Ao definir a democracia como um método de seleção de dirigentes políticos profissionais através da competição eleitoral, J. Schumpeter lança as bases de um modelo econômico de teoria democrática. A intuição schumpeteriana será desenvolvida por A. Downs em Uma Teoria Econômica da Democracia que termina por teorizar e dar o formato mais bem acabado a uma concepção de mercado político que reproduz isomorficamente a natureza do mercado econômico. Ambas as abordagens julgam-se meramente descritivas, sustentando uma separação radical entre construtos teóricos normativos e descritivos. Nesse contexto, a democracia é reduzida a um processo de seleção de dirigentes políticos e a um mecanismo que visa satisfazer, através do mercado político, os interesses individuais de políticos profissionais (empresários do voto) e eleitores-consumidores que desejam maximizar sua renda de utilidade oriunda da ação governamental. Segundo a perspectiva apresentada nesta pesquisa, essa leitura empobrece a teoria democrática e fracassa em seus próprios propósitos, pois tanto falha na tentativa de prever quanto explicar uma gama de fenômenos políticos. Nesse sentido, buscaremos traçar uma análise crítica dos fundamentos filosóficos de uma teoria econômica da democracia influenciados pela leitura da tradição deliberativa, por uma posição normativa forte quanto à irredutibilidade da natureza do fenômeno político ao fenômeno econômico e por uma compreensão da representação democrática, não só como mandato, mas, em especial, como figuração simbólica do povo soberano. / Defining democracy as a method of selection of professional political leaders through electoral competition, J. Schumpeter launches the bases of an economic model of democratic theory. The schumpeterian intuition will be developed by A. Downs in An economic theory of democracy which ends by theorizing and giving the best shaped format of a conception of political market which isomorphically reproduces the nature of the economic market. Both approaches believe they are merely descriptive, sustaining a radical separation between normative and descriptive theoretical constructs. In this context, democracy is reduced to a process of selection of political leaders and to a mechanism that aims satisfying, through the political market, the individual interests of professional politicians (vote entrepreneurs) and voters-consumers who want to maximize their utility income which comes from government action. According to the perspective presented on this research, this view impoverish the democratic theory and fails in its own purposes, as it fails in the attempt of foreseing as well as explaining a series of political phenomena. In this sense, we will try to draw a critical analysis of the philosophical foundations of an economic theory of democracy always under the pressure of the deliberative tradition view, for a strong normative position as to the irreducibility of the nature of the political phenomenon to the economic phenomenon and for an understanding of the democratic representation, not only as mandate, but, specially, as symbolic figuration of the sovereign people.

Ao definir a democracia como um método de seleção de dirigentes políticos profissionais através da competição eleitoral, J. Schumpeter lança as bases de um modelo econômico de teoria democrática. A intuição schumpeteriana será desenvolvida por A. Downs em Uma Teoria Econômica da Democracia que termina por teorizar e dar o formato mais bem acabado a uma concepção de mercado político que reproduz isomorficamente a natureza do mercado econômico. Ambas as abordagens julgam-se meramente descritivas, sustentando uma separação radical entre construtos teóricos normativos e descritivos. Nesse contexto, a democracia é reduzida a um processo de seleção de dirigentes políticos e a um mecanismo que visa satisfazer, através do mercado político, os interesses individuais de políticos profissionais (empresários do voto) e eleitores-consumidores que desejam maximizar sua renda de utilidade oriunda da ação governamental. Segundo a perspectiva apresentada nesta pesquisa, essa leitura empobrece a teoria democrática e fracassa em seus próprios propósitos, pois tanto falha na tentativa de prever quanto explicar uma gama de fenômenos políticos. Nesse sentido, buscaremos traçar uma análise crítica dos fundamentos filosóficos de uma teoria econômica da democracia influenciados pela leitura da tradição deliberativa, por uma posição normativa forte quanto à irredutibilidade da natureza do fenômeno político ao fenômeno econômico e por uma compreensão da representação democrática, não só como mandato, mas, em especial, como figuração simbólica do povo soberano. / Defining democracy as a method of selection of professional political leaders through electoral competition, J. Schumpeter launches the bases of an economic model of democratic theory. The schumpeterian intuition will be developed by A. Downs in An economic theory of democracy which ends by theorizing and giving the best shaped format of a conception of political market which isomorphically reproduces the nature of the economic market. Both approaches believe they are merely descriptive, sustaining a radical separation between normative and descriptive theoretical constructs. In this context, democracy is reduced to a process of selection of political leaders and to a mechanism that aims satisfying, through the political market, the individual interests of professional politicians (vote entrepreneurs) and voters-consumers who want to maximize their utility income which comes from government action. According to the perspective presented on this research, this view impoverish the democratic theory and fails in its own purposes, as it fails in the attempt of foreseing as well as explaining a series of political phenomena. In this sense, we will try to draw a critical analysis of the philosophical foundations of an economic theory of democracy always under the pressure of the deliberative tradition view, for a strong normative position as to the irreducibility of the nature of the political phenomenon to the economic phenomenon and for an understanding of the democratic representation, not only as mandate, but, specially, as symbolic figuration of the sovereign people.

The aim of the study was to analyse the framework for measuring parliamentary performance in South Africa. The researcher wanted to assess the current system challenges and gaps for measuring performance of the Parliament of the Republic of South Africa with special reference to the core business of Parliament and to provide a performance management model and tools that can be adopted by Parliament to address the core business of Parliament challenges and problems. In this study, relevant literature was reviewed. The researcher dwelled on the concept of performance management, historical perspective, elements of performance management and benefits derived from the system. The critical issue that was discussed under this section was the comparison amongst countries. It was evident that there are countries that are measuring both administrative and political arm of government. The data collection instruments that were used were questionnaires and interviews. Questionnaires were distributed to The Secretariat to the National Parliament, Chief Directors, General Managers and Senior Managers. Interviews were held with Presiding Officers: Speaker, Deputy Speaker, Chairperson of Chairpersons, and Deputy Chairperson of Chairpersons, Chief Whips, Whips of Committees and Chairpersons of Committees. A thematic analysis was employed and the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) was used. After analysing the data, the researcher arrived at conclusions and thereafter suggested recommendations. The researcher proffered a model by examining different best models of the world and selecting some of those components. The model indicates performance outcomes, which are; accountability, responsiveness, representativity, transparency and impact as well as parliamentary mandates, which are the Constitutional mandates in a matrix.

My dissertation manuscript studies the democratic theories of three protagonists of European political, legal, and social thought in the first half of the 20th century: Max Weber (1864-1920), Carl Schmitt (1888-1985), and Hans Kelsen (1881-1973). It explores, contextualizes, and compares their respective accounts of how the advent of mass democracy transformed the theory and practice of representative government, in terms of both its overall legal framework (the State) and its internal institutional and political actors (Parliaments, parties, and leaders). At the same time, it places these three authors in the broader horizon of early 20th-century anxieties about the “changes” of liberal parliamentarism and the unprecedented challenges posed by mass politics, reconnecting their work to public and scholarly discussions among leading social scientists and intellectuals in the 1920s and 1930s. Sitting at the crossroads of history and theory, the dissertation seeks to highlight the distinctiveness of each author’s normative account of democratic leadership – Weber’s agonistic, Schmitt’s plebiscitary, and Kelsen’s procedural vision – and the largely competing ways in which each of them made political parties foundational to such visions. Urging the readers to capture the enduring echo of these three visions in our present, the dissertation also alerts them to their potential for rethinking the relationship between parties and leaders in early 21st-century representative democracies.

No description available.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2005. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The study's investigation focuses on the role played by the NCOP in the national legislature as the second chamber of parliament. It looks in particular at how the NCOP has managed in its deliberations, and as mandated by the Constitution to represent provinces. Subsection 42 (4) of the Constitution stipulates that; " The NCOP represent the provinces to ensure that provincial interests are taken into account in the national sphere of government" (RSA Act 108, 1996). The question that the study seeks to answer IS: does the National Council of Provinces in its deliberations work to represent the interests of provinces in the national legislature rather than those of the party in control of the province? In answering the research question the study's approach is qualitative in nature. In other words, data collection methods were confined to documents and other important sources such as NCOP Publications namely, the NCOP News and the NCOP Review. Looking at the literature on second chambers, the study found that for second chambers to play an effective role in the legislature, the Constitution must equip them with adequate legislative powers. This means that the Constitution must give second chambers a veto on all Bills affecting their jurisdictions. Where a veto is non existent, irrespective of what legislative powers a second chamber may posses, if not elected directly by the electorate, it will suffer the accusations of rubber stamping Bills passed by the first house. The NCOP falls in the same category of second houses with no veto over Bills affecting provinces. Its legislative powers on these Bills are blunted by the NA's twothirds majority in the legislature and as a result remain a subordinate of the first house and that of the ruling party. Furthermore, administrative and communication problems experienced by the institution hinder it in its role of representing provinces. Equally so, the dominance of the ruling ANC in the provinces makes it difficult to determine whether mandates delivered by provincial legislatures carry the interests of provinces or those of the party in power. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die studie-ondersoek is gerig op die rol wat die NRVP (Nasionale Raad Van Provinsies), as die tweede huis van die Parlement. Die werk is spesifiek gerig op die manier hoe die NRVP vaar in hul debatvoerings, asook in hul verteenwoordiging van provinsies soos voorgeskryf in die Grondwet. Sub-artikel 42 (4) van die grondwet stipuleer dat "die NRVP verteenwoordig die provinsies om te verseker dat provinsiale belange in ag geneem word op die nasionale sfeer van die regering." (RSA Wet 108 van 1996). Die vraag wat hierdie studie poog om te antwoord, is die volgende: werk die NRVP in hul debatsvoerings om die belange van die provinsies in die nasionale wetgewer te verteenwoordig inplaas van die belange van die party in beheer van 'n spesifieke provinsie? In die beantwoording van hierdie navorsings-vraag, is die studie benadering kwalitatief in aard. Met ander woorde - data invorderings metodes was beperk tot dokumente en ander belangrike bronne soos NRVP publikasies, naamlik die "NCOP News" en die "NCOP Review". Na 'n bestudering van literatuur rondom die tweede huis van Parlement, het hierdie studie bevind dat vir die tweede huis om 'n effektiewe rol te speel in die wetgewer, die Grondwet dit moet toerus met genoegsame wetgewende magte. Dit beteken onder andere dat die grondwet die tweede huis 'n veto-reg gee oor alle wetsontwerpe wat hulle jurisdiksie raak. Waar 'n veto-reg nie bestaan nie, ongeag die wetgewende mag wat die NRVP mag hê, sal dit bieg gebuk gaan onder die beskuldiging dat dit 'n rubberstempel plaas op wetsontwerpe uitgevaardig deur die Nasionale Vergadering. Die NRVP val in dieselfde katagorie van tweede huise wat nie 'n veto-reg het oor wetsontwerpe wat provinsies raak. Die NRVP se wetgewende mag oor hierdie wetsonwerpe word geskoei op die Nasionale Vergadering se twee-derde meerderheid en gevolglik bly dit ondergeskik aan die Nasionale Vergadering. Verder, administratiewe-en kommunikasie-probleme wat ondervind word deur die liggaam, hinder dit in die rol van verteenwoordiger van die provinsies. Gelykstaande hieraan, is die dominering van die bewindvoerende party - die ANC. In die provinsies is dit moeilik om vas te stel of die voorskrifte van die provinsiale wetgewer werklik handel oor die belange van die provinsies self of die is van die party in die meerderheid.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The aim of this study is to provide a structural analysis of the second house of the South African Parliament - the National Council of Provinces (NCOP). The study firstly focuses on the theoretical experience of second chambers in general. It then touches on a comparative study of second chambers of selected countries. The study then provides a description of the composition of the second house in South Africa, the committee system employed as well as the information flow. It also explores the concept of co-operative governance, the powers assigned to the NCOP by the Constitution and discusses the method of selecting delegates in detail. In addition the study focuses on the role that the NCOP is expected to play within the national legislative process. This analysis is descriptive in nature and aims to serve as an educational tool for the South African public as well as in the international arena. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie studie is om 'n strukturele analise te maak van die tweede kamer van die Suid-Afrikaanse Parlament, die Nasionale Raad van Provinsies (NRVP). Eerstens fokus die studie op die teoretiese ervaring van tweede kamers in geheel. Dit gaan dan verder om sekere vergelykings te tref tussen die tweede kamers van verkose lande. Die studie beskryf onder andere die samestelling van die tweede kamer in Suid- Afrika, hoe die komiteestelsel gebruik word, asook die vloei van informasie binne die NRVP. Die studie gaan ook verder om die konsep van saamwerkende regering en die konstitusionele magte van die instelling te bespreek asook die metode om afgevaardiges te verkies tot die NRVP. Die studie fokus ook op die verwagte rol van die NRVP binne die nasionale wetgewende proses. Hierdie analise is beskrywend van aard en beoog om te dien as 'n opvoedkundige instrument vir die Suid-Afrikaanse publiek asook binne die internasionale arena.

Thesis (MPA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Aim: To investigate whether Mpumalanga Province's representation in the NCOP can be improved. Problem: The Mpumalanga Provincial Legislature is not performing as expected in the NCOP. The views of Mpumalanga Province are not articulated well in the NCOP. This may be as a result of a lack of research capacity within the Provincial Legislature. The available researchers are not experienced in the political and policy environment. The NCOP meeting cycle or timetable also does not allow enough time for the provinces to adequately prepare for pieces of legislation. There is further little or no interaction between the chairpersons of the Provincial Portfolio Committees and their counterparts in the NCOP. There is poor coordination, planning and communication within the provincial legislature. The Mpumalanga NCOP Liaison Office in Cape Town is not adding value to the information flow from Parliament to the Mpumalanga Provincial Legislature. It is acting as a post box by passing information on without any further research and analysis. The research question is: How to improve the effectiveness of the Mpumalanga representation in the National Council of Provinces? Hypothesis: The role of the Mpumalanga NCOP Liaison Office in Parliament needs to be redefined, and the research capacity of the Mpumalanga Provincial Legislature needs to be enhanced, in order to increase the effectiveness of the representation of Mpumalanga Province in the NCOP. Methodology: The following methods were used in this study; • Face to face interviews with the Chairperson of the NCOP, Ms N Pandor. • A structured questionnaire was sent to the Chief Whip of the NCOP, Mr. E Surty and selected members from the Mpumalanga Provincial Legislature. • Participant observation was used, as the researcher was, at the time of this study, an employee of the Mpumalanga Provincial Legislature stationed at the NCOP. • A literature study was also undertaken. Scope: The study concentrated on the Mpumalanga Provincial Legislature while lessons were drawn from other provinces. There is no universally agreed upon criterion to judge what constitutes organizational effectiveness. Evidence from the literature revealed that in order to improve organizational effectiveness, the Goal Attainment, Systems and Strategic Constituencies Approaches to organizational effectiveness need to be combined. These approaches are not mutually exclusive. The focus of the Goal Attainment Approach is mainly on ends while the Systems Approach concentrates on means to achieve the ends. The Strategic Constituencies Approach seeks to appease those stakeholders, in the environment, with potential to threaten organizational stability. Major Findings: Observation, personal experience and the responses from the informants tended to confirm the hypothesis. This study revealed that the researchers of the Mpumalanga Provincial Legislature were not empowered to deal with legislative matters. Major ConclusionslRecommendations: The most important recommendations are; .:. That Parliament should introduce legislation that will enable Provincial Legislatures to confer authority on their delegations to cast votes uniformly on their behalf in the NCOP . •:. That the brief of the provincial research unit be clearly specified. That a research agenda for each session of Parliament be set. .:. That the role of Regis House staff be expanded to include research, administration and liaison work. .:. That all researchers and senior staff of the organization be re-briefed on the functioning of the Provincial Legislature . •:. That comparative research be conducted on KwaZulu Natal and Western Cape who seemed to produce the best results. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Doelwit: Om ondersoek in te stel of die Mpumalanga Provinsie se verteenwoordiging op die Raad van Provinsies verbeter kan word. Probleem: Die Mpumalanga Wetgewer presteer nie na verwagting in die Nasionale Raad van Provinsies (NRVP) nie. Die sieninge van die Mpumalanga Provinsie word nie goed weergegee in die NRVP nie. Dit mag wees as gevolg van 'n gebrek aan navorsingskapasiteit in die Provinsiale Wetgewer (PW). Die beskikbare navorsers het nie ondervinding in die politieke en beleidsomgewing nie. Die NRVP siklus of tydskedule gee nie genoeg tyd aan provinsies om behoorlik vir wetgewing voor te berei nie. Daar is min of geen interaksie tussen die voorsitters van die Provinsiale Portefeulje Komitees en hul kollegas in die NRVP nie. Daar is ook swak koordinasie, beplanning en kommunikasie in die Provinsiale Wetgewer. Die Mpumalanga NRVP se skakelkantoor in Kaapstad voeg geen waarde toe tot die vloei van inligting van die Parlement na die Mpumalanga Provinsiale Wetgewer nie. Tans dien dit net as 'n posbus, wat inligting deurgee sonder verdere navorsing en analise. Die navorsingsvraag is, hoe kan die verteenwoordiging van die Mpumalanga Provinsie in die NRVP verbeter word? Hipotese: Die rol van die Mpumalanga skakelkantoor in die Parlement moet herdefinieer word en die navorsingskapasiteit van die Provinsiale Wetgewer moet versterk word, om die effektiwiteit van die verteenwoordiging van die Mpumalanga provinsie te verbeter in die NRVP. Metodologie: Die volgende metodes is gebruik in hierdie studie: • Persoonlike onderhoude met die Voorsitter van die NRVP, Me N Pandor. • 'n Gestruktureerde vraelys is gestuur na die Hoofsweep van die NRVP, Mnr E Surty en die teikengroep lede van die Mpumalanga Provinsiale Wetgewer. • Deelnemende waarneming is gebruik, omdat die navorser tydens die studie 'n werknemer van die Mpumalanga Provinsiale Wetgewer was, gestasioneer by die NRVP. • 'n Literatuurstudie is ook onderneem. Omvang: Die studie het gekonsentreer op die Mpumalanga Provinsiale Wetgewer, terwyl lesse geleer is vanaf ander provinsies. Daar is geen universeel ooreengekome kriteria waarop organisasies se effektiwiteit beoordeel kan word nie. Die geraadpleegde literatuur bevestig die hipotese. Die skrywers se gevolgtrekkings toon aan dat die volgende benaderinge tot organisatoriese effektiwiteit gekombineer moet word om 'n organisasie se effektiwiteit te verbeter: die doelwitbereikingsbenadering; sisteem en strategiese kiesafdelingsbenadering. Hierdie benaderings is nie onderling uitsluitend nie. Die fokus van doelwitbereikingsbenadering is hoofsaaklik op resultate terwyl die sisteembenadering konsentreer op maniere om die gevolge te bereik. Die strategiese kiesafdelingsbenadering probeer al die rolspelers met die potensiaal om organisatoriese stabiliteit te bedreig, bevredig,. Hoof Bevindinge: Waarneming, persoonlike ervaring en terugvoering vanaf die respondente het die hipotese deurgaans bevestig. Die studie het getoon dat die navorsers van die Mpumalanga Provinsiale Wetgewer nie wetgewende sake behoorlik kan hanteer nie. Belangrikste Gevolgtrekkings/Aanbevelings: Dit sluit in: ~ Die Parlement moet wetgewing voorlê wat die Provinsiale Wetgewers sal toelaat om hul afgevaardigdes te magtig om hul stemme eenvormig te kan uitbring in die NRVP namens daardie wetgewers. ~ Dat die opdrag van die provinsiale navorsingseenheid duidelik uitgespel word ~ Dat 'n navorsingsagenda bepaal word vir elke sessie van die Parlement ~ Dat die rol van Regis House personeel uitgebrei word om navorsing, administrasie en skakelwerk in te sluit ~ Dat alle navorsers en senior personeel van die organisasie geherorienteer word rakende die werksaamhede van die Provinsiale Wetgewer ~ Dat vergelykende navorsing gedoen word oor KwaZulu Natal en Wes Kaap wat die beste resultate lewer.

The Scots MPs of the eighteenth century have traditionally been portrayed in a negative light. In a century once noted for electoral corruption and the abuses of patronage, they were seen by contemporaries and later writers as among the worst examples of their kind: greedy, self-seeking, unprincipled ‘tools of administration’ whose votes could be bought with the offer of places and pensions. Lewis Namier’s seminal work exposing the cynical approach to politics of MPs generally, sparked a backlash which has produced a more balanced evaluation of English politics. Strangely, although Namier exonerated the Scots MPs from the worst of the charges against them, his less judgmental verdicts are found only sporadically in more recent writing, while the older viewpoint is still repeated by some historians. There is no modern study of the eighteenth-century Scots MPs, a situation which this research proposes to remedy, by examining the group of MPs who represented Scotland at Westminster between 1754 and 1784. It re-assesses the extent to which the original criticisms are merited, but also widens the scope by examining the contribution made by Scotland’s MPs, to British and Scottish political life in the later part of the eighteenth century. A study of the social make-up and the careers of this particular cohort provides the backdrop for the two main themes: the participation of Scots MPs in the legislative process, and their effectiveness as representatives of Scottish interests at Westminster. Existing biographical information has been supplemented by an examination of Parliamentary Papers, debates, and personal correspondence to enable further analysis of attitudes, in particular with regard to politics and political mores. The research explores issues of motivation, asking questions about allegiance, identity, perceptions of government, and how conflicts of interest were resolved, before presenting a conclusion which aims to offer a revised, broader, but more nuanced, assessment of this much-criticised group, based on more recent approaches to interpretation of the period.

Ao lado da liberdade de expressão, a Constituição de 1824 garantiu o direito da sociedade se fazer ouvir pelas autoridades: o Artigo 179, parágrafo 30 estabelece que todo o cidadão poderá apresentar por escrito ao Poder Legislativo e ao Executivo reclamações, queixas, ou petições. A presente dissertação tem por objetivo compreender como este direito constitucional foi utilizado pelos cidadãos brasileiros durante o período em que a ordem monárquica constitucional se consolidava no Brasil. Durante os primeiros anos do Segundo Reinado, diversos grupos comerciantes, médicos, advogados, manufatureiros, autoridades locais, padres, proprietários de terra, votantes, eleitores etc. estabeleceram uma relação direta com a elite política que moldava as instituições do Império. A análise das petições que chegaram à Câmara dos Deputados na década de 1840 e do debate parlamentar que nela se desenvolveu indica que importantes mudanças políticas do período como a reforma eleitoral, a aprovação do Código Comercial, a reforma judiciária foram influenciadas por setores da sociedade brasileira que se organizaram para exercer o direito de petição. Por intermédio da atividade peticionária, governantes e governados se integraram em um diálogo que permeou a resolução de alguns dos mais relevantes assuntos concernentes à realidade brasileira. Este diálogo fez do ideal do regime representativo algo tangível para diversos setores que compunham o pacto político nacional. / Together with the freedom of thought and speech, the Constitution of 1824 provided Brazilian society with the right to be heard by authorities: Article 179, Paragraph 30 states that all citizens will be able to present to the Legislative or the Executive Power written grievances, complaints, or petitions. This dissertation attempts to explore how this constitutional right was used by Brazilian citizens during the time that monarchical order was being consolidated. During the reign of D. Pedro 2nd, many groups, including businessmen, manufacturers, doctors, lawyers, local authorities, priests, landowners, voters, electors, and others, established a direct relation with the political elite responsible for molding the new institutions. The analysis of the petitions sent to the Chamber of Deputies by the 1840s and the parliamentary debate ensued provide an indication that important political changes of that period (i.e., electoral reform, approval of the Commercial Code, judicial reform) were influenced by the participation of certain sections of Brazilian society that were able to organize themselves and successfully use their right of petition. Mediated by such petitionary activity, governors and governed took part in a dialogue that led to the resolution of some of the most important issues concerning Brazilian reality. That dialogue made the ideal of representative government tangible to many groups that formed the prevailing national political landscape.