L’échec des négociations sur le climat en 2009 à Copenhague invite à penser un modèle complémentaire de gouvernance internationale environnementale, dont les prémisses ont émergé par la voix des États insulaires de l’AOSIS. Des États, se regroupant sur la base d’une perception du risque partagée, mettant en exergue des fragilités grandissantes, telle est la base de départ de cette enquête. Le niveau régional se présente comme l’un des compléments à la crise de l’universalisme. Mais penser un niveau de gouvernance internationale en environnement requiert d’identifier les conditions d’émergence de celui-ci et de son efficacité. Nous nous concentrerons sur les premières. Nous interrogerons l’identité des acteurs de sa création, les outils qu’ils utilisent et les raisons pour lesquelles est créé ce régionalisme permettant de lutter contre les changements climatiques. Différents courants des relations internationales proposent une approche théorique de la coopération régionale et plus génériquement du régionalisme, sans pour autant qu’un modèle uniforme n’ait été identifié. L’approche théorique par le biais de problématiques environnementales au niveau régional nécessite l’intervention de plusieurs courants permettant d’expliquer le phénomène : le constructivisme par la construction de l’objet sécuritaire, les théories de la stabilité hégémonique par la recherche d’un hégémon régional incitant les autres États à coopérer, le néolibéralisme institutionnel pour expliquer le rôle des réseaux et la recherche du gain que les États peuvent espérer en entrant dans le processus coopératif, les théories de l’interdépendance complexe par l’intervention d’acteurs non étatiques. Ces différentes approches parviennent-elles ou échouent-elles à expliquer ce phénomène ? / The failure of the climate negotiations in Copenhagen in 2009 prompts us to reflect on a complementary model of international environmental governance, whose premises have emerged through the voice of the island States of AOSIS. States, coming together on the basis of a shared perception of risk, highlighting increasing fragilities, this is the starting point of this investigation. The regional level is presented as one of the complements to the crisis of universalism. But reflecting on alevel of international governance environment requires identifying the conditions for its emergence and for its efficiency. We will focus on the first ones. We will question the identity of the actors of its creation, the tools they use and the reasons why this regionalism, allowing fighting against climate change, is created. Various trends of international relations offer a theoretical approach to regional cooperation, and regionalism more generically, without having identified a uniform model. The theoretical approach through environmental issues at the regional level requires the intervention of several schools of thought to explain the phenomenon: constructivism by building a climate threat and its perception , theories of hegemonic stability by seeking a regional hegemon encouraging other States to cooperate, institutional neoliberalism to explain the role of networks and the search for profit States can expect by entering the cooperative process, theories of complex interdependence through the intervention of non- State actors. Do these various approaches succeed or fail to explain this phenomenon?

This study examines the European Unions (EU) promoting of regional cooperation, included in its programme, the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). The thesis is based upon the agreed activities in the EU/Ukraine relation concerning regional cooperation. The aim for this thesis is to visualise the policy outcome of the ENP concerning the EU/Ukraine relation and regional cooperation. The following questions are posed: What are the goals for the EU; what are the achievements and planned actions and what instruments are used by the EU in the ENP concerning the EU/Ukraine relation and regional cooperation? The theoretical approach assumes that the Union is a power in international relations. It’s well suited promoting its policies in an asymmetric power environment, where the EU is the supremacy. This study is conducted with a qualitative research method, based on text analysis on the European Unions official documents. The result shows that the goals for the Union are the protection of its prosperity and its energy supply. Ukraine shall assist the EU, reaching these goals. In exchange, is the EU promising integration to the Unions internal market for Ukraine. But the EU has problems when this contravenes to Russia’s interests. This confirms the theory.

The central question addressed by this thesis is whether and to what extent ASEAN and SADC provide a regional response to security challenges from within and without the region respectively. In the examination of a regional response to security challenges in Southeast Asia and Southern Africa, this study investigates each regional organisation’s efforts and methods of how to approach and deal with regional security problems. In examining the processes and patterns of ASEAN and SADC regionalism in terms of the security dimension, the focus is on political security in its regional context. In doing so, the mechanisms of both ASEAN and SADC politico-security regionalisms are explored. This study also aims to compare SADC and ASEAN to find similarities and differences in terms of the way in which ‘politico-security regionalism’ as a regional project is used to respond to global challenges, as well as to internal needs. Moreover, this study seeks to explore what can be learnt from the experiences of both ASEAN and SADC with regard to regionalism and regionalisation in response to political security threats. This will, as a result, be conducive to understanding the character, nature and type of contemporary regionalism and regional security in the South, including Southeast Asia and Southern Africa. Furthermore, in discussing the question of whether and how ASEAN and SADC attempt to shape and modify or change the process of globalisation and regionalisation in politico-security terms, this study emphasises a multi-dimensionality of contemporary regionalism – so called ‘new regionalism’ – which would normally be based on constructivism. Therefore, this study argues that the theoretical problem relates to the insufficiency of neo-realist and neo-liberal institutionalist accounts that call for a much needed attempt to bring ASEAN and SADC into contemporary discussions about the mechanisms of politico-security regionalisms within the context of a (social) constructivism of international relations (IR) theory. / Thesis (DPhil (International Relations))--University of Pretoria, 2007. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

The thesis focuses on the transition and the EU integration process of the Baltic States since their independence in the beginning of the 1990s until they joined the EU in 2004. Two less detailed parts introduce Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania from general and historical point of view and analyze their regional cooperation.

This study explores the role of a foreign ministry within the context of diplomacy and regional cooperation, focusing on the delivery of regional public goods. Diplomacy is described as a state of mind, an approach to the conduct and/or management of international relations that emphasises the timeous and pacific application of intelligence and tact in the making and implementation of foreign policy. As the custodian of diplomacy and diplomatic practice within a national government, the foreign ministry constitutes the primary grouping of expertise on international matters, responsible for the execution of foreign policy but also involved in the process of foreign policy making. Regional cooperation is defined as an issue-focused arrangement, in terms of which participating states may cooperate for a joint development project and facilitation of exchange of information or best practices. Within the context of regional cooperation, regional public goods are defined as any goods, commodities, services, system of rules or policy regimes that are public in nature, that generate shared benefits for the participating states and whose production is a result of collective action by the participating states. Arguably, the provision of regional public goods is considered the most effective way for regional economic communities to reduce poverty and to develop economies of scale. As an assumption, this study contends that, because of the need for regional public goods agenda-setting and policy prioritising, and based on the utility of diplomacy, the Department of International Relations and Cooperation (DIRCO) plays a central and catalytic role within the Southern African Development Community (SADC). This assumption is described and analysed at the regional strategic level, specifically related to the responsibility of SADC foreign ministries in terms of the management of regionalisation in Southern Africa; and at the national operational level, emphasising the role of DIRCO vis-à-vis the delivery of regional public goods. At the regional strategic level, it was found that diplomacy serves as an institution of regional relations; as an instrument of regional foreign policy; as an administrative function in SADC, specifically related to the responsibilities of foreign ministries; as an instrument in the formulation of regional foreign policy; and as a dialogue between regional actors. At the national operational level, it is evident that diplomacy serves as an institution in DIRCO‟s management of regional public goods delivery; as an instrument within DIRCO‟s participation in the execution of policies towards regional public goods delivery; as an administrative function within DIRCO; as an instrument in terms of DIRCO‟s role towards the formulation of policies towards regional public goods delivery; and as a dialogue between DIRCO and key regional actors in terms of regional public goods delivery. Due to the urgency and priority accorded to the delivery of regional public goods, DIRCO must consider the establishment of a core capability specialising in the technical competencies related to specific programmes within the delivery of regional public goods. / Dissertation (MDiplomatic Studies)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

Within the EU the cohesion policy and encouragement for cross-border cooperation has becomemore important over the years. And in the academia, there has been a lot of research about thesekinds of cooperation. However, there have been few studies of cross-border cooperation regarding underpinning factors for successful cross-border cooperation. This study aims to create a theoretical model for factors that influence the success of such cooperation. This model is later applied to the cross-border cooperation between Västerbotten and Örnsköldsvik in then orthern Sweden and the tree counties of Österbotten in Finland, which is called Kvarkenrådet. The main purpose of this study is to find out whether Kvarkenrådet is a successful cross-border cooperation by applying the theoretical model on Kvarkenrådet:s cooperations. To answer the aim on the study two personal interviews have been conducted with the director of Kvarkenrådet Mathias Lindström and the president of the bord Lennart Holmlund and later the empirical results from the interviews is compared to the theoretical model of factors that influence cross-border cooperation. The result showed that all the factors in the theoretical model could be identified in Kvarkenrådet. Except from the factors in the theoretical model. The conclusion of this study is that Kvarkenrådet is a successful cross border cooperation that is built on many different factorson different level.

Presented thesis Programs of the European Union of supporting regional interparliamentary cooperation in the region of Western Balkans as an instrument of regionalisation is focusing on regional parliamentary cooperation in the region of Western Balkans and programs of the European Union which are programmed to support this particular cooperation. The study is framed in the theory of new regionalism and the approach of socialization in international relations, which both offer in the case of European integration explanation of why regionalization takes place. The aim of the thesis is to answer the question whether the European Union is successful in its support of regionalization via regional parliamentary cooperation. Meaning if the mechanism of socialization chosen by the Union is effective and if institutional capacities of the national parliament in the region to conclude this cooperation are being built either via direct engagement with the Union, or via indirect way by engaging with regional initiatives active in regional parliamentary cooperation such as Regional Cooperation Council, COSAP and Cetinje Parliamentary Forum. By analyzing the mechanism of socialization and the environment in which the socialization takes place the thesis identifies if, and how much is the European Union able to...

An appropriate regional cooperation environment makes a vital contribution to the social and economic development of every country in the region. This research thesis focuses specifically on the growing lack of appropriate regional cooperation models in developing countries, and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) is used as a case study. The research highlights some key issues on the development of the appropriate regional cooperation models. The research information is obtained on the research areas through questionnaire surveys to respondents from South Africa, Tanzania, and Mauritius on the current regional cooperation model and the perceived ideal one. The conclusions drawn are that the regional cooperation models envisaged to be in use in the SADC differ significantly from the theory, which results in inappropriate focus on the requirements of the majority of the states. This is primarily due to the use of inappropriate regional cooperation models. The indications are that traditional market-type integration models, which are used as a “default model” without major adjustments, are inappropriate within the developing countries context, owing to the existence of a fundamental incongruence between the assumptions and requirements of such models and the needs and realities prevailing in Southern Africa. Southern Africa does not satisfy the foremost prerequisites of successful market integration. Despite the considerable advantages the models might have gained in other developed regions, they often fail to meet the requirements of the developing countries. In measuring the satisfaction regarding the current regional cooperation adhering to the requirements of the majority of states, it becomes obvious that the SADC population is generally not satisfied with the results regarding the current regional cooperation. In order to meet the requirements of the majority of states, SADC regional cooperation needs to focus on the appropriate regional cooperation. This requires an understanding and management of three classes of factors, which are environmental factors, capacity factors, and regional organisational factors. The three classes of factors together affect the participation rate of the states. / Business Leadership / DBL (Business Leadership)

The promotion of sustainable development is an objective shared by African Union (AU) member states and the pursuance thereof is expressly mandated by the Constitutive Act of the African Union, 2000 and the Treaty Establishing the African Economic Community, 1992. Lack of access to modern energy sources, such as electricity and the heavy reliance on traditional biomass as primary energy source are factors contributing to the non-achievement of the promotion of sustainable development. These factors are collectively referred to as energy poverty. The African Continent as a whole has limited, and in some instances, lack access to modern energy sources while the majority of its population relies heavily on traditional biomass as primary energy source. Africa can accordingly be classified as an energy poor region–a situation which does not bode well for the promotion of sustainable development. Access to reliable, affordable, economically viable, socially acceptable and environmentally sound energy services and resources is fundamental to socio-economic development. Mitigating the impacts of energy poverty and more specifically lack of access to modern energy sources on the sustainable development of Africa depends upon ensuring increased access to modern energy sources. The above-mentioned instruments furthermore contain provisions which link regional cooperation on the formulation of coordinated regional law and policy on areas/matters of common concern with the achievement of the objective of promoting sustainable development in Africa. One of the areas of common concerns listed is that of energy. Regional cooperation must accordingly be geared towards the effective development of the continent‘s energy and natural resources; promoting the development of new and renewable energy in the framework of the policy of diversification of sources of energy; and establishing an adequate mechanism of concerted action and coordination for the collective solution of the energy development problems within the AU. The formulation of coordinated energy law and policy should take place with reference to the specific sources of energy to be regulated. In this regard, the provisions of the Abuja Treaty and other sub-regional energy access initiatives list various sources of energy as forming part of a diversified AU energy mix – one of which is nuclear energy. In this study recommendations are made as to what should be embodied in a coordinated AU regional nuclear legal framework aimed at regulating increased access to nuclear energy capable of contributing towards the promotion of sustainable development. The recommendations are based on an examination of relevant international, regional and sub-regional legal instruments and other initiatives. / PhD (Law), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / This thesis focuses on the regional response to the crisis in Colombia. The major conclusions of the thesis are that the crisis directly affects the security of Colombia's neighbors; that the use of military force will be the most important element in a strategy to restore security and that the Colombian military will require external military assistance to do so; that while Colombia's neighbors have traditionally rejected ideas of intervention, there are indications that they may be willing to participate in such an endeavor; and that while less politically risky courses of action are more likely to occur, a regional military force operating in a peacemaking role will be the most effective course of action towards restoring security in Colombia and the region. These conclusions are reached through an examination of the conflict's effect on Colombia and its neighbors, the capabilities of the Colombian security forces, the history of regional cooperative efforts, and recent political rhetoric and policy decisions region-wide. / Major, United States Marine Corps