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Black communities located in cities across the country became sites of explosive political unrest during the mid-1960s. These uprisings coincided with a period of intensified political activity among African Americans nationally, and played a decisive role in expanding national concern with black political struggle from a singular focus on the Civil Rights movement led by black southerners to consider the "race problem" clearly present in the cities of the North and West. Moreover, unrest within urban black communities emerged at a time when alternate political analyses of the relationship between black people and the American state that challenged the goal of integration and presented different visions of black freedom and identity were gaining considerable traction. The most receptive audience for these radical and nationalist critiques was found among black students and cadres of militant, young black people living in cities who insisted on the right to self determination for black people, and advocated liberation through revolution and the application of black power to secure control over their communities as the most appropriate goal of black political struggle. The following study examines grassroots political organizations formed by black people in Cleveland, Ohio during the early 1960s in order to analyze the development of the tactics, strategies, and ideologies that became hallmarks of Black Power by the end of the decade. These developments are understood within the context of ongoing political struggle, and particular attention is paid to the machinations of the multifaceted system of racial oppression that shaped the conditions against which black Clevelanders fought. This struggle, initially aimed at securing unrestricted employment, housing, and educational opportunities for black people, and curtailing episodes of police brutality against them, culminated in five days of unrest during July 1966. The actions of city officials, especially the Mayor and members of the Cleveland Police Department, during the Hough uprising clarified the nature of black oppression in Cleveland, thereby illuminating the need for and uses of both the formal political power of the ballot, as well as the power of the bullet to defend black people and communities through the force of arms.

Abstract: In this thesis, the general use and specific instances of F-words in modern music lyrics have been studied based on the corpora extracted from songs in Billboard year-end charts from 2013 to 2022, which represented the most popular songs in English-speaking countries. By screening the actual meaning and contexts of those F-words in the lyrics, I extracted those special instances in which F-words were used to express rebellious feelings to challenge social norms and fight against authority powers. The theme of those rebellious F-words was first studied by the quantitative analysis by years, which shows a clear time dependence associated with the social and political environments. Notably, there was a significant increase in the use of rebellious F-words in lyrics during the intense social and political crises of 2019-2020. A comparative investigation was then carried out across four distinct music genres: rap, rock, R&B, and pop. Among these, rap music stood out with a higher prevalence of rebellious F-words. However, the impact of these words was diminished due to their frequent occurrence, resulting in a reduced level of audience reaction and shock value. The following textual analysis of grammatical features and literary devices associated with those F-words provided evidence that more assertive and aggressive expressions, such as imperative sentences, were favored when incorporating rebellious F-words in the lyrics. This study provides a comprehensive overview of how modern pop music expresses and conveys rebellious power through the use of profanity.

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This thesis examines dance as a means of social and political revolt in the AIDS epidemic. The course of the AIDS epidemic within the United States was inexorably shaped by the way dancers and choreographers used their art form to rebel against concepts of masculinity, sexuality and disease transmission. Through confronting their audiences with the reality of their loss and humanizing themselves and their loved ones that passed away, dancers were able to change the image of the epidemic and push for necessary political and social reform. This paper also analyzes the ways that norms of masculinity and the stigma of effeminacy in modern society developed, through tracing the development and disappearance of the male dancers on stages across the world. This examination explores the connection between dance and queerness, as well as effeminacy and sexuality, and calls into question the ways in which our bodies and movements are colonized. These were concepts that were all explored during the AIDS epidemic as well as dance and social revolutions through out the earlier part of the 20th century.

En se penchant sur L’homme révolté d’Albert Camus, ce mémoire entend évaluer la pertinence de la révolte camusienne à l’aube du troisième millénaire. Du constat de l’absurde quant à la condition existentielle de l’homme, Camus a esquissé une révolte affranchie de toute idéologie en démontant, entre autres, les mécanismes propres à la philosophie de l’histoire et au nihilisme. À partir de la critique des pensées hégélienne, nietzschéenne et marxienne, il a tenté de définir les caractéristiques inhérentes à la révolte. Rédigé au milieu du XXe siècle, L’homme révolté est marqué par les séquelles d’une histoire chaotique déjà plus que cinquantenaire. Pour autant, son propos semble être encore d’actualité. Avec la complicité de philosophes contemporains tels que Cornélius Castoriadis, Pierre Rosanvallon et Bernard Stiegler, c’est autant la pertinence de la révolte camusienne qui est ici considérée qu’une corrélation entre cette révolte et la dignité humaine. L’homme révolté a-t-il encore sa place en ce début du troisième millénaire et dans l’affirmative : quelle est cette place? / By examining Albert Camus’ L’homme révolté (The Rebel), this dissertation intends to assess the relevance of Camusian revolt at the dawn of the third millennium. From an acknowledgement of the absurd as regards the existential condition of man, Camus outlined a revolt free of any ideology by demonstrating, for example, the mechanisms innate to the philosophy of history and nihilism. Starting with a critique of Hegelian, Nietzschean and Marxist thought, he attempted to define the characteristics inherent to rebellion. Written in the mid-20th century, L’homme révolté is marked by the aftermath of chaos and destruction of that era, yet now more than five decades on, his words appear to remain relevant today. With the complicity of contemporary philosophers such as Cornélius Castoriadis, Pierre Rosanvallon and Bernard Stiegler, this paper will focus not only on the pertinence of Camusian rebellion, but also on a correlation between revolt and human dignity. Does L’homme révolté still have his place as the third millennium begins and, if so, what is that place?

Ce mémoire explore l’influence de l’évolution des représentations historiques des rébellions des patriotes, telles que formulées par les historiens réputés, sur les manuels scolaires québécois publiés entre 1982 et 2006. Il démontre qu’entre ces deux années, qui correspondent à deux réformes scolaires successives, les conceptions des rébellions de 1837 ont beaucoup évolué dans l’historiographie universitaire. Ce mémoire montre pourtant que les manuels scolaires issus de la réforme de 2006 demeurent attachés à un récit historique caractéristique d’une historiographie plus ancienne. / This thesis studies the effect on Québec history textbooks published between 1982 and 2006, of the changing historical representations of the Lower Canada Rebellions visible in the works of renowned historians. It shows that in the historiography, the perception of the 1837 Rebellions evolved in this period, which saw two reforms of the high-school history curriculum. It concludes, however, that the textbooks published after the 2006 school reform remain attached to a historical construct typical of an older historiography.

In this dissertation, I bring together film theory, literary criticism, anthropology and psychology to develop a paradigm for the study of teen films that can also be effectively applied to other areas of pop culture studies as well as literary genres. Expanding on Thomas Doherty's discussion of 1950s teen films and Ian Jarvie's study of films as social criticism, I argue that teen films are a discrete genre that appeals to adolescents to the exclusion of other groups. Teen films subvert social mores of the adult world and validate adolescent subculture by reflecting that subculture's values and viewpoints. The locus of this subversion is the means by which teenagers, through the teen films, vicariously experience anxiety-provoking adult subjects such as sexual experimentation and physical violence, particularly the extreme expressions of sex and violence that society labels taboo. Through analyzing the rhetoric of teen lifestyle films, specifically the teen romance and sex farce, I explore how the films offer teens vicarious experience of many adolescent "firsts." In addition, I claim that teen films can effectively appropriate other genres while remaining identifiable as teen films. I discuss hybrid films which combine the teen film with the science fiction genre, specifically Back to the Future and Bill and Ted's Excellent Adventure, and the musical genre, specifically Girls Just Want to Have Fun and Dirty Dancing. In my discussion of the slasher film, specifically the Halloween. Friday the 13th. and A Nightmare on Elm Street cycles, I highlight how teen films function as a safe place to explore the taboo. Finally, I discuss the way in which the teen film genre has evolved in the 1990s due in part to shifts in social and economic interests. The teen films of the 1990s include the viewpoints of women, minorities, the handicapped, and homosexuals and question the materialistic ethos of the 1980s films.

Ce travail approfondit la pièce théâtrale de jeunesse de Ugo Foscolo (1778-1827), célèbre poète italien vécu entre la fin du XVIIIème siècle et les premières décennies du XIXème. La pièce en question, le Tieste, n‟est pas seulement remarquable pour le jeune d‟âge de l‟auteur, encore adolescent, mais parce qu‟elle dévoile une idée de la littérature encore inconnue à son époque. Le Tieste est une tragédie qui ne respecte pas les conventions généralement acceptées à son temps, et ceci sur le double niveau du style et du contenu, tout à fait modernes et définitivement affranchis de la philosophie des Lumières.Afin de démontrer l‟envergure de l‟opération du poète vénitien, cette thèse se concentre sur le rapport entre l‟idéologie et, pourrait-on même dire, les préceptes du philosophe padouan Melchiorre Cesarotti (1730-1808), et la tragédie de Foscolo. Les idées de Cesarotti sur le théâtre étaient une sorte de Bible, qui prévoyait pour la tragédie des caractéristiques bien précises, autant qu‟une vision optimiste de la vie et de la société humaine, avec la victoire (du moins morale) des personnages vertueux et la défaite des personnages cruels.Le Tieste démonte morceau par morceau les caractéristiques qui selon Cesarotti font une bonne tragédie, en mettant en scène deux personnages qui devraient être positifs mais se révèlent confus et impuissants, tandis que le dictateur, impitoyablement, détruit les autres personnages, sans une vraie raison, comme un metteur en scène sadique qui joue avec ses marionnettes.L‟inexplicabilité du mal et son ineffabilité marquent la fin d‟un monde Ancien Régime pour permettre à l‟homme de s‟interroger sur ses peurs les plus profondes. C‟est là la valeur du Tieste, qui peut être donc considéré comme un texte qui ouvre à l‟époque contemporaine. / This work analyzes the tragedy written by Ugo Foscolo (1778-1827) at the end of his adolescence : Tieste. The drama has not been sufficiently studied yet, but presents various and important elements of interest. The idea of literature emerging from it is definitely new, and Tieste tries untrodden ways, incompatible with the dominant idea of tragedy at its epoch.Most of all, Tieste marks a rebellion against the aesthetic canons of Melchiorre Cesarotti (1730-1808), a well-known philosopher who had a deep influence in the theatrical field and who had established the standards of a good tragedy. Cesarotti‟s parameters were still those of the Enlightenment, and imposed a moral message to every tragedy, whose characters should be rewarded or punished on the basis of their goodness or their wickedness. For Cesarotti, a character would have encountered an unfavourable fate only as a consequence of a moral crime. His virtue, instead, would have avoided any danger.In Foscolo, on the contrary, there is no providence, and the destiny of human beings doesn‟t depend on their behaviour. Virtuous characters are powerless and succumb without even understanding why, while the evil tyrant triumphs, moved only by his sadism.The evil is ineffable and inexplicable, and Reason, which solves every problem in Cesarotti‟s Weltanschauung, is now helpless and meaningless. Foscolo‟s first tragedy therefore represents the transition from an Ancien Régime world view to the phantoms and the nightmares of the contemporary age, when no certitude is possible anymore.

The dissertation deals with political culture in the Age of Liberty as it is manifested in the uprising in Dalarna in 1743. The object of the study is the political repertoire used by the peasants – a combination of utilisation of political institutions and different forms of protest such as tax boycotts and a march from Dalarna to the capital. Emphasis has been placed on the interactive aspects of the movement. Thereby, the repertoire used by central authorities to suppress the movement is equally important. Results show that the peasants formed their actions in close connection with the reactions they were met with by the authorities. Initially, the attempts to demobilise the peasants’ movement actually facilitated its mobilisation. As the peasants’ political repertoire is uncovered, it has been possible to study the movement’s mobilisation process through the use of mobilising structures, political opportunities, and interpretative processes. Hence, the significance of the uprising to the protesters is clarified. The protesters viewed their actions as part of an ongoing political debate, legitimised by the government’s neglect of its obligations towards the people, rather than as a subversive uprising. The Dalarna uprising of 1743 was an integral part of political culture in the Age of Liberty through its combined use of formal and informal political institutions and arenas. The uprising is an eloquent expression of the increasing political assertiveness among the peasantry and the peasant estate in Sweden in the eighteenth century.