Este trabalho pretende analisar a obra de Martin Del Rio, Comentarios de las alteraciones de los Estados de Flandes: sucedidas despues de la llegada del Señor Don Iuan de Austria a ellos, hasta su muerte, originalmente escrita em latim. Para fundamentação teórica, é apresentado o contexto da Bélgica no século XVI, e como este foi importante para a escrita do autor. Também são abordadas as questões da guerra, do mal e da heresia como elementos que constituem a base do pensamento de Martin Del Rio. São levados em consideração a escrita da história e os hábitos de leitura de seus contemporâneos. / This study aims to examine Martin Del Rio`s book, Comentarios de las alteraciones de los Estados de Flandes: sucedidas despues de la llegada del Señor Don Iuan de Austria a ellos, hasta su muerte, originally written in Latin. For theoretical reasons, this study presents the context of Belgium in the sixteenth century, and how it was important for the author`s writings. Also, the issues of the war, the evil and the heresy are considered as elements that form the basics of his thoughts. History books and the reading habits of his contemporaries are other subjects of this analysis.

Este trabalho pretende analisar a obra de Martin Del Rio, Comentarios de las alteraciones de los Estados de Flandes: sucedidas despues de la llegada del Señor Don Iuan de Austria a ellos, hasta su muerte, originalmente escrita em latim. Para fundamentação teórica, é apresentado o contexto da Bélgica no século XVI, e como este foi importante para a escrita do autor. Também são abordadas as questões da guerra, do mal e da heresia como elementos que constituem a base do pensamento de Martin Del Rio. São levados em consideração a escrita da história e os hábitos de leitura de seus contemporâneos. / This study aims to examine Martin Del Rio`s book, Comentarios de las alteraciones de los Estados de Flandes: sucedidas despues de la llegada del Señor Don Iuan de Austria a ellos, hasta su muerte, originally written in Latin. For theoretical reasons, this study presents the context of Belgium in the sixteenth century, and how it was important for the author`s writings. Also, the issues of the war, the evil and the heresy are considered as elements that form the basics of his thoughts. History books and the reading habits of his contemporaries are other subjects of this analysis.

L’objectif de cette thèse est d’appréhender les relations entre le roi et les nobles à la fin des guerres de Religion. La période des guerres civiles est marquée par un affaiblissement de l’autorité monarchique. Pour rétablir l’ordre dans le royaume, le roi doit compter sur les nobles dont la vocation est de porter les armes. Or, beaucoup de ces seigneurs ne le reconnaissent pas comme roi légitime. Par la guerre, les négociations et une savante politique de légitimation, Henri IV parvient à les rallier progressivement à son autorité. Cette thèse vise à comprendre ce processus de réconciliation, sur quelles bases il repose et comment les nobles contribuent à la redéfinition du pouvoir après ces périodes de troubles. Car si la paix est rétablie dans le royaume à partir de 1598 avec la paix de Vervins et l’édit de Nantes, les contestations nobiliaires ne sont pas totalement éteintes et éclatent à plusieurs reprises jusqu’en 1629. Les modalités de la révolte sont donc au cœur de cette thèse, c’est-à-dire la façon dont les nobles expriment leur mécontentement et justifient leurs oppositions au souverain. La cour est un cadre privilégié pour observer les dynamiques de pouvoir qui se jouent entre le souverain et les nobles, hommes et femmes. Le choix d’une période comprise 1589 et 1629 permet de suivre l’évolution de ces rapports à l’autorité monarchique et de mesurer le poids de l’honneur, moteur de l’action nobiliaire, mais aussi de la défense de la foi dans les prises de position nobiliaires. Cette longue période permet d’appréhender en quoi les contestations nobiliaires contribuent à la construction monarchique dans une période marquée par des conflits religieux. / The aim of this thesis is to understand the relationships between the King and the nobles at the end of the Wars of Religion. This period is marked by a weakening of the royal authority and the division of nobility between factions with different religious faiths. In order to restore order in the kingdom, the King must rely upon nobles whose vocation is to bear arms. However, many nobles don’t recognize him like as a legitimate sovereign. Through war, negotiations and a wise policy of legitimation, Henri IV achieves his goal of rallying them behind his authority. This thesis aims to understand this reconciliation process, on what basis it is founded and how nobles contribute to redefine royal power. Even though peace has been restored since 1598 with the Peace of Vervins and the Edict of Nantes, protests of nobility are not shut and flared several times until 1629. The modalities of the revolt are at the heart of this thesis, that is, the way nobles express their discontent and justify their oppositions against the sovereign. The court provides an ideal environment for the observation of the power dynamics between the King and nobles, men and women. The choice of the period from 1589 up to 1629 allows one to follow the evolution of the relations with the monarchical authority and evaluate the weight of honor, driving force of nobility action as well as the defense of faith in the nobles’ positions. This extensive period allows to apprehend how nobility protests contribute to the building of the monarchy during a period marked by religious conflicts.

Conflict entails numerous sacrifices in human resources in addition to loss of life, while it is difficult to appraise the real cost of conflict, one can determine the number of fatalities. It is the primary goal of this thesis to develop an accounting technique by which the human capital cost of fatalities due to the Northern Ireland Conflict may be measured in an accepted unit of account. While the development of a model for measuring human capital loss is in itself an important part of the study, the ultimate objective is to arrive at an estimate of the human capital cost of subversive deaths in Northern Ireland. In this analysis a representative individual is used to estimate human capital loss. The expected earnings stream over the relevant number of earnings period, discounted at the appropriate rate of interest and accounting for the probability of death and unemployment within these periods is the definition given to the value of the human capital stock of an individual. The primary data used in this study is that which recorded fatalities due to the conflict. Considering that human capital is an important input in the production function and that conflict tends to destroy the more productive portion of the human capital stock, the long-run effect of losses due to continuing strife and conflict are as yet unknown. In the short-run, however, the conflict is known to exert a heavy toll on the Northern Ireland economy. As of April 1990, the total human capital loss estimate of subversive deaths resulting from the Northern Ireland conflict were £186,993,266 for security forces and £400,493,890 for civilians, resulting in a total estimated loss of £587,487,156.

Utiliser la violence verbale pour ; attaquer, rabaisser, nuire à la réputation d’autrui et diffamer, voilà comment les pamphlétaires envisagent leur prise de parole. Alors, lorsque le politique s’empare de cette force du discours et de son pouvoir de nuisance pour en faire une arme de propagande, le résultat peut parfois se révéler déroutant face à une énonciation pamphlétaire qui échappe au contrôle de ceux-là mêmes qui voulaient l’institutionnaliser et la mettre au service de leurs affrontements partisans. L’utilisation du comique dans les pamphlets des guerres de religion atteste, clairement, de cette évolution sur la voie d’une libération totale du discours de toute forme de respect quelle qu’elle soit. Le passage de la moquerie et de la raillerie plaisante, du drôle au tout simplement méchant, violent, cruel et haineux au point de se demander si nous pouvons encore parler de dimension comique, voici la que! stion qui a motivé notre recherche et c’est dans la collection pamphlétaire de Pierre de L’Estoile insérée dans son Registre-Journal du Règne de Henri III que nous avons expérimenté l’étude de l’énonciation et de la réception des libelles. La dimension propagandiste permet en apparence de donner une crédibilité voire même une légitimité au discours pamphlétaire en l’associant à un objectif politique, mais en réalité, elle ne fait que l’ancrer encore plus dans sa valeur diffamatoire et renforcer sa dimension passionnelle jusqu’à outrance pour manipuler un lecteur contraint d’entrer dans ce jeu diffamatoire. Toute la question est donc de savoir comment la brutalité comique s’exprime dans ces feuilles volantes, d’en définir l’intérêt et surtout les enjeux idéologiques ? / Use verbal violence to attack, belittle, compromise others and slander, this is how satirical tract writers voice their opinions. Thereafter, when politics seize this power of nuisance to make it a propaganda weapon, the result may sometimes seem puzzling to the very people who sought to institutionalize it and put it in the service of their partisan confrontations. The use of the comic in the pamphlets of the religious wars gives clear evidence of this evolution towards a total liberation of the speech of any form of respect whatsoever. What motivated our research was the way taunt and pleasant mockery simply turned into a miserable, violent, cruel and resentful discourse, to the point that we wonder if we can still speak about a funny dimension. It is in the collection of satirical tract writer Pierre de L'Estoile inserted in his Registre-Journal du Règne de Henri III that we studied these statements. The propagandist dimension seemingly ! allows giving credibility, or even legitimacy, to the satirical tract writer by associating him with a political objective – may it be to kill with a nib. In fact, it only anchors it all the more in its slanderous value and strengthens its passionate dimension to the point of extravagance in order to manipulate the reader. The question is thus to determine how does the funny brutality express itself in these loose sheets, to define their interest and above all their ideological stakes ?

Beata Maria/Dea Vults is a thesis for the degree of master (one year) in theology.   The thesis explores the role of the Virgin Mary as a martial saint in catholic combat with Islam and muslims between the years 1119 AD to 1648 AD with a focus on symbolism. The paper is focusing on symbolism in war banners, patron saints and semiotic symbols on arms and armour. There are three different events or phenomenons in the study, separated in time as well as space.   Firstly the war banner used at the battle of Las Navas (1212 AD) during the reconquista of Spain. The banner of Mary with child is the prime subjekt as well as the myths appearing in the aftermath of the battle, and the ceremony that was devised from it.   The second phenomenon is the knights templars use of Mary as patron saint, and the ceremony that followed this relationship. There is also discussion of the belts worn that were related to Mary, the use of wich is attested in documents from the trials of the templars between 1307 and 1312 AD. Lastly the paper focuses on the armours of the polish winged husars of 1648 AD and the seige of Vienna. The thesis explores the relationship between the symbols of the armour of the husars and the religious views of King John III Sobieski of Poland.   The main question of the study is:   What were the meaning of the symbols of Mary as she was carried as a ritualistic symbol for war?   The subsequent questions are:   How do you trace a progression in the useage of Mary as a symbol from the templars all the way to the use of Mary as a symbol for the winged husars?   Which types of worship of Mary as a symbol were used primarliy in wars with muslims?   The paper is researched by qualitative methods including text analysis as well as semiotic symbolism reading. There are two theories used in the analysis. Smarts dimensions and Andersons and Hulls Warrior elites, with Smarts dimensions as the dominant theory.