A tese tem por objeto a articulação político-institucional de mecanismos de controle dos atos ministeriais - os pedidos de informações e solicitações de esclarecimentos e a responsabilidade penal com efeitos políticos dos ministros e secretários de Estado -, durante a Primeira Legislatura (1826-1829), com o objetivo de consolidar o sistema de governo monárquico hereditário constitucional representativo proclamado pela Carta de 1824, de modo a estabelecer limites às amplas atribuições conferidas pelo texto constitucional ao imperador, e tornar seu papel possível e viável, tendo em vista as aspirações dos diversos segmentos econômico-sociais das províncias representados na Assembleia Geral Legislativa. A partir da reflexão sobre a relação existente entre constituição e responsabilidade, na teoria política e nas experiências legislativo-constitucionais inglesa, norte-americana, francesa e portuguesa, de modo a possibilitar a compreensão do significado do conceito de responsabilidade na década de 1820, debruça-se sobre a estratégia articulada pelos membros do Corpo Legislativo, em especial os deputados da oposição, para atingir seus objetivos e as conquistas político-institucionais obtidas no decorrer das quatro primeiras sessões anuais legislativas. Com a presente tese, pretende-se contribuir para a compreensão da forma como estabeleceu na prática político-institucional o diálogo entre os membros dos Poderes Legislativo, Executivo e Moderador, o qual teve no conceito de responsabilidade um de seus principais componentes. / This thesis aims to analyse the political articulation of measures of control over the ministers\' decisions - parliamentary proceedings to obtain informations about ministerials\' decisions, and to promote ministers\' accountability - during the First Legislature (1826-1829) with the aim to consolidate the representative constitutional hereditary monarchy system proclaimed by the Charter of 1824, in order to establish limits to the royal prerrogatives established by the constitutional text and to construct a possible and feasible role to the emperor, in view aspirations of the various economic and social sectors of the provinces represented in the General Assembly. From the reflection on the relationship between constitution and accountability in political theory and in the legal and constitutional experiments made in England, in North America, in France and in Portugal to enable the understanding of the meaning of the concept of responsive and accountable government in the 1820s, this thesis shows how the Chambers\' members - especially the opposition\'s members - had achieved their purposes, as well the political and institutional achievements had accomplished during the four first legislative annual sessions. With this thesis is intended to contribute to the understanding about how has established, in the political and institutional practice, a dialogue between the members of the Legislative, Executive and Moderator Powers to which the concept of responsive and accountable government had a central role.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The introduction of provinces in South Africa since 1994 has not only provided for a new level of decision making but also a change dynamic generated by the integration of different government administrations of the second tier of Government. The original integration problems of the different administrations also extended the inquiry to the importance of greater efficiency and effectiveness of the Provincial level of Government. Since the commencement of provinces many questions have been raised such as; why are provinces unable to provide the requisite services expected of them; why are provinces unable to succeed in implementation of their aims and objectives; should provinces empower rather than serve communities; should the public service be driven by mission statements and success! performance criteria rather than bureaucratic rules; should the provincial government be anticipatory i.e. strategically focused, rather than reactive and crisis management driven. Are provincial governments necessary or can the services be provided more cost effectively by privatisation. All the above questions raises the central inquiry of what structural and systemic changes are necessary to make the provincial administration more effective and efficient in delivery of services and what qualities of leadership will be necessary to enable this to happen. The study covers six chapters. In chapter one the theoretical basis is discussed in the provincial context. Chapter two is an Opportunity! Obstruction analysis of the North West Provinces and reaches the conclusion that transformation will not occur automatically and both structural and systematic changes will be required. Chapter four looks at the corporate rules of the Provincial Administration and by white papers, green papers, policy papers and regulations. Chapter five looks at the way forward. The overwhelming conclusions reached by the study is that: • Transformation would require both structural as well as systemic changes. • Leadership would need to be much more focused to succeed with transformation. • Efficiency would require a complete mindset change by civil servants. Effectiveness would require much greater co-ordination between budgeting and planning interfaced at the centre. Chapter six concludes the study by answering the hypothesis and the questions raised in the introductory chapter. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die instelling van nege provinsies in Suid-Afrika sedert 1994 het nie alleen 'n nuwe vlak van politieke besluitneming geskep nie, maar ook 'n nuwe veranderingsdinamika gegenereer met die integrasie van verskillende staatsadministrasies op die tweede vlak van regering. Die aanvanklike probleme met die integrasie van verskillende administrasies het ook die soeklig laat val op die noodsaaklikheid van groter effektiwiteit en doelmatigheid van die vlak van regering. Sedert die provinsies begin funksioneer het, is baie vrae oor hulle voortbestaan gevra soos byvoorbeeld: waarom slaag die provinsies nie in hulle diensleweringsfunksies nie; waarom kan die provinsies nie hulle doelwitte en doelstellings implementeer nie; moet die provinsies gemeenskappe bemagtig of dien; moet die provinsies burokratiese reels volg of uitsetgedrewe wees; moet provinsiale adrninistrasies strategies-antisiperend in hulle benadering wees of reaktiefadministratief en is provinsiale administrasies enigsinds nodig, of kan die meeste dienste meer koste-effektief geprivatiseer word? Al die bogenoemde vrae het dus die sentrale vraag laat ontstaan oor wat die strukturele en sisterniese veranderings is wat nodig sal wees om 'n provinsiale administrasie in staat te stel om te voldoen aan groter effektiwiteit en dienslewering en watter leierskapskwaliteite daaraan gekoppel kan word. Die studie ontplooi in ses hoofstukke. In hoofstuk een word die teoretiese uitgangspunte en die provinsiale konteks bespreek. Hoofstuk twee bevat 'n geleentheid-bedreigingsanalise van die Noordwes Provinsie en het tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat verandering nie vanselfsprekend sal plaasvind nie en dat daar sisterniese en strukturele intervensies sal moet plaasvind. Hoofstuk drie fokus op die strukturele aspekte wat die gang van die Noordwes Provinsie bepaal soos dit manifesteer in onder andere alle tersaaklike wetgewing, witskrifte, groenskrifte, beleid en regulasies. Hoofstuk vier bied 'n sisterniese analise van die Noordwes Provinsiale bedeling en hoofstuk vyf beskryf die moontlike weg vorentoe. Ten slotte word daar 'n gevolgtrekking in hoofstuk ses aangebied. Die oorwoë gevolgtrekking waartoe die studie kom is dat die mees ideale pad vorentoe vir provinsiale bedelings langs vier weë gesoek moet word t.w.: • Daar moet meer aandag aan transformasie gegee word en dit sal beide strukturele en sisterniese veranderinge behels. • Daar moet baie meer op leierskap gefokus word ten einde die transformasieproses te laat slaag. • Om groter effektiwiteit te bereik sal daar 'n verskuiwing in die ingesteldheid (mindset) van staatsamptenare gemaak moet word. • Ten einde groter doelmatigheid in die Noordwes Provinsie te bereik sal daar baie beter integrasie tussen beplanningsfunksies en begrotingsfunksies moet plaasvind.

On the basis of case studies of 19th and early 20th century Germany, Sweden and the Netherlands, I address the question of how and when incumbent right elites reformed electoral systems under a rising political threat from the left. Some states adopted proportional representation (PR) earlier than others. Why did different states adopt PR at different times? One important factor was the existing electoral system before the adoption of PR. This has been missed in academic research since most scholars have assumed that the electoral system in place before the adoption of PR in most Western European states was single-member plurality (SMP). I show that the system in place prior to PR in most Western European states was not SMP but a two-round system (TRS). TRS effects are still poorly understood by political scientists. I argue that both PR and TRS were used as safeguards by the parties on the right against an electoral threat from the left, which originated from the expansion of suffrage. PR was used as a last resort after other safeguards had been exhausted. I state that in the presence of a strong left threat, countries with TRS could wait longer to implement PR than countries with SMP in place. Under TRS, the adoption of PR was considerably delayed since electoral coordination between parties could be applied more effectively than under SMP systems. This was largely due to the increase of information and time after the first round of TRS elections, which was used by right parties to coordinate votes around the most promising candidate before the second round. First round results under TRS were used as an "electoral opinion poll". Based on these results, the right could react more effectively than the left in order to improve outcomes in round two.

Orientador: Bruno Wilheilm Speck / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T08:20:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Coelho_RonyGleisondaSilva_M.pdf: 5271912 bytes, checksum: 2875209e55dcdd1392a076176af55d9c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: Esta pesquisa trata dos atores, iniciativas e processos envolvidos na concepção de legislação participativa implícita no referencial empírico trabalhado nesta dissertação, a Comissão Permanente de Legislação Participativa da Câmara dos Deputados (CLP). Comissões permanentes são órgãos colegiados, compostos por deputados, integrantes do processo legislativo, que têm por finalidade apreciar os assuntos ou proposições submetidos ao seu exame e sobre eles deliberar. Com efeito, foi atribuída à CLP, como principal competência, a capacidade de i) receber diversos tipos de sugestões legislativas - leia-se, de iniciativas - oriundas de associações civis legalmente constituídas; ii) deliberar sobre as sugestões acatadas, manifestando-se por meio de parecer; iii) encaminhar as sugestões de iniciativas de leis aprovadas para iniciarem a tramitação no processo legislativo. A investigação procurou responder, por um lado, qual a capacidade do mecanismo de incluir iniciativas de lei no processo legislativo. Por outro lado, elaboramos uma discussão, sem pretender uma análise exaustiva, sobre um dos possíveis efeitos do modelo institucional do mecanismo em ter credenciado organizações civis para proporem iniciativas de lei no âmbito federal. Os resultados em relação ao primeiro ponto sinalizam para uma real e alta capacidade de inclusão de iniciativas no processo legislativo. Porém, ao iniciarem a tramitação, essas iniciativas encontram uma série de entraves que escapam à alçada da comissão e que se inserem em um problema maior, da relação entre legislativo e executivo mesmo no que diz respeito à produção legislativa no Congresso. Em relação ao segundo ponto, a discussão levantada sugere que organizações civis estão a exercer função de representação no lócus que, por excelência, é o da representação política tradicional. Ademais, e anterior a essas discussões, intentamos fornecer interpretações analíticas sobre o surgimento de um mecanismo como a CLP no interior do processo legislativo. Para tanto, observou-se, em meio a uma recente onda de reformas institucionais, possíveis processos de abertura das instituições tradicionais mundo afora; além de um contexto nacional de crescente proliferação das chamadas instituições participativas / Abstract: This research deals with the actors, initiatives and processes involved in the concept of participatory legislation implicit in empirical referential used in this dissertation, the Standing Committee of Participatory Legislation the House of Representatives. Standing committees are collegiate bodies, composed of deputies, members of the legislative process, which aim to analyses the issues or proposals submitted for its examination and deliberate on them. Indeed, it was attributed to CLP, as major competence, the ability to i) receive various types of legislative suggestions, in other words, initiatives, deriving from civil associations legally constituted ii) deliberate on the suggestions accepted, manifesting by through sight iii) submit the initiatives of laws suggestions approved to started the conduct in the legislative process. The research sought to answer the one hand, which include the ability of the mechanism of law initiatives in the legislative process. Moreover, we intended discuss, without attempting an exhaustive analysis about the possible effects on a model institutional of mechanism having allowed civil organizations to propose initiatives under federal law. The results from the first topic point to a real and high capacity inclusion initiatives in the legislative process. However, as they start the conduct in the legislative process a great number of obstacles are found, that cannot be misled by CLP and part of a bigger problem, of relationship between the legislative an executive powers even as regards the legislative production in Congress. Regarding the second topic, the raised discussion suggests that civil organizations seem to be exerting the function of representation that locus par excellence is the one of traditional political representation. Moreover, prior to those discussions, we seek analytic interpretations about the emergence of a mechanism like the CLP within the legislative process, noting, amid a recent wave of institutional reforms, opening processes of traditional institutions, worldwide, plus a national context of growing proliferation of so-called participatory institutions / Mestrado / Ciencia Politica / Mestre em Ciência Política

Cette recherche doctorale propose de discuter le concept de représentation politique afin de pouvoir le mobiliser dans l’examen empirique de la dynamique d’institutionnalisation du féminisme au Chili. La thèse défendue est que les organisations féministes institutionnalisées « font » de la représentation politique bien qu’elles n’appartiennent pas à l’espace politique formel défini par les élections et qu’elles ne sont pas impliquées dans une relation d’autorisation et de reddition des comptes avec les personnes qu’elles entendent représenter. Il s’agira donc de combler l’approche conventionnelle de la représentation politique, ancrée dans l’histoire du gouvernement démocratique libéral, et qui ne permet pas de rendre compte d’un pan de la représentation politique :celle qui ne s’articule pas autour des élections et qui est le fait d’acteurs évoluant en dehors de l’espace politique formel. L’étude du cas chilien, selon une démarche de sociologie historique du politique, permettra de tester cette hypothèse. / Doctorat en sciences politiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

South Africa has had a free mandate theory of representation up to 1994. From 1994 to 2002 an imperative theory applied and in 2003 a limited hybrid free mandate was introduced. The origin of parliament, the development of representation as a concept in Public Law and the birth of political parties are studied. It is shown that parliament and representation were natural developments that occurred at the same time, not by grand design, but by chance. It is also shown that political parties appeared first as informal intra-parliamentary groupings that developed into extra-parliamentary organisations, organised to achieve and exercise power in the political system as the franchise became more liberal. The factors that influence a member's mandate and floor-crossing as such are discussed. Finally it is concluded that from a legal historical perspective, a free mandate of representation is the preferred theory of representation in public law. / Jurisprudence / LL.M. (Public Law)

Pareils à nombre de révolutionnaires français, Robespierre et Condorcet souhaitent rompre avec l'Ancien régime en reconnaissant la souveraineté naturelle du peuple et les droits naturels des hommes. Cependant, en démocrates assumés et conséquents, ils se singularisent en présentant la nécessité du gouvernement représentatif comme une étape provisoire de la réalisation libre et heureuse des hommes et non comme une fin. Convaincus d’une nature humaine perfectible, habilitant l’homme à un devenir libre et heureux, les deux révolutionnaires sont conduits à promouvoir, l’idée d’un droit perfectible et celle d’une constitution transitoire capable d’articuler souveraineté du peuple et gouvernement à la naturalisation progressive des institutions et des hommes. Les progrès de l’autoconstitution du peuple souverain, appuyés par ses représentants provisoires, engagent les conditions d’une autonomisation de la société et ouvrent la voie à celle de l’individu en réconciliant l’État et la société. / Like many French revolutionaries, Robespierre and Condorcet wish to break with the Ancien Régime (Old Regime) by acknowledging the natural sovereignty of the people and the natural rights of men. However, as asserted and consistent democrats, they stand out by presenting the need of a representative government, not as an end, but as a provisional step to men’s achievement of freedom and happiness. Convinced of a perfectible human nature, empowering man to become free and happy, the two revolutionaries are led to promote the idea of a perfectible right and a transitional constitution which can connect sovereignty of the people and government to progressive naturalization of institutions and men. The progress in self-constitution of popular sovereignty, supported by its temporary representatives, sets the conditions of society’s empowerment and paves the way to that of the individual by reconciling the State and the society.

South Africa has had a free mandate theory of representation up to 1994. From 1994 to 2002 an imperative theory applied and in 2003 a limited hybrid free mandate was introduced. The origin of parliament, the development of representation as a concept in Public Law and the birth of political parties are studied. It is shown that parliament and representation were natural developments that occurred at the same time, not by grand design, but by chance. It is also shown that political parties appeared first as informal intra-parliamentary groupings that developed into extra-parliamentary organisations, organised to achieve and exercise power in the political system as the franchise became more liberal. The factors that influence a member's mandate and floor-crossing as such are discussed. Finally it is concluded that from a legal historical perspective, a free mandate of representation is the preferred theory of representation in public law. / Jurisprudence / LL.M. (Public Law)

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:33:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Andre Norberto Carbone de Carvalho.pdf: 1111622 bytes, checksum: 579a2500023600cdd506783797783afe (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-08-09 / This thesis makes an analysis of the democracy practiced by political parties in Brazil, especially regarding their evolution from the 1988‟s Constitution. The study begins covering the different kinds of state‟s power organization, justifying the origin of democracy. After that, it discusses the beginning of representative government and the reasons for the birth of representative democracy and the democracy through political parties. As a result, this dissertation studies the modern political parties, especially its history, role and legal treatment, culminating with a brief historical analysis of those associations in Brazil. Finally, the work makes a thorough assessment of democracy through political parties in Brazil‟s current political framework. There are, at least, three assumptions that must be observed for the model‟s success: only political parties must present candidates; there must be political party loyalty; and we should have intra-party democracy. It took so long before political parties detain the exclusive prerogative of present candidates, that helped consolidate in Brazilians‟ popular culture the so called personal vote , where voters does not care about political parties, following charismatic leaders, regardless of their political party link. For a long time, candidates have become true masters of their term, which allows them to migrate from one political party to another, without any consequences, disturbing the democracy through political parties. Therefore, the absence of intra-party democracy has contributed to a paradox: the existence of an oligarchy inside the Brazilian‟s democracy. The political party leaders, perpetuated in power, impose, top-down, his favorite names to internal and external elections, not allowing sufficient space for debates, distorting the institution of political representation. The Tribunal Superior Eleitoral Act nº 22.610/2007, which governs the procedure of term loss due to disloyalty to a political party, represented a significant step forward to insure democracy through political parties; however, a number of small issues still wait for resolution, which delays the full implementation of the political party loyalty in Brazil. The intra-party democracy, on the other hand, must be thoroughly regulated by the law. Only after that, we will be able to discuss, with high probability of effectiveness, one policy reform that has as its objective reduce any existent gap between the voter‟s will and the elected one. / A presente dissertação faz uma análise da democracia pelos partidos praticada no Brasil, especialmente quanto à evolução da figura da agremiação partidária a partir da Constituição Federal de 1988. O estudo inicia seu caminho abordando o surgimento e as diferentes maneiras de organização e funcionamento do poder estatal, justificando a explanação sobre a concepção e a origem da democracia. Ato contínuo, trata do surgimento do governo representativo e do respectivo modelo de exercício do poder político, além das razões do nascimento da democracia representativa e das justificativas para a adoção de uma democracia pelos partidos. Na sequência, a dissertação estuda os partidos políticos modernos, especialmente sua trajetória, função e tratamento legal, culminado com a análise de um breve histórico das agremiações no Brasil. Por fim, o trabalho efetua uma avaliação minuciosa da democracia pelos partidos no atual quadro político pátrio, examinando, à luz da realidade, ao menos três pressupostos que devem ser observados para o sucesso do modelo: a reserva do monopólio das candidaturas aos partidos políticos, a fidelidade partidária e a democracia intrapartidária. Conclui-se que os atrasos na adoção do monopólio das candidaturas e da fidelidade partidária contribuíram para consolidar, na cultura popular brasileira, o modelo de atribuição do voto na figura pessoal do candidato, fomentado, também, pela tradição do mandato representativo. Durante muito tempo, os candidatos tornaram-se verdadeiros donos dos mandatos, podendo migrar de uma agremiação a outra sem qualquer consequência, desnaturando o instituto da democracia pelos partidos. Já a ausência de democracia intrapartidária contribuiu para um paradoxo: fomentou a existência de uma oligarquia dentro de uma democracia, já que, no seio dos partidos políticos, os dirigentes partidários, perpetuados no poder, impõem, de cima para baixo, nomes de sua preferência aos cargos internos e eletivos, não permitindo que haja espaço para questionamentos, viciando a vontade popular e desvirtuando o instituto da representação política. A edição da Resolução do Tribunal Superior Eleitoral n° 22.610/2007, que disciplinou o processo de perda de cargo eletivo nos casos de infidelidade partidária, representou um avanço significativo para a democracia pelos partidos, porém, questões que decorrem da Resolução ainda estão sendo solucionadas, o que contribui para a demora na plena efetivação da fidelidade partidária. Quanto à democracia intrapartidária, torna-se vital a edição de normas que tenham como escopo assegurar o funcionamento democrático dos partidos, para que a vontade popular, quando do exercício do voto, não esteja maculada na origem. Dessa forma, presentes tais sustentáculos, teremos condições de discutir, com alta probabilidade de eficácia, uma reforma política que tenha por intuito diminuir eventual distância existente entre a vontade do eleitor e a do eleito.

Au lendemain de la Première Guerre Mondiale, les travaux de révision de la Constitution de 1919-1921 s’ouvrent sur des promesses substantielles de démocratisation du gouvernement représentatif hérité de 1831. Que deviennent ces promesses par la suite ?En privilégiant une approche interdisciplinaire, nous analysons l’évolution du droit positif belge qui régit la participation politique des citoyens et le lien entre électeurs et élus de 1831 à nos jours. Au terme de notre recherche, nous montrons que le constat posé par Bernard Manin dans son ouvrage Principes du gouvernement représentatif, selon lequel «la démocratie s’est assurément étendue, mais il est au mieux incertain qu’elle se soit approfondie » ,se vérifie dans le cas de la Belgique. Celle-ci a assurément augmenté le nombre de bénéficiaires de la participation politique mais, pour une large part, elle semble avoir perdu de vue l’approfondissement du contenu de celle-ci. A partir de 1919-1921, s’impose peu à peu la conviction selon laquelle la Belgique aurait basculé dans la démocratie grâce à l’universalisation du droit de vote. La face démocratique solaire du suffrage universel (masculin) tend à plonger dans l’ombre l’héritage aristocratique hérité de 1831. Nous montrerons que, pourtant, les attentes et les promesses de démocratisation formulées à cette date étaient plus substantielles que l’abolition du suffrage censitaire. Par la suite, sous l’influence du scénario selon lequel la Belgique aurait une fois pour toutes basculé dans la démocratie depuis l’universalisation du suffrage, les promesses de démocratisation semblent tomber dans l’oubli: l’approfondissement de la démocratisation n’est plus à l’ordre du jour et certains acquis démocratiques hérités des temps passés font l’objet d’inattentions. <p> / Doctorat en Sciences juridiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished