La sagesse politique est de faire vivre un gouvernement libre, et une puissance armée. Etude portant sur l'organisation de la force armée dans la pensée constitutionnelle, et son action dans la pensée politique depuis l'an III (1795) à 1962, sur une période de 167 ans, sa déclinaison dans l'iconographie politique, à l'aune de la politique, portant sur les dix régimes politiques- souverains et républicains - au travers des guerres et évènements sociétaux. La conclusion rappelle l'obéissance des armées au pouvoir civil pour la période considérée, une interaction du politique et des armées et ouvre une perspective nouvelle, dans la relation politique-armées, exposant un aperçu sur les grandes puissances économiques, dans leurs rapports politique-armées. / Political wisdom is to live a free government, and military power. Study on the organization of armed force in the constitutional thought, and action in political thought since the year III (1795) to 1962, over 167 years, its variation in the political iconography to yardstick of politics, on the ten-political sovereign and republican regimes - through wars and societal events. The conclusion reminds the obedience of armies of the civil power for the period, an interaction of political and armed and opens a new perspective in the political-military relationship, exposing an overview of the major economic powers in their relations policy-armies.

Over the course of the last few years, a new movement has taken the American political system by storm, the Tea Party. The movement has not only captivated our media but also the minds of ordinary Americans and political elites. According to popular consensus and academic opinion, the Tea Party is comprised of a group of conservative-leaning Republicans who want a smaller government and a lesser tax burden. This is what we think of the Tea Party, but is it true? It is perceived that Tea Party members differ significantly from their Republican colleagues in the House of Representatives, but do they? Do they truly represent the Tea Party philosophy and agenda? By creating an original data set on the Republican members of the United States House of Representatives, and examining variables such as the political lean, economic and employment make-up of a member's district, their endorsements and incumbency, as well as high priority legislative votes from the 112th Congress, I will be able to investigate the characteristics and tendencies of Tea Party Caucus members. Once one looks at the 242 member House Republican Caucus and further examines the sixty members of the Tea Party Caucus, the data shows that Tea Party Caucus members largely originate from safe Republican districts and have served in previous congressional terms. Analysis shows that Tea Party Caucus members do vary significantly from their House Republican colleagues when examining their districts, but do not vary as considerably when examining their voting patterns.

Sexual assault in the military is a large concern for the Department of Defense. They recognize it as an important and complex problem that needs to be addressed. In recent years, efforts have been initiated in order to improve the handling of sexual assault cases and data retention. An entirely new program has been created in order to address these cases. Focusing on the occurrence of same-sex assaults heightens the sensitivity of matters. This is due to the precarious and only very recent acceptance of homosexuals in the military. In the past, service members, homosexual or otherwise, may have been concerned with having any connection to homosexual acts. This is because such acts could result in removal from the military. However, in 2011 the “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” Repeal Act went into effect. This act allowed for the open service of homosexuals in the military. Around this same time period, reports from the Department of Defense indicated a rise in the number of sexual assault reports. This thesis analyzes the affect that policies from the Department of Defense and legislation such as the “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” Repeal Act have on reports of same-sex sexual assault in the military. Through research, this thesis finds that the enactments of various policies have had a measurable impact on treatment of same-sex sexual assault reports in the military, though not necessarily in the way certain media reports might suggest. This thesis also examines the history concerning homosexual service in the military, in order to provide a picture of the national attitudes towards homosexual service in the military, and why certain groups may blame the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender for this rise in reports.

This doctoral thesis deals with Panola County, a rural county in northwestern Mississippi. This historical-comparative study provides insight into the various social, economic, and political factors which have effected the development and diversity of education and schools in its two distinct school systems existing above and below the county's Tallahatchie River. Books, interviews, letters, newspapers, school records, state documents, United States census reports, the Mississippi Official and Statistical Register, Biennial Reports, school financial reports, school board minutes, and other local, state, and federal sources were scrutinized to determine these changes within the county. Based on an analysis of the information, starting in the 1830s, both sections of the county became resentful over a battle regarding the site of the county's seat and courthouse. Because of this dispute, resentment and bitterness developed between residents north and south of the river which resulted in producing diverse educational methodology, school growth, curricula, and school advertising. Because of the isolationism of the north portion of the county, residents refused, or were unable, to attract new industry which would increase their tax base to support the schools. During racial integration in the late 1960s the county's southern school district was provided the opportunity to co-operate with federal officials, black and white civic leaders, and community residents to form a more progressive school system. South Panola, like North Panola, initially did not desire integration, but by 1970 knew co-operation between all parties involved was necessary, and this decision aided the southern district in obtaining additional federal funding to make it one of the best school districts in the state. White residents in North Panola, refused to form a co-operative scheme between blacks, whites, and the federal government and chose instead to support the creation of private schools, further causing an environment leading to poor educational leadership, corruption, and the near disintegration of the school district by the 1990s / Educational Studies / D.Ed. (History of Education)

This doctoral thesis deals with Panola County, a rural county in northwestern Mississippi. This historical-comparative study provides insight into the various social, economic, and political factors which have effected the development and diversity of education and schools in its two distinct school systems existing above and below the county's Tallahatchie River. Books, interviews, letters, newspapers, school records, state documents, United States census reports, the Mississippi Official and Statistical Register, Biennial Reports, school financial reports, school board minutes, and other local, state, and federal sources were scrutinized to determine these changes within the county. Based on an analysis of the information, starting in the 1830s, both sections of the county became resentful over a battle regarding the site of the county's seat and courthouse. Because of this dispute, resentment and bitterness developed between residents north and south of the river which resulted in producing diverse educational methodology, school growth, curricula, and school advertising. Because of the isolationism of the north portion of the county, residents refused, or were unable, to attract new industry which would increase their tax base to support the schools. During racial integration in the late 1960s the county's southern school district was provided the opportunity to co-operate with federal officials, black and white civic leaders, and community residents to form a more progressive school system. South Panola, like North Panola, initially did not desire integration, but by 1970 knew co-operation between all parties involved was necessary, and this decision aided the southern district in obtaining additional federal funding to make it one of the best school districts in the state. White residents in North Panola, refused to form a co-operative scheme between blacks, whites, and the federal government and chose instead to support the creation of private schools, further causing an environment leading to poor educational leadership, corruption, and the near disintegration of the school district by the 1990s / Educational Studies / D.Ed. (History of Education)

La présente étude examine comment les organisations de lutte pour les droits civiques que sont la Rainbow Push Coalition, la NAACP et la National Urban League ont contribué à l’élection du 44e président des États-Unis, Barack Obama. Elle établit dans un premier temps comment la participation du Révérend Jesse Jackson aux élections de 1984 et 1988 a contribué à l’émergence du processus démocratique à l’origine de l’élection de Barack Obama, premier président américain issu de la communauté africaine américaine. Dans un second temps, elle met en évidence comment l’action transformative du mouvement des droits civiques ayant conduit à la promulgation du Voting Rights Act de 1965 par le président Lyndon B. Johnson, sous l’impulsion du Dr Martin Luther King, mais aussi de Roy Wilkins et Whitney Young contribua à l’élection de Barack Obama en 2008. En analysant la participation de Jesse Jackson aux élections présidentielles américaines, notre objectif est de montrer comment il est parvenu à faire changer les règles de nomination des candidats issus des minorités au sein du parti démocrate. Elle a permis de montrer comment Obama en fut le bénéficiaire en devenant d’abord le nominé du parti démocrate, puis le président des États-Unis. D’où notre analyse du processus électoral de 2008. L’étude fait ainsi un tour d’horizon des désaccords qui ont surgi lors de l’élection présidentielle de 2008, entre Hillary Clinton et Barack Obama d’une part, puis entre ce dernier et John McCain d’autre part. Elle examine, par ailleurs, dans une perspective sociologique, les conflits qui se sont succédés au sein de la communauté africaine américaine, notamment entre certains dirigeants africains américains et Obama avant et pendant l’élection présidentielle de 2008, relatifs aux valeurs familiales, à l’incident racial des “Six de Jena” ou encore à la participation de Barack Obama à l’élection présidentielle. La question relative à la notion d’une Amérique post-raciale qui se présenta suite à l’élection d’Obama sera également abordée. Elle démontre comment son élection n’a malheureusement pas pu changer les mentalités des Américains au sujet de la question raciale de manière radicale et combien le racisme demeure une question fondamentale, majeure aux États-Unis au 21e siècle. Enfin, l’étude examine la collaboration post-électorale entre les organisations de lutte pour les droits civiques et l’administration Obama. / This dissertation discusses how Black Civil Rights Organizations such as the NAACP, the National Urban League and the Rainbow Push Coalition paved the way for the election of the 44th US President, Barack Obama. It specifically establishes a direct link connecting the 1965 Voting Rights Act victory won under the leadership of Dr Martin Luther King, Roy Wilkins, and Whitney Young along with the Reverend Jesse Jackson’s 1984 and 1988 presidential bids, showing from a historical approach how the Civil Rights Movement contributed to the election of the first African-American US President. By examining Reverend Jesse Jackson’s two presidential bids, this dissertation aims at demonstrating how he made it easier and more accessible for Barack Obama to become the Democratic Party nominee ultimately elected to the US Presidency. The dissertation further examines the electoral process through which Obama ascended to the Land’s Highest Office. In that regard, it revisits crucial hostilities that occurred during the 2008 presidential election within the Democratic Party between Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama. By the same token, it looks back on upheavals that broke out between Obama and Senator John McCain during the general election. The dissertation discusses from a sociological viewpoint disputes over leadership within the black community among African-American leaders and Barack Obama prior to, and during the 2008 presidential election. These clashes were notably related to family values, Obama’s 2008 presidential bid, and the Jena Six racial incident. This dissertation, further, addresses issues of America being a post-racial nation pointing out how the election of the first African-American President failed in fundamentally shifting Americans’ view on race relations and how racism is still a relevant issue in twenty-first century America while examining from another standpoint the relationship between the Obama Administration and the aforementioned Black Civil Rights Organizations