants’ political repertoire is uncovered, it has been possible to study the movement’s mobilisation process through the use of mobilising structures, political opportunities, and interpretative processes. Hence, the significance of the uprising to the protesters is clarified. The protesters viewed their actions as part of an ongoing political debate, legitimised by the government’s neglect of its obligations towards the people, rather than as a subversive uprising. The Dalarna uprising of 1743 was an integral part of political culture in the Age of Liberty through its combined use of formal and informal political institutions and arenas. The uprising is an eloquent expression of the increasing political assertiveness among the peasantry and the peasant estate in Sweden in the eighteenth century.

No description available.

En se penchant sur L’homme révolté d’Albert Camus, ce mémoire entend évaluer la pertinence de la révolte camusienne à l’aube du troisième millénaire. Du constat de l’absurde quant à la condition existentielle de l’homme, Camus a esquissé une révolte affranchie de toute idéologie en démontant, entre autres, les mécanismes propres à la philosophie de l’histoire et au nihilisme. À partir de la critique des pensées hégélienne, nietzschéenne et marxienne, il a tenté de définir les caractéristiques inhérentes à la révolte. Rédigé au milieu du XXe siècle, L’homme révolté est marqué par les séquelles d’une histoire chaotique déjà plus que cinquantenaire. Pour autant, son propos semble être encore d’actualité. Avec la complicité de philosophes contemporains tels que Cornélius Castoriadis, Pierre Rosanvallon et Bernard Stiegler, c’est autant la pertinence de la révolte camusienne qui est ici considérée qu’une corrélation entre cette révolte et la dignité humaine. L’homme révolté a-t-il encore sa place en ce début du troisième millénaire et dans l’affirmative : quelle est cette place? / By examining Albert Camus’ L’homme révolté (The Rebel), this dissertation intends to assess the relevance of Camusian revolt at the dawn of the third millennium. From an acknowledgement of the absurd as regards the existential condition of man, Camus outlined a revolt free of any ideology by demonstrating, for example, the mechanisms innate to the philosophy of history and nihilism. Starting with a critique of Hegelian, Nietzschean and Marxist thought, he attempted to define the characteristics inherent to rebellion. Written in the mid-20th century, L’homme révolté is marked by the aftermath of chaos and destruction of that era, yet now more than five decades on, his words appear to remain relevant today. With the complicity of contemporary philosophers such as Cornélius Castoriadis, Pierre Rosanvallon and Bernard Stiegler, this paper will focus not only on the pertinence of Camusian rebellion, but also on a correlation between revolt and human dignity. Does L’homme révolté still have his place as the third millennium begins and, if so, what is that place?

Seppur premiata da una fortuna minore rispetto a quella occorsa alle opere narrative, la produzione teatrale di Svevo rappresenta una parentesi determinante della sua carriera letteraria: il triestino, infatti, ci ha lasciato un corpus teatrale significativo, composto da tredici copioni, distribuiti su un arco biografico che si estende dal 1880, anno dell’Ariosto governatore, fino ad arrivare, con La rigenerazione, agli anni immediatamente precedenti alla morte. Si consideri, inoltre, che quella per il teatro fu una passione che accompagnò Svevo per l’intera esistenza, sia come frequentatore di spettacoli tanto in Italia quanto all’estero, sia come critico per le più importanti testate triestine. Per questi motivi, è parso opportuno in questo lavoro di ricerca tornare su un tema – quello delle commedie di Svevo – meno considerato dalla critica. Nella prima sezione della tesi, intitolata Svevo e il teatro, dopo un rapido profilo della critica e della storia delle rappresentazioni, si è cercato di delineare i confini del rapporto che unì Svevo al mondo del palcoscenico. Nella seconda sezione di del lavoro, intitolata Trasgressione, ribellione e falsificazione nel teatro sveviano, sono state prese in analisi le pièces del triestino; le commedie sono state raggruppate in base a tre nuclei tematici: trasgressione, ribellione e falsificazione. / Although rewarded by a minor fortune than that which occurred to the novels, Svevo’s plays are a determinant parenthesis of his literary career: in fact, the writer has left thirteen commedies, distributed over a biographical arch which extends from 1880, the year of Ariosto governatore, up to, with La rigenerazione, the years immediately preceding his death. Consider, too, that the theater was a passion that accompanied Svevo for the whole of life, both as a frequenter of shows in Italy and abroad, both as a critic for the most important newspapers in Trieste. For these reasons, it seemed appropriate in this research back on a theme - that of Svevo’s plays - less regarded by critics. In the first section of the thesis, entitled Svevo e il teatro, after a short outline of the criticism and of the history of representations, we tried to delineate the borders of the relationship that joined Svevo to the world of the stage. In the second section of the work, entitled Trasgressione, ribellione e falsificazione nel teatro sveviano, were taken into analysis the plays; comedies were grouped according to three themes: transgression, rebellion and forgery.

The outbreak and continued progress of the Irish rebellion of 1641 played a significant role in the birth and development of domestic newsbooks in England between 1641--49. This thesis examines the manner in which these periodicals reported the insurrection to their readers. As relations between king and parliament deteriorated during the winter of 1641--42, the attention awarded to this uprising by these publications helped to ensure that Ireland became a popular concern. Weekly chronicles of Irish affairs continued unabated after the onset of civil war in England. Amid fears that Ireland could be utilized by Charles I in his struggle with Westminster, pro-parliamentary, and subsequently pro-royalist editors employed the rebellion as part of a propaganda war that accompanied armed conflict in all three Stuart kingdoms. Accordingly, this study suggests that a principle stratagem of the newsbooks was not necessarily to communicate news of Irish matters, but more often than not, their motivation lay in manipulating accounts relating to the rebellion in order to wage political combat in England.

Between 1842 and 1857, British interactions with the Qing Empire shaped and informed the development of British liberal attitudes. However, amid the widespread historiography devoted to uncovering international influences on British liberalism during this period, the impact of the Anglo-Chinese relationship remains a footnote. Instead, focus is given to how Europe, America and the British Empire assisted in the advancement of British politics and liberal thought. This thesis redresses this oversight – showing how Anglo-Chinese frictions in the mid-nineteenth century brought into question British notions of free trade, international law, diplomatic standards and non-intervention. Britain’s determination to improve its trading network in China matched by the Qing’s refusal to allow further Western expansion, informed British liberal debate and shaped political attitudes. Most notably, it resulted in Sir John Bowring, the former Foreign Secretary of the London Peace Society, ordering the military bombardment of the port of Canton in late 1856. The bombardment – which resulted in the second Anglo-Chinese conflict (1856-1860) – is well-documented by historians. However, the development of Bowring’s political convictions, which provided an ideological justification for war, has been overlooked. This thesis uncovers how interactions with China forced Bowring and the British expatriate community more generally to reconsider the meaning of free trade, the boundaries of international law and their commitment to non-intervention. In addition, it shows how Bowring’s actions resulted in a heated debate that captured the attention of Britain’s political elite and, through the General Election of 1857, the British public more generally. As a result, it facilitated an open and vibrant debate that queried whether, to secure British trade, military intervention could be deemed an acceptable diplomatic method – a discussion that forced the development of the nation’s liberal attitudes. This thesis tackles two relatively distinct areas of historical research that rarely interact. First, it sheds new light on the scholarship that has examined foreign influences on the development of British liberal ideas in the mid-nineteenth century. It shows that through an investigation of relations with peripheral nations such as China, historians can gain a fresh and more detailed perspective on how and why nineteenth century liberal attitudes developed. In addition, it challenges the existing framework adopted by Sinologists in their assessment of Anglo-Chinese relations. Recent studies remain focused on uncovering how nineteenth century Western expansion into the Qing Empire affected its political, legal and cultural development. This thesis reverses this approach – arguing that this relationship not only affected events within China but in addition, shaped British liberal debate and consolidated British political ideas. This thesis calls, therefore, for historians to reconsider the importance of relatively peripheral nations on the development of British ideals and liberal thinking in the mid-nineteenth century. By examining these new frontiers, it sheds new light on the making of British liberalism.

No description available.

Submitted by Marilene Donadel (marilene.donadel@unioeste.br) on 2018-05-28T19:37:26Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Mary_Jurumenha_2017.pdf: 2071836 bytes, checksum: d92615b7e73ad3995ba21ee5d6383b27 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-28T19:37:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Mary_Jurumenha_2017.pdf: 2071836 bytes, checksum: d92615b7e73ad3995ba21ee5d6383b27 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-22 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The objective of this work was to investigate the possible association between the events of August 24, 2014, at the State Penitentiary of Cascavel-PEC , which is the target of interpretations lacking in scientificity, both by the local press and by the national press and official data from the Penitentiary Department National. Official information has not yet been released, and the only consensus so far is that conditions set by law have not been met. From this perspective, we pass on the importance of this work linked to the prison institution, since it is the State that selects sentences and protects the grieving. To that end, it has a multidisciplinary team in prisons and other welfare agencies, for which the maintenance and guarantee of human rights is a key element in resolving conflicts and verifying the suppression of human dignity. We revere the traditional works that deal with Human Rights, but our study will be focused largely on Brazilian works, written by authors who know our reality and dedicate themselves to discussing the theme. The purpose of this study is to understand, understand and analyze the rebellion that occurred in Cascavel, indicating whether or not there was a violation of the human rights of detainees and those directly associated with them. In order to complete this verification, we use the local press data and the National Report of Penitentiary Information-INFOPEN . These sources allow us to recognize that there is a historical social segregation, which disrupts collective living, having as its last expression the prison system. / Objetivou-se com esse trabalho investigar a possível associação entre os acontecimentos de 24 de agosto de 2014, na Penitenciária Estadual de Cascavel-PEC , alvo de interpretações carentes de cientificidade, tanto pela imprensa local, quanto pelo Departamento Penitenciário Nacional. Informações oficiais ainda não foram divulgadas, e o único consenso até agora é que condições estabelecidas por leis não foram cumpridas. Por este prisma, passamos a importância do presente trabalho vinculado à instituição prisional, já que é o Estado quem seleciona, sentencia e tutela os apenados. Para tanto, dispõe de equipe multidisciplinar nos estabelecimentos prisionais e demais órgãos assistenciais, para os quais a manutenção e garantia dos direitos humanos é peça fundamental para dirimir conflitos e verificar a supressão da dignidade humana. Reverenciamos as obras tradicionais que tratam dos direitos humanos e humanização das penas, mas nosso estudo referenciou-se em grande parte nas obras brasileiras, escritas por autores que conhecem a nossa realidade e se dedicam a discutir o tema. O objetivo desse estudo é compreender, apreender e analisar a rebelião ocorrida em Cascavel, apontando se houve ou não violação dos direitos humanos dos detentos e das pessoas diretamente ligadas a eles. Para concluir essa verificação, nos utilizamos dos dados de matérias jornalísticas da imprensa local (Hoje, Gazeta do Paraná e O Paraná), e também do Relatório Nacional de Informações Penitenciárias-INFOPEN . Essas fontes nos permitem reconhecer que existe uma segregação social histórica, que desordena o convívio coletivo, tendo como última expressão o sistema carcerário.

Although secularization has early antecedents in Mexico's history, the generation who embodied the Constitutionalist faction of the 1910 Revolution undertook an unprecedented campaign to achieve it. Strong anticlerical provisions proclaimed in the 1917 Constitution were implemented and gradually escalated in intensity by the administrations of Presidents Álvaro Obregón and Plutarco Elias Calles. This ignited an armed uprising known as the Cristero Rebellion that arose in rural Mexico in 1926. Beyond the armed conflict, this dissertation analyzes the cultural effects caused by the implementation of such a legal and institutional agenda that reveal a substantial confrontation in the public sphere between two opposed concepts of society-religious and non-religious. As a result, society became highly polarized while the government pushed its secularization aims to the extreme as never before. New laws intervened more intensely on private rights, transforming people's everyday ideas about religion, nation, law, justice and citizenship. By looking at citizens' experiences with such law enforcement, this work elucidates how the state finally neutralized radical Catholicism by stigmatizing it as non-patriotic in the public sphere. This phenomenon that happened between 1917 and 1929 can be conceptualized as the secularization of patriotism and the transformation of people's notions of the legal system- defined as the legal popular culture- that was central to Mexico's social and cultural Revolution.

ENGLISH ABSTRACT This dissertation is focused on Prague in views in literary works of post-february exile authors, which emigrated after year 1948: Egon Hostovský, Zdeněk Němeček and Jiří Kovtun. The picture of Prague, which we can (re)construct from their works, is different in each case. In the novel Nezvěstný of Egon Hostovský dominate followings motives: gray, weak contours, theatricality, panoptic and a metaphorical description of February Prague. The main features of the works of Zdeněk Nemeček are: close relationship between teller and main character, short dialogs, view from above, sad feelings and feeling of separation. Konvtun's work named Pražská ekloga is specific with irony (it is evidently a product of considerable time span from the other described events), naturalistic features and war atmosphere. The authors associate a considerable relationship to Prague and their contributions to the programme "Slovo a svět" of the Radio Free Europe, in spite of their different life stories and poetics. The main theoretic result of the diploma is city poetology of Daniela Hodrová ("Citlivé město"). Interpretive interest isn't limited only to the mentioned literary works, in the diploma are also considered data from the periodic newspapers and other professional literature. The objective of the...